Welcome to Scribd, the world's digital library. Read, publish, and share books and documents. See more
Standard view
Full view
of .
Look up keyword
Like this
2Activity
0 of .
Results for:
No results containing your search query
P. 1
Examine the relationship between the 'tandem' of President Dmitrii Medvedev and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin in Russia. How sustainable is this institutional arrangement?

Examine the relationship between the 'tandem' of President Dmitrii Medvedev and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin in Russia. How sustainable is this institutional arrangement?

Ratings: (0)|Views: 34 |Likes:
An essay for the 2011 Undergraduate Awards Competition by Tessy Huss. Originally submitted for Political Transition in Post-Communist Europe at University College Dublin, with lecturer Derek Hutcheson in the category of International Relations & Politics
An essay for the 2011 Undergraduate Awards Competition by Tessy Huss. Originally submitted for Political Transition in Post-Communist Europe at University College Dublin, with lecturer Derek Hutcheson in the category of International Relations & Politics

More info:

Published by: Undergraduate Awards on Aug 29, 2012
Copyright:Attribution Non-commercial

Availability:

Read on Scribd mobile: iPhone, iPad and Android.
See more
See less

01/21/2014

 
Essay instructions:“The essay should form an original contribution. Combining primary and secondarysources, it should evaluate the question by drawing on (but not being exclusively basedon) the comparative literature and evaluations of primary documents. ... As primarydocumentation you are requested to use articles from
Current Digest of the (Post-) SovietPress
(suitably referenced)”
.
 
1
 
Examine the relationship between the 'tandem' of President Dmitrii Medvedev andPrime Minister Vladimir Putin in Russia. How sustainable is this institutionalarrangement?
 After the 2007-2008 presidential elections, Dmitrii Medvedev emerges as the new President of theRussian Federation. Throughout his campaign, Medvedev had benefitted from incumbent President Vladimir Putin's support (Hale and Colton, 2008: 1-2). In fact, Putin had officially nominated his “protégé” Medvedev as his preferred successor (Veretennikova, 2007: 1; Shevtsova, 2009: 62).The candidate also received strong endorsement by United Russia, the main political party inRussia and closely allied with Vladimir Putin, which months earlier had secured a parliamentarymajority in the State Duma elections (Hale and Colton, 2009: 1; Rozhkova, 2007: 1). With theapproval of parliament, Medvedev “closed the circle” by nominating Putin as the chairman of thegovernment of the Russian Federation or Prime Minister (PM) (Hale and Colton, 2009: 1; RussianConstitution: online). Most “Western and native Russia watchers – journalists, analysts andacademics alike” contend that despite the leadership change Putin continues to dominate Russianpolitics (Hahn, 2010: 229; Hale and Colton, 2008: 1). Medevdev's presidency is perceived as aprolongation of “the ... Putinist regime” (Hale and Colton, 2009: 1; Petrov, 2009: 41). Thisinstitutional arrangement between Medvedev and Putin has come to be known as the President-Prime Minister “tandem” or “'tandemocracy'
(tandemokratiia)” 
(Hale and Colton, 2009: 1; Petrov,2009: 41).This essay examines the tandem relationship between President Medvedev and Prime MinisterPutin. It will outline and explore the mainstream view that the Medvedev presidency is essentiallyan extension of the Putinist regime. To his end, the essay will assess the distribution of powersamong the tandem leaders. It will also briefly address foreign policy under Medvedev to illustratethe dominant assumption. In order to provide a balanced assessment of the tandemocracy, it willalso explore an alternative view which suggests that Medvedev's autonomy will gradually increasewithin the tandem. In a last instance, this essay will address a variety of insider opinions andpredictions in order to determine the viability of the Medvedev-Putin tandem.
1
 
1
This essay relies heavily upon journalistic accounts of the domestic Russian Press, in order to provide a more authentic assessment of the tandemocracy.
2
 
The Continuation of the Putinist Regime under Medvedev
The constitution of the Russian Federation limits the presidency to two four year consecutiveterms. However, after a four year interim period, ex-Presidents may contest in upcoming elections(Schneider, 2009: 219-220). Contrary to the recommendations of some and expectations of many,Putin did not amend the Russian constitution to prolong his tenure (Hale and Colton, 2009: 21;Schneider, 2009: 219-220; The Economic Intelligence Unit, 2008: 2). However, when PresidentMedvedev, a few months after his inauguration, amended the constitution to extend the “presidential term to six years and the parliamentary term to five years”, critics were not surprised.In fact, they were reinforced in their view that Medvedev's “purpose” was solely to “provide andinterregnum” and that Putin had thus found a way to maintain influence at present, reinstate andmaximise his political stronghold in the next election (The Economic Intelligence Unit, 2008: 2).Indications that Putin was not simply going to renounce his power became evident during the earlystages of Medvedev's campaign. Voters were left under no illusion about the nature of Medvedev'spolitical programme. In fact, he “vowed to execute the 'Putin plan' in the office of President” (Haleand Colton, 2009: 24; Veretennikova, 2007: 1). Putin's future stronghold was also asserted duringMedvedev's inauguration ceremony in which Putin benefitted from more airtime than the newlyelected president. Journalists report how Putin's “farewell speech” was essentially a “policyspeech” (Ryzhkov, 2008: 5). Ryzhkov (2008: 5) also notes how Medvedev's speech did not mark asignificant departure from Putinist rhetoric for it was saturated with “standard pseudo-democratic” stereotypes. Medvedev also explicitly thanked Vladimir Putin for his “unfailing personal support ...[which he] always received from him”. Most importantly, however, he stated that this “closecooperation, would continue in the future” (Medvedev, 2008: online; Ryzhkov, 2008: 5). As such,both leaders made no secret about the nature of their arrangement (Ryzhkov, 2008: 5). Criticshave argued that the tandem is “no more than a vehicle for Putin to keep his supposedly neo-totalitarian hands on the helm until his return to the presidency in 2012” (Hahn, 2010: 229).
Kremlin vs White House: The Real Distribution of Power
 Russia's semi-presidential political system is dominated by a dual executive at the apex of itspolitical organisation. On a comparative level, the Russian presidency is a source of unrivaled
3

Activity (2)

You've already reviewed this. Edit your review.
1 thousand reads
1 hundred reads

You're Reading a Free Preview

Download
scribd
/*********** DO NOT ALTER ANYTHING BELOW THIS LINE ! ************/ var s_code=s.t();if(s_code)document.write(s_code)//-->