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25MIDDlE EAst REPoRt
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FALL 2011
The Grand (Hip-Hop) Chessboard
Race, Rap and Raison d’État
Hishaam Aidi
I
n November 2006, the lm
Te Making o a Kamikaze 
b Nouri Bouzid, a respected unisian director, was screenedto great anare at the Carthage Film Festival. Te lm, acollaboration between the French Ministr o Foreign Aairsand the unisian Ministries o Interior, Deense and Culture,eamines the grievances o unisian outh through the stor o a oung hip-hopper named Chokri, better known b hisb-bo moniker, Bahta. Te lm opens in a coastal town where Bahta and his crew—made up o other unemploedouths—roam the streets, hounded b baton-wielding police,looking or a spot to practice. Te atmosphere is tense, therustration palpable. Te United States has just invaded Iraq,and satellite-channel broadcasts in homes and caés speak o occupation and resistance. A gangl, volatile outh, Bahta splitshis time watching television, dancing and seeking a boat tosmuggle him across the Mediterranean Sea to Ital. But dueto the Iraq war, the Italians have tightened their naval patrols;ver ew 
harraga
(boat people) are getting across. As doorsclose in his ace, and police maltreatment increases, Bahtaturns to pett crime, angr outbursts and wack behavior, inone scene moonwalking across a caé oor in a stolen policeuniorm, loudl promising all the patrons passports so the cantravel legall. He eventuall alls in with a crowd o Islamists, who drill him with sermons about the sinulness o music,democrac and the West, wooing him toward martrdom.
 Making 
 was mauled b French critics—“unconvincing,”“politicall correct”—and not without reason: Te charactersare caricatures, the break-dance scenes are routine and the paceplodding. Te Islamists’ tirades, which aim to show precisel how a suicide bomber is made, are in particular need o editing.Finall, the lm’s posing o hip-hop and Islamism as mutuall eclusive opposites is ver simplistic, overlooking the denserelationship between the two countercultures: Islamists listento hip-hop, and rappers with Islamist—even jihadi—smpa-thies abound. Te plot implies that both countercultures area reaction to authoritarianism, but as the lm was producedand marketed b organs o Zine El Abidine Ben Ali’s policestate, the question arises whether the regime’s preerredcounterculture—hip-hop—has become a mechanism o statecontrol. Te most interesting parts o 
 Making 
come when Lot Abdelli, who plas Bahta, drops out o character and stormso the set to conront lmmaker Bouzid. Te ensuing grain,documentar-stle ootage purports to show “the making othe lm itsel. Abdelli asks wh he, an up-and-coming actor, isbeing told that dancing is
haram
and wh his character is beingturned into a terrorist. “Where are ou taking this lm? you’reusing this lm to attack Muslims.” Worried it will land himin trouble, he shouts, “I’m not our puppet!” Bouzid calml eplains his secular worldview—religion and politics shouldbe kept separate—and Abdelli resumes his role.It is unclear wh Bouzid inserted these awkward snippets.Perhaps he did so to signal that he had little wiggle room inreecting the Ben Ali regime’s secular outlook and the CultureMinistr’s vision o hip-hop as a counter to jihadi thought.Te lm went on to win the regime’s accolades, including theGolden anit at the Carthage eposition, which is put on b thestate. Praised or its eposure o the “process o brainwashing”used b jihadi groups,
 Making 
 would be shown in Europeanand North Arican cities. Te Pakistani Ministr o Cultureco-sponsored a screening at the unisian embass in Islamabad.State ocials and diplomats introducing the lm reiteratedthe message that hip-hop is the antithesis o radical Islamism,perhaps even the antidote to it. What
 Making 
let out was not just the possibilit o Islamisthip-hop, but also o outh music directed against the regime,and it was precisel those two trends that rose to the ore asBen Ali’s dominion began to crumble in late December 2010.Te regime had long harassed dissident rappers, banningMohammed Jandoubi—aka Pscho M—an artist with Islamistsmpathies, rom the airwaves, in part or a track ehortinglisteners to pick up Kalashnikovs and shoot Nouri Bouzidor his negative depiction o Islam in
 Making 
. In December,Pscho M, who had a large ollowing on Facebook, stirredmore controvers with “Manipulation,” in which he angril attacked Western imperialism, ocial unisian
laïcité 
, thecountr’s personal status code (which bans the headscar inschools) and a range o secular gures rom Voltaire and Marto Nasser and Atatürk. B the time mass protests spread in earl  Januar, other unisian rappers with varing political perspec-tives—DJ Costa, Armada Bizerta, Lak—had posted trackson Facebook capturing the growing rage and memorializingMohamed Bouazizi, the man who had set himsel on re. Teregime switl issued warnings to the artists and shut downtheir Facebook pages. At 3 am on Januar 6, the police burstinto the home o Hamada Ben Amor, 22, the rapper knownas El General. His track, “Mr. President” (
Rais Lebled 
)—anopen letter to Ben Ali ecoriating the lack o reedom and
Hishaam Aidi
is contributing editor o 
Souls: A Critical Journal o Black Culture,Politics and Societ 
at Columbia University’s Institute or Research in Arican AmericanStudies. Aidi was a Carnegie Scholar in 2008–2009, and is currently a Fellow at the Open Society Institute.
