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A Review of Sen McGlinn's Article on TheocracySusan Stiles ManeckSen McGlinn's article "Theocratic Assumptions in Bah' Literature" argues that,
 contrary to the belief commonly held by Bah's and reflected in secondary
 literature to the effect that our Teachings support the eventual establishment ofa theocratic government, a close examination of the scriptures would lend supportfor the Western notion of a separation of church and state. The article singlesout for criticism the writings of certain Bah' authors such as John Hatcher and
 Loni Bramson but for the most part Mr. McGlinn sets up what he himself calls a'straw man' to argue the normative theocratic position which he then proceeds tocritique.In McGlinn's survey of the Bah' scriptures he includes the Writings of
 Bah'u'llh such as the passages wherein He makes the distinction between the
 spiritual and worldly sovereignty and enjoins obedience to government yet heleaves out key passages wherein Bah'u'llh states that the "All matters of State
 should be referred to the House of Justice."McGlinn's discussion of 'Abdu'l-Bah's Writings focuses on the Risaliy-i
 Siyasiyyah, The Secret of Divine Civilization and A Traveler's Narrative, textswhere 'Abdu'l-Bah decries 'ulama interference in matters of state as evidence
 that 'Abdu'l-Bah supported the separation of church and state. He omits in
 Abdu'l-Bah's explicit references to the Universal House of Justice enacting
 secular law [qanun] and civil law [akham-i madaniyyih.]2In his discussion of Shoghi Effendi's writings, McGlinn begins by pointing out theinstances where the Guardian applauded the growth of secularization in the MiddleEast apparently believing this had more to do with the Guardian's supposed beliefin separate spheres of religion and state rather than because it decreased thepower of a clergy which was persecuting the Bah' community. He also points out a
 key passage where the Guardian states that Bah's in establishing their
 administrative institutions have no intention of violating the constitution of anygovernment, much less of taking it over.3 McGlinn goes so far as to argue thatShoghi Effendi's selection of scriptures to translate in the years 1932-1939 wereaimed at teaching the Bah's that their religious institutions were not never to
 assume the reins of temporal government. If so it seems rather strange that hewould have had his secretaries write letters such as these:Eventually, however, as you have rightly conceived it, the Movement will, as soonas it is fully developed and recognized, embrace both religious and politicalissues. In fact Bah'u'llh clearly states that affairs of state as well as
 religious questions are to be referred to the House of Justice into which theAssemblies of the Bah's will eventually evolve.4
And:The Bah's will be called upon to assume the reins of government when they will
 come to constitute the majority of the population in a given country, and eventhen their participation in political affairs is bound to be limited in scopeunless they obtain a similar majority in some other countries as well.5In his treatment of The World Order of Bah'u'llh, McGlinn argues that when
 Shoghi Effendi predicted the establishment of a Bah' State he was merely
 speaking of the time when the Bah' Faith would become the state religions much
 as is the case in countries such as England. It did not mean that Bah'
 Institutions would take over any of the functions of government. McGlinn evensuggests that Bah'u'llh's own praise for that government included praise for
 their church/state relations. Given the fact that Bah' u'llah only praises the
 British for combining kingship and consultation, this seems highly speculative.McGlinn insists that when Shoghi Effendi used the term Bah' Commonwealth he
 meant nothing more than the Bah' religious community [`umm]. McGlinn points out
 that Edward Gibbon used the term 'Christian Commonwealth' to refer to the
 
Christian community prior to Constantine. There are two problems with thisargument. Gibbon uses the term only once in his mammoth work and then only topoint out the ways in which the church replicated many of the functions ofgovernment as the Roman Empire was declining.6 Second, Shoghi Effendi never usesthe term 'Bah' Commonwealth' to refer to the Bah' community of the past or the
 present, but only for a future state of affairs. Had it referred merely to theBah' community in general he would have surely used it in those contexts.
