• Embed Doc
  • Readcast
  • Collections
  • CommentGo Back
Download
 
Revenge of the Aesthetic
The Place of Literature in Theory Today 
Edited by
Michael P. Clark
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS
Berkeley Los Angeles London
2000
9. What Is Literary Anthropology?The Difference between Explanatoryand Exploratory Fictions
Wolfgang Iser
What is literary anthropology? Before even attempting to answer such a question, one needsto focus on the aims and methods of anthropology itself. As long as the process of hominization constitutes its objective, the evaluation of fossils is of paramount concern. Thesefactual remains call for inferences, and these inferences have always been theory-laden, withevolution being the dominant explanatory model in modern times.Theoretical implications were always a subconscious undercurrent in anthropology,though for a long time they did not attract any particular attention, since they were taken forfacts, or even realities, not very different in quality from those that can be observed.Evolution, however, does not present itself to observation, and equally ungraspable—inevitably, in the evolutionary context—is the origin of humankind, which has given rise to allkinds of theories. But although anthropology has been a theory-laden enterprise right from itsinception, a critical inspection of the explanatory procedures employed is only of recentvintage.The methodological scrutiny to which Darwinian anthropology has been subjected hasresulted—according to different standpoints—in a departmentalization of what had onceseemed self-contained. We still have ethnography, which is basically what the practitioners of anthropology are concerned with, but we now also have philosophical, social, cultural, andhistorical anthropology, distinguished by their respective objectives and by theirmethodological presuppositions. Even ethnography has changed its focus, no longer dwellingexclusively on origins of hominization, but also and especially on what happened after thehominids had launched themselves. Clifford Geertz made it his overriding concern tounderstand "what ethnography is, or more exactly
what doing ethnography is,
"
[1]
which heidentified as a study of human culture becoming self-reflexive.158Consequently, "doing ethnography" is basically a two-tiered undertaking: it makes culture theprime focus of anthropology, and simultaneously initiates a self-monitoring of all theoperations involved in this study. Why should culture be so central? Because, as Geertzmaintains, it is not something "added on, so to speak, to a finished or virtually finishedanimal," but is "ingredient, and centrally ingredient, in the production of the animal itself,"which leads him to the conclusion that "[w]ithout men, no culture, certainly; but equally, andmore significantly, without culture, no men."
This is a common view, shared by a great many influential anthropologists today,irrespective of whether they regard the production of culture as a reparation undertaken by a"creature of deficiency," as Arnold Gehlen has it, or as a result of the cortex expanding owingto the erect posture of humans, as André Leroi-Gourhan suggests, or as arising out of resentment to be coped with when humans find themselves displaced from center to
 
periphery, as Eric Gans so cogently argues.
Whichever explanatory hypothesis one might beinclined to favor, all of them are unanimous in conceiving of culture as the capstone to the riseof humankind. Furthermore, these divergent approaches share a common perspective. Theyview culture as a response to challenges, and the response as a revelation of what humansare. This double-sidedness of culture, as a product and as a record of human manifestations,has repercussions on humans themselves, insofar as they are molded by what they haveexternalized. As Geertz puts it, "men," in the final analysis, "every last one of them, arecultural artifacts."
[4]
What remains noteworthy in these various theories of culture advanced byanthropologists is the fact that almost all of them end up by discussing the role of the arts inthe setup of culture. Sometimes one gets the impression that the prominence accorded to thearts brings a hidden teleology out into the open. And even when they do not figure as theepitome of culture, artistic elements nevertheless emerge as important concomitant featuresright from the observable beginnings of humankind, providing indispensable "support" for theeffort to meet challenges. According to Leroi-Gourhan, the tool as the externalization of thehuman hand was early on studded with ornaments, indicating a "style, which is a matter of ethnic figurative value," and which accompanies "the mechanical function and the materialsolutions to the problem of functional approximation." Without such figurativerepresentations, the balance of the various aspects of toolmaking would be disturbed, puttingthe very use of the tool into jeopardy.
The figural clothing of the mechanical functionsymbolizes a relatedness to that use, and without it the tool may not be "forged" into itsoperable form. Thus ornamentation represents the way in which the producer relates to theproduct, indicating that it has been made. Whether the arts in general are considered theapex of culture or whether a functional aesthetics appears indispensable to humankind'sexternalization of its capabilities, the159arts embody an ineluctable component of culture. And as culture has become—albeit onlyrecently—the central concern of anthropology, literature as an integral feature of culture isbound to have an anthropological dimension of its own.Unfolding such a dimension entails a glance at the methodological problems that have tobe faced in "doing ethnography," not least because literary anthropology gains salience whenviewed as part of a constellation of more general anthropological concerns. If culture is theoutgrowth of the unfinished animal, how is one to conceptualize such a continually changingperformative activity? The latter does not seem to be any sort of entity, and thus eludesdefinition, for it cannot be identified with any of its ingredients. Geertz writes:
One [way] is to imagine that culture is a self-contained "superorganic" reality with forces and purposes of itsown; that is, to reify it. Another is to claim that it consists in the brute pattern of behavioral events weobserve in fact to occur in some identifiable community or other; that is, to reduce it. But though both theseconfusions still exist, and doubtless will be always with us, the main source of theoretical muddlement incontemporary anthropology is a view which developed in reaction to them and is right now very widely held—namely, that, to quote Ward Goodenough, perhaps its leading proponent, "culture [is located] in the mindsand hearts of men."
[6]
Consequently, all umbrella concepts for defining culture have to be discarded, because allof them furnish, in Geertz's terms, nothing but "thin description."
These generalizingconcepts, however, are to a large extent still the tools of the trade, in spite of the fact that"evolution" is no longer taken as a blanket explanation of everything that happens in thereciprocal interaction between humans and the culture they keep producing.The methodological predicament of anthropology, however, consists of a virtuallyinsoluble problem. On the one hand the ethnographical approach—based on field work—has todraw controlled inferences, either from the fossils found or the observations made, in order toestablish a fact, as evinced by Leroi-Gourhan's reference to "the concept of tools…being a ‘secretion’ of the anthropoid's body and brain."
[8]
On the other hand, such generalizations areindispensable to the filling of gaps even if there is no evidence for their validity. The plausiblesuggestion that the tool is an externalization of what the human hand is able to performimplies a great many presupposed combinations relating to the way in which muscular poweris translated into the functioning of the tool, and the way in which hand and brain mustinterconnect in order to produce the desired effect. Although there is no tangible evidence forthese generalizations, which are necessary to make the fossils speak, there is also no reasonto dispute such conclusions, since they appear to be perfectly acceptable.160But what is acceptable as an explanatory concept is not yet the reality for which many
 
