His critics reply that America, by melding morality with foreign policy, is courting the same sort of backlashes the British faced. "By emphasizingone set of values -- that of evangelical Christians -- you alienate yourselves from the multi-religious, multi-civilizational world," argues DavidLittle, a professor of religion and international affairs at Harvard Divinity School.Another concern is that if overseas religious conflicts arise, a U.S. president could face pressure to come to the aid of Christians at the expenseof America's strategic interests, says Philip Jenkins of Pennsylvania State University, author of a book on global Christianity. He cites theexample of Nigeria, where Christians and Muslims warred in the 1960s. If their conflict again flared into widespread fighting, he says, anadministration would face overwhelming pressure at home to help the embattled Christians, although Muslim-majority Nigeria is an importantU.S. ally and oil supplier.Mr. Jenkins says the same issues could arise over Indonesia, where Muslim militants have brutalized Christians for years, and even over China,whose leadership is believed to view with alarm the growth of organized religion, including Christianity. "It's only a matter of time," Mr. Jenkinspredicts, "until persecution and religious conflict become hot-button issues in the U.S."As for U.S. policy in Iraq, President Bush, himself a born-again Christian, has sometimes invoked a notion of America's latter-day manifestdestiny. "I believe freedom is the almighty God's gift to each man and woman in this world," Mr. Bush said at his news conference last month.According to Bob Woodward's book "Plan of Attack," Mr. Bush, when asked if he consulted his father, said, "You know, he is the wrong father toappeal to in terms of strength. There is a higher father that I appeal to."More born-again Christians work in this administration than in any other in modern history, says Richard Land, a top executive with theSouthern Baptist Convention, the nation's largest Protestant church. They include National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice and AttorneyGeneral John Ashcroft, whose denomination, the Assemblies of God, is especially active overseas.Mr. Horowitz experienced his own Christian awakening of sorts in 1994. He befriended a household laborer from Ethiopia who said that nation'sformer socialist regime, and later militant Muslims, had persecuted him for preaching Christianity. Mr. Horowitz says he consulted a lawyer butwas told the man wasn't eligible for U.S. asylum. "Radical Muslim? Ex-communist? OK. But a Christian, forget about it," Mr. Horowitz says.He wrote a stinging commentary on the policy, and on the plight of Christian minorities in several Muslim countries, which ran in The Wall StreetJournal's opinion pages in 1995. It drew little reaction, he says, and some Christian leaders told him raising a fuss could only make mattersworse for the persecuted. That logic, Mr. Horowitz says, reminded him of when the late New York Times publisher A.H. Sulzberger, in 1938, leda group of prominent Jews in urging President Roosevelt not to name a Jew to the Supreme Court for fear of exacerbating anti-Semitism."The Christian community could not make the same mistake that American Jews made" in neglecting signs of the Holocaust, Mr. Horowitz says.He wrote to 140 evangelical groups saying he was "pained and puzzled" by their silence. Then he organized a conference on religiouspersecution, sparing none of the gruesome detail of torture, rape and church burnings from around the globe. After that, the largest evangelicalorganizations adopted a "Statement of Conscience," which Mr. Horowitz drafted, expressing outrage. Persecution abroad became a hot topicon Christian radio and television."Before I met Michael seven years ago, I had no idea it was so bad," says Mr. Land of the Southern Baptist Convention. "He's a provocateur, areal voice of conscience."