McGlinn accounts for the prevalence of Bah' belief in theocracy by arguing that
 it is rooted in tampered version of talks given by 'Abdu'l-Bah in Promulgation of
 Universal Peace and Paris Talks, texts which he insists constitute nothing morethan pilgrim's notes upon which no rigorous scholar would rely. Yet strangely, hetries to account for the theocratic ideas of the Western Bah's by reference to a
 single set of notes from Kheiralla's lessons. If Mr. McGlinn wishes to utilizeoral reports to explain concepts of theocracy as they appear in the Bah'
 community would not it have made more sense to examine all of the numerouspilgrim's notes derived from the time of Shoghi Effendi most of which stronglyreflect the theocratic ideas which McGlinn rejects? On the one hand McGlinninsists that "we know what Kheirella taught' on the basis of this single set ofnotes while on the other he either ignores or discredits the numerous oral talksof both 'Abdu' l-Bah and the Guardian! While McGlinn is correct that oral reports
 cannot be used to determine Bah' doctrine or practice, from a historical
 standpoint such reports cannot be discarded either.McGlinn strangely refers to the Guardian's writings as 'scriptural sources'although this is not generally done in the Bah' community, going so far as to
 insert in quotation marks as passage saying that the Guardians interpretations"become part of the sacred text and cannot be changed," leaving the reader withthe false impression that this passage is from an authoritative source. Yet nosource whatsoever is offered for this quotation. McGlinn omits any mention ofletters written on the Guardian's behalf as well as the elucidations given by theUniversal House of Justice.The problems associated with these omissions can be seen in his rejection of anynotion of a progressive unfoldment of the Bah' World Order, something he
 derisively refers to as "dispensationalism."7 McGlinn instead argues for a muchmore frozen conception of the Bah' Writings wherein the political institutions
 mentioned in the Writings must continue to exists. Letters written on behalf ofthe Guardian indicate that precisely the opposite is the case."As regards the International Executive referred to by the Guardian in his 'Goalof a New World Order' it should be noted that this statement refers by no means tothe Bah' Commonwealth of the future, but simply to that world government which
 will herald the advent and lead to the final establishment of the World Order ofBah'u'llh. The formation of this International Executive, which corresponds to
 the executive head or board in present-day national governments, is but a stepleading to the Bah' world government of the future, and hence should not be
 identified with either the institution of the Guardianship or that of theInternational House of Justice."8We also have this letter written on the Guardian's behalf which is in directcontradiction to McGlinn's thesis that Bah' and governmental institutions cannot
 be merged:The Universal Court of Arbitration and the International Tribunal are the same.When the Bah' State will be established they will be merged in the Universal
 House of Justice.9The most serious omission of sources in this article is the April 27, 1995 letteron the subject of the separation of church and state addressed to Sen McGlinnhimself. That letter, which is several pages in length refutes the very positionswhich McGlinn takes in this article and appears to support the evolutionaryapproach to resolving apparent contradictions which appear in the texts. Thequestion then arises as to why McGlinn ignores this key authoritative source. Themost obvious reason is that he did not like this letter very much as demonstrated
 
by these comments he made regarding it made on the Bah' Studies email list:
I don't think the letter shows the House in a very good light, and those who wishthe UHJ well should allow the letter to sink into the archives of the forgotten.10And also:Feel free to bring up any of the arguments and facts in that letter, as your own,and I will as cheerfully knock them down, but let's leave the UHJ out.11Sen McGlinn appears to do precisely that when he presents the gist of the House'sarguments (minus the evidence and sources used to substantiate their case) in theform of his anonymous straw-man. It would appear that McGlinn does not regard theHouse of Justice's statements on this issue authoritative. In stressing theimmutability of scripture, and in confining his sources to only those texts whichare written by Bah'u'llh, 'Abdu' l-Bah or Shoghi Effendi directly, McGlinn
 implies that other authoritative sources such as letters written on behalf of theGuardian or elucidations from the House of Justice cannot overrule it. As astatement of principle this is true, but beside the point. The manner in which itis used in practice in this article implies that such sources cannot be used tooverrule the author's own personal understanding of those writings. Yet it isquite clear that the Guardian regarded it as within the purview of the function ofthe Universal House of Justice to determine what is the proper relationshipbetween the Bah' and political institutions:
"And as we make an effort to demonstrate that love to the world may we also clearour minds of any lingering trace of unhappy misunderstandings that might obscureour clear conception of the exact purpose and methods of this new world order, sochallenging and complex, yet so consummate and wise. We are called upon by ourbeloved Master in His Will and Testament not only to adopt it unreservedly, but tounveil its merit to all the world. To attempt to estimate its full value, andgrasp its exact significance after so short a time since its inception would bepremature and presumptuous on our part. We must trust to time, and the guidance ofGod's Universal House of Justice, to obtain a clearer and fuller understanding ofits provisions and implications."12And elsewhere:"Touching the point raised in the Secretary's letter regarding the nature andscope of the Universal Court of Arbitration, this and other similar matters willhave to be explained and elucidated by the Universal House of Justice, to which,according to the Master's explicit instructions, all important and fundamentalquestions must be referred."13Whatever ones personal feelings regarding the House's position on the issue of theproper relationship between religion in state, it is clear from the above that nodiscussion of the Bah' Teachings on this matter is complete without reference to
 the elucidations of the Universal House of Justice.Having said all this, I think that in some sense the Bah' Teachings do call for
 the separation of religious and secular government. But this distinction can onlybe understood if we cease to frame the question in terms of Western debates onquestion of the 'separation of church and state.'The hidden assumption in all the discussions which have taken place thus far onhis issue is that Bah' administrative institutions are analogous to the
 Christian church and that references to government in the Bah' writings refer to
 executive, legislative and judicial functions found in Western society. I wouldchallenge that assumption. For the most part the Bah' Writings were not written
 in a context of Western institutions of church and state. They were written in thecontext of the religious and political institutions as they existed in the MiddleEast, both in theory and in practice, and in the context of changes which theCentral Figures wished to make in this arrangement. In the Islamic world thereligious sphere is not dominated by a institutional church, but rather by a classof clerics known as the 'ulama or the learned. Law was seen as something divinelyrevealed and interpreted by the 'ulama. Laws issued by rulers themselves wereconsidered less than legitimate. The 'ulama then, had (or claimed) a virtualmonopoly over both legislative and judicial functions, leaving to the rulers only
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