successful explanations are so frequently taken. Whenever such a concept is taken for reality,the result is reification, which makes self-monitoring of these explanatory activities all themore pertinent, so that their basically heuristic character will never be eclipsed. Such anawareness is bound to qualify the methodological guidelines of anthropological research asfictions by nature. Geertz fully acknowledges this when he assesses his own methodologicalframework called "thick description":
In short, anthropological writings are themselves interpretations, and second and third order ones to boot.(By definition, only a "native" makes first order ones: it's
his
culture.) They are, thus, fictions; fictions, in thesense that they are "something made," "something fashioned"—the original meaning of 
fictiō
—not that theyare false, unfactual, or merely "as if" thought experiments. To construct actor-oriented descriptions of theinvolvements of a Berber chieftain, a Jewish merchant, and a French soldier with one another in 1912Morocco is clearly an imaginative act, not all that different from constructing similar descriptions of, say, theinvolvements with one another of a provincial French doctor, his silly, adulterous wife, and her feckless loverin nineteenth century France. In the latter case, the actors are represented as not having existed and theevents as not having happened, while in the former they are represented as actual, or as having been so.This is a difference of no mean importance; indeed, precisely the one Madame Bovary has difficulty grasping.But the importance does not lie in the fact that her story was created while Cohen's was only noted. Theconditions of their creation, and the point of it (to say nothing of the manner and quality) differ. But the oneis as much a
fictiō
—"a making"—as the other.
Fictions, it seems, allow us to map out an actor-oriented scenario which holds true forboth the network of thick description and literature; such scenarios are enactments designedfor finding things out. Fictions, however, are not independent of those things that have to befound out, and this fact is somewhat obscured when the difference between explanatoryfictions and literary fictions is ignored. The constellation between a Berber chieftain, a Jewishmerchant, and a French soldier refers to an actual occurrence, whereas the one in Flaubert'snovel has no such reference. Obviously, the fiction is put to different uses in the two cases,and that changes the very function the fiction is meant to perform.Thick description starts out from reading signs emitted by the chieftain, the merchant,and the soldier in their social interaction, which Geertz uses in order to illustrate hisprocedure. Reading signs is a matter not so much of grasping what they represent as of spotlighting what they imply. There is always a gap between what is manifest and what isimplied in either saying or doing something. Thick description is, therefore, first and foremost,an161unfolding of the implications of the manifest, which thus becomes all the more richlyorchestrated.By revealing the observable manifestations, thick description establishes a semiotic webof interacting features, which we are given to read. Reading culture appears to be the onlyway of gaining access to it. There are no universals to be invoked, there are no frameworks tobe superimposed, and there are no constants of human nature to be appealed to if we want toexplain human behavior. Instead, culture arises out of human responses to a challengingenvironment; it is an assembly of "extragenetic, outside-the-skin control mechanisms,"
[10] 
which are subject to change, otherwise humans would imprison themselves in the products of their reactions.When reading culture is of paramount concern (and this is the way thick descriptionrealizes itself), then scenarios of reading can only be basically fictional. These fictionalscenarios not only reflect the avoidance of thin description, which is a superimposition of concepts on what one is given to observe; they also facilitate a "treatise in cultural theory"
[11] 
insofar as such a theory seeks to find out the implications of the human actions andinteractions that inform the "actor's act" from which—as the only given—inferences are to bedrawn. These fictional scenarios are, as Geertz maintains, made up; however, they are not"‘as if’ thought experiments," because the established semiotic web refers to an indisputablereality. In other words, the fictional construct of reading, though made up, has a specific use,which again confirms that a fiction is always defined by its use. How does this fictional readingof culture operate, bearing in mind that the very many "outside-the-skin control mechanisms"are the direct offshoot of human responses to entropy? If culture as an outgrowth of humanreactions is built into the void, the fictional scenario of reading such human achievement canonly proceed in terms of recursive looping. Human interaction with its environment realizesitself through a feedback system.This feedback system develops as an interchange between input and output, in thecourse of which a projection is corrected insofar as it has failed to square with what it hastargeted. Consequently, a dual correction occurs: the feedforward returns as an alteredfeedback loop, which in turn feeds into a revised input. Thus, recursive looping adjusts "future
of 00

Leave a Comment

You must be to leave a comment.
Submit
Characters: ...
You must be to leave a comment.
Submit
Characters: ...