 
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FALL 2011
anti-veiling laws—had become the unocial anthem o therevolt. Ben Amor was locked up or three das. Te authoritiesbanned his song, blacked out his MSpace page and cut o his cell phone service, but Al Jazeera had alread snatched upthe recording. It would resound rom ahrir Square in Egptto Pearl Circle in Bahrain.Much has been said about the role o rappers in the Arabrevolts. French media spoke o
le printemps des rappeurs 
,” and
ime 
magazine gave the title “Rage, Rap and Revolution” toits cover stor on the “Arab outhquake.”
ime 
would go onto name Ben Amor one o the “100 Most Inuential People o 2011,” ranking him higher than President Barack Obama. It istrue that, as securit orces rampaged in the streets, artists inunis, Cairo and Benghazi were writing lrics and cobblingtogether protest ootage, beats and rhmes, which the uploaded to pro servers. Te impromptu songs were thenplaed at gatherings and solidarit marches in London, New  york and Washington; eile opposition groups and Muslimcommunities responded with musical tributes. Five Muslim American rappers ronted b Omar Oendum uploaded thetrack “#jan25” in support o the ahrir Square protesterson Februar 6; the song received 40,000 hits on youubeovernight. “I heard ‘em sa the revolution won’t be televised,”Omar led o. “Al Jazeera proved ‘em wrong; witter has ‘emparalzed.” Te “rap loop” between protesters and the Muslimdiaspora galvanized outh on both sides o the Atlantic Ocean,but the role o music should not be eaggerated: Hip-hop didnot cause the revolts anmore than witter or Facebook did.Te countries in the region with the most vibrant hip-hopscenes, Morocco and Algeria, have not seen revolts. Moreover,the cross-border spread o popular movements is not a new phenomenon in the Arab world; the uprisings o 1919, whichenguled Egpt, Liba and unisia, occurred long beore theadvent o the Internet, social media or rap.
 What is intriguing is that Arab states saw hip-hop as athreat, monitoring and censoring local rappers, long beorethe 2011 upheavals began. And the were not alone. In thelast decade, as hip-hop has emerged as a political orceamong outh, regimes across the world have intervened topromote some sub-stles and sideline others, in an attemptto press-gang the genre to disparate political ends. In 2002,the Cuban Ministr o Culture ounded the Cuban Rap Agenc, along with the magazine
 Movimiento
, to createa “revolutionar” hip-hop sound that would give voice tothe “downtrodden o the world,” and to make sure trackssuspected o “ideological deviation” were given no airtime.In Venezuela, Hugo Chavez unds hip-hop schools aroundthe countr, and invites Bolivarian
raperos 
onto his Sunda television show, “
 Aló 
,
Presidente 
.” In the US, Michael Steelehas tried to give the Republican Part a “hip-hop makeover”to bring its ideas to “urban-suburban hip-hop settings.” TeUS Arm, in partnership with
Te Source 
magazine, has usedhip-hop culture in its “aking It to the Streets” campaign torecruit Arican-American outh.
Governments are also sending hip-hop culture to ar-ungcorners o the globe. From its putative birthplace in the Bron,hip-hop has traveled to become, at once, a means o protestand a tool o public diplomac, counter-terrorism, democrac promotion and economic development. It is in the post-September 11 “war on terror” and in Western states’ dealings with Muslim-majorit states and Muslims in Europe thatgovernment mobilization o hip-hop is most noticeable. WhileEuropean states are using the genre to integrate and “moderate”their Muslim populations, the US has made hip-hop part o itsoutreach to the Muslim world. Te ver music blamed or arange o social ills at home—violence, misogn, consumerism,academic underperormance—is being deploed abroad in thehopes o making America saer and better liked. Te ocialsbehind the sundr hip-hop diplomac initiatives invariabl point to the success o jazz diplomac during the Cold War asevidence o the “smart power” potential o music.
