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Rough Draft ~ Feb. 23, 2010 ~ Do not cite or quote without prior written permission
questions than to examine more sources.” Id, 6.The literature on incorporation is extensive. For some of the scholarship finding incorporation in the debates, see:Kurt T. Lash, “The Second Adoption of the Free Exercise Clause: Religious Exemptions Under the Fourteenth Amendment,”88 N.W. L. Rev., 1106 (1994); Akhil Reed Amar, The Bill of Rights: Creation and Reconstruction 163 (1998); Akhil R.Amar, “The Bill of Rights and the Fourteenth Amendment,” 103 Yale L.J. 57, 73 (1993); Robert J. Kaczorowski,“Revolutionary Constitutionalism in the Era of the Civil War and Reconstruction,” 61 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 863, 910, 913 (1986);Michael Kent Curtis, No State Shall Abridge: The Fourteenth Amendment and the Bill of Rights __ (Duke University Press,1986); J.H. Kettner, The Development of American Citizenship, 1608-1870, at 258 (1978).For some of the contrary scholarship, see Charles Fairman, “Does the Fourteenth Amendment Incorporate the Bill of Rights? The Original Understanding,” 2 Stan. L. Rev. 5 (1949); Raoul Berger, The Fourteenth Amendment and the Bill of Rights (Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, 1989); Earl M. Maltz, “Fourteenth Amendment Concepts in the Antebellum Era,”32 Am. J. L. Hist. 305, 337 (1988).
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See, for example, Fairman,“Does the Fourteenth Amendment Incorporate the Bill of Rights? The OriginalUnderstanding,” supra note ___, at 5.
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Nelson summarizes: “Voluminous evidence has been presented in support of both the expansive and the narrowreadings of the Fourteenth Amendment’s history.” William Nelson, The Fourteenth Amendment, 3. As a result, “[h]istoricalscholarship on the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment is now at an impasse. The conflicting interpretations, all of themsupported by impressive arrays of evidence, have left historians and lawyers wondering whether the Republicans who pushed theamendment through Congress and the state legislatures had any clearcut intentions as to what it should mean.” Id, 4. In thiscontext, Nelson suggests that uncertainty leaves judges to develop its meaning toward incorporation. Id, 9.Many commentators have thought the Clause puzzling. According to Beard, the entire first article of the Amendmentwas “mysterious” and “cabalistic.” 2 Charles & Mary Beard, The Rise of American Civilization 111-114 (New York,Macmillan, 1927). Seizing upon such assumptions to impute meaning where none was clearly discernable, Justice Jacksonargued that “the difficulty of the task does not excuse us from giving these general and abstract words whatever of specificcontent and concreteness they will bear as we mark out their application, case by case.” Edwards v. California, 314 U.S. at 183(Jackson, J., concurring) (1941). More recently, Gerald Gunther writes: “In no part of the congressional debates on theAmendment is there greater evidence of vagueness and inconsistencies than in the discussion of privileges and immunities.”Gerald Gunther, Constitutional Law 417 (11th ed. 1985).
(such as Charles Fairman) have worked from the same evidence, picking through the debatesfor hints of what the drafters or ratifiers might have thought.
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When those earlierAmericans, however, defended the Privileges or Immunities Clause, they felt little need toexplain a phrase that was widely understood. The result among the scholars who narrowlyrely on the debates from the 1860s has been confusion. Some reach contradictoryconclusions about incorporation, and many simply view the Privileges or Immunities Clauseas a puzzle or mystery.
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Other scholars look to a wider range of evidence and on this basis confidentlyconclude that the Privileges or Immunities Clause incorporated the Bill of Rights, but theirconfidence rests on the assumption that privileges and immunities were not discussed withdifferent meanings in different contexts. For example, Michael Kent Curtis and Akhil Amarquote abolitionists who argued in terms of “privileges and immunities” to defend theirfreedom of speech in Southern states or their freedom to disseminate anti-slavery literaturethrough the U.S. mails. It will be seen, however, that their claims were not made in thesame context, and did not have the same meaning, as the arguments about privileges and
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