President Karzai’s Political Mnvr and Mujaddedi’s Resignation
1. On __ Apr 12, Prof Sebghatullah Mujaddedi resigned from all his govt posns, inclmembership in the HPC and his seat in the Meshrano Jirga (Senate). Ostensibly, heresigned due to the failure of the President ‘to consider the sincere views and demandsof renowned jihadi ldrs and pub figs on issues of national importance’
; however, our sources cfm that he resented not being made the chairman of HPC after Rabbani’sassassination. While it is not clear whether this drama will end as Mujaddedi’s earlier resignations
or cont, the trend of old friends leaving Karzai has a consistent pattern toit. Media has termed Mujaddedi to be the “most faithful face” to say goodbye to Karzai.
2. When the HPC was established in 2010, Hazrat Saheb was one of the twoleading contenders for its chair. But finally, Karzai opted for Rabbani, not least becausethis gave him the chance to coopt the senior figure of the political opposition. Mujaddedihad previously headed the less than successful HPC predecessor programme,Program-e Tahkim-e Solh (PTS), intended for the reintegration of insurgent fighters, butalmost all of the reintegrated were either not fighters at all or low-level, and much of theprogramme money was syphoned off. PTS was all but officially closed down a fewyears ago on the insistence of donor governments for being ‘morally and financiallybankrupt’, as an internal document said.On this point, the pro-human rights Kabul dailyHasht-e-Sobh a few days ago listedthenames of those Karzai allies it said had turned into opponents: Muhammad Mohaqqeq(a Hazara leader), Abdulrashid Dostum (an Uzbek one), former interior minister Hanif Atmar (a Pashtun), the former head of the Afghan intelligence Amrullah Saleh, andKarzai’s former Vice President and brother of legendary Ahmad Shah Massud, ZiaMassud (both Tajiks). Mohaqqeq, Dostum and, to an extent, Massud delivered ‘ethnic’votes for Karzai in the presidential campaigns of 2004 and in 2009. Atmar was a loyalpro-Karzai campaigner during the elections, as well as during the 2002 ConstitutionalLoya Jirga when a hard-fought decision had to be taken between a presidential system(Karzai’s option) and a more parliamentary one (the Northerners’ preference). Onecould even add one of Karzai’s current Vice Presidents to the list, Mr Khalili, who retains
Official statement rel to media by Mujaddedi’s office.
In 2005, when not elected in the 1
rd as the Senate’s chairman, he stormed out of the hall decrying a ‘lack of respect’. He was persuaded to return, his rival wdr his candidacy and he was proclaimed chairman without even aformal vote. In 2007, he threatened resignation to secure rel of Herat's mayor - a member of his clan – arrested oncorruption charges. In 2009, he threatened to resign yet again, criticising the govt’s sp for corrupt officials.
In 80s and 90s, Karzai belonged to Mujaddedi’s tanzim and served as his Dy FM when Mujaddedi became 1
Interim President (Apr-Aug 92). Moreover, Mujaddedi being head of the Afg Naqshbandi order, Karzai shows greatreligious deference to him although it is not clear whether Karzai belongs to this order or not. Mujaddedi was alsoknown to, at times, ref to the President as ‘his asst’ while the latter was in the highest office already.