“sund Dipmacy”
 Ater World War II, as French and British colonies gained theirindependence, the ound themselves courted b two super-powers eager to epand their spheres o inuence. Fort suchcountries had become sovereign states b 1960, but Washington’seorts to attract them into its orbit were complicated b Sovietpropaganda, which ocused on racial discrimination and striein the American South. Images o the killing o Emmett illand the violent backlash to
Brown v. Board o Education
werebroadcast around the world, and President Dwight Eisenhower, who had been rather complacent about civil rights, began tosee that, internationall, race was America’s Achilles’ heel. TeState Department commenced organizing high-prole jazztours to alter impressions. Te tours were the brainchild o theDemocratic Congressman rom Harlem, Adam Claton Powell, who conceived o jazz as a Cold War weapon ater attending the Aro-Asian Conerence o Non-Aligned Nations in Bandung,Indonesia in 1955. Powell was repelled b claims that the SovietUnion was more progressive on race than the US, as well asthe Tird Worldist rhetoric he heard at the conerence. Uponreturning, he proposed to the State Department that bands ledb Dizz Gillespie, Count Basie and Louis Armstrong be sentabroad to improve America’s image. As Powell would eplainto Eisenhower, “One dark ace rom the US is o as much valueas millions o dollars in economic aid.”op diplomats welcomed the idea. he main goalso the tours were to bolster alliances and persuade non-aligned states that the US was dierent rom Europeancolonial powers and the Soviet Union. “Beore long, jazz will become an arm o this countr’s oreign polic in suchplaces as the Far East, Middle East and Arica,” observedthe
New York imes 
in November 1955. “Bands will go intocountries where communism has a oothold.”
In March1956, Dizz Gillespie and his arranger, a oung trum-peter named Quinc Jones, embarked on the irst tour;
 
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their irst perormance took place in Iran, where threeears earlier a CIA-backedcoup had reinstalled theShah in power. With theSoviet Union epandinginto the Middle East andan insolvent Britain unableto keep troops in Greece,the US assumed the role o containing Communismand protecting oil resourcesin the region. Gillespie’s18-piece band perormed inIran beore moving on toSria, Lebanon and Pakistanand ending in urke, Greeceand yugoslavia. he jazztours targeted areas whereCommunism was gaining aoothold, and zones rich inoil and uranium; as Penn Von Eschen writes in herpioneering stud 
SatchmoBlows Up the World 
, the toursoten moved “in tandem withcovert CIA operations.”
 he “jambassadors” wereoten dispatched as irstresponders to trouble spots.“he sent us to ever post where there were problemsand we got nothing butraves: We were the black kamikaze band,” writesQuinc Jones in his memoir.“he American embass in Athens was getting its asskicked, being stoned b theCpriot students, so the rushed us over there rom Ankara, urke, and theGreek people loved it.”
In1958, John Foster Dulles etended a tour sending DaveBrubeck’s band into Iraq, the onl Arab state in the anti-Communist Baghdad Pact, hoping that while the jazzambassadors perormed, US oicials could help quellthe discord within the Iraqi arm’s ranks.Integrated bands led b Gillespie, Louis Armstrong, DukeEllington and Benn Goodman visited the Soviet Union andparts o Arica, Asia and the Middle East, their perormancesaimed at generating good will and getting citizenries to identi  with “the American wa o lie.” Te bands were intended to besmbols o the triumph o democrac, with jazz serving as anembodiment o America’s liberal ideals, in its improvisationalpluralism and its universal, race-transcending qualit. Te iron,o course, is that these black musicians were deploed to improvethe countr’s image and legitimate policies at a time when theUS was still a Jim Crow nation. Vast swathes o the Americanpublic opposed the tours, in act, leading the State Departmentto disguise their ull etent. yet the tours, which ended in the1970s, are widel considered a success. Pianist Brubeck, orinstance, thinks the jazz ambassadors helped end the Cold War.In 2005, the jazz diplomac initiative was revived in aprogram called Rhthm Road, a partnership o the State
Karen Hughes, undersecretary of state for public diplomacy, dances with a Moroccan hip-hopper in Marrakesh in 2006.
  JALIL BOUNHAR/AP PHOO
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