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Speech to XIV BIEN CONGRESS (Munich 2012)

Speech to XIV BIEN CONGRESS (Munich 2012)

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A libertarian letter about Basic Income by »ReCivitas«
www.recivitas.org.br
A libertarian letter about Basic Income by »ReCivitas«
www.recivitas.org.br

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Categories:Types, Speeches
Published by: Grundeinkommens-Mem Köln on Sep 18, 2012
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12/15/2012

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Instituto pela Revitalização da Cidadania
CNPJ 08.518.270/0001-09 OSCIP
 –
08071.018450/2007-10INVESTINDO EM PESSOAS PARA EMANCIPAR CIDADÃOS
Ⓐ 
RobinRight 
– 
 
Marcus Vinicius Brancaglione www.recivitas.org.br recivitas@recivitas.org.br 
1
Speech to XIV BIEN CONGRESS, Munich 2012.
Speech by: Bruna Augusto PereiraWrote by: Marcus Vinicius Brancaglione
I believe that with the presence of members of the government and the ruling party is no shortage here areadvocates for BF. This makes it much easier for us, saving time and labor. Because after recognizing themerits of BF due immediately can go to what really matters: the proposition of a BI truly unconditional andenforceable not only in the micro, where we already operate, but the macro, in this case, national.As we do not intend to deny the merit of anyone, and we want to get right to the point, we have our firstwords by this recognition - and to remain nonpartisan - that both the scholarship and the BF have for familysocial welfare and economics in Brazil.Thus, merit recognition, let us then criticizes, after all, is the minimum that is expected of us, becausewhoever takes the initiative citizen paying a BIG in a country with a government program of nationaldimensions of BF does not just have to see significant differences between both, after years of experiencegained from the pilot project, we must have something more to say. And Yes, we have - and it is a reallyshame that our minister is not here to say that to her.From our point of view, the dilemma of BF is that he cannot stop or continue as it is. Back to the policies of the public who asks for bread baton, not even deserve mention. What should we do? Sweeten the bittertaste of the welfarism drug? No, thanks! Develop is accurate, but more than output ports, we need withoutmincing words, is leaving the BF and enter the BI. How? That is the question. A gradual transition is proposedthat an initial analysis seems to be the most sensible. Decrease conditionalities until a given moment theyset no longer exist and behold, no one feel or perceive, painlessly, finally arrive at BI.In theory this is an excellent proposal. And this is your problem, "in theory". Handles a battle, a struggle of political and economic interests as if it were likely to be faced with writing only. It is a piece of fiction, orrather bureaucratic. Then we cannot be offended when they accuse us of being advocates of BI to being madand utopians. There is no doubt that the pen is stronger than the sword, but we need less people writing andbiting, and more people putting the hand in the pocket. In practice is a different story and, on that basis, wewill make our proposition. If we're wrong, great, the Brazilian government finally begin the transition and we just ask why took so long. If not, again, while the buzzers sing, we will be working as a worker ant.Perhaps this discourse sounds too pragmatic. It's not. Quite the contrary. We speak very clear that thetransition from BF to BI is much more than discussing technical issues or public policy. That is why thediscussion of the implementation of BI cannot be closed in the transition of BF for BI. Why reduce the issueto mere reduction or increase of conditionalities because this will not only lose in terms of propositions tonot do nothing, is especially lose the libertarian and universal principal of BI.Reduce the BI as government program and the unconditionally that demands respect, dignity and humanrights to a simple technic question, lose the action of the civil society, the most interested in nullify theconditionalities, truth be told, it is only growing. This is not strange that the civil society do the base workand put the hand in their pockets to pay solidarity the BI, as the pilot project in Quatinga Velho.
 
Instituto pela Revitalização da Cidadania
CNPJ 08.518.270/0001-09 OSCIP
 –
08071.018450/2007-10INVESTINDO EM PESSOAS PARA EMANCIPAR CIDADÃOS
Ⓐ 
RobinRight 
– 
 
Marcus Vinicius Brancaglione www.recivitas.org.br recivitas@recivitas.org.br 
2Above all, we must not forget that while we are discussing here, approaches, techniques, methodologies, onpaper counterparts that everything is very beautiful, and sometimes even well-intentioned, in the real world,people are not numbers, accounts or votes, in remote communities, the Quatingas Velhos, Paranapiacabasand Otivieros Omitaras forgotten life, which mainly there, any explicit or implicit conditionality willconstitute pure power relations. This does not mean that in each of these places reigns accommodation,clientelism, patronage, paternalism, dependency, but it is clear that if this is not the case on the merits of theparties involved in personal relationships, and not as a result of the system.As Oscar Wilde said,
"All authority is degrading. Degrades those who exercise it, as those over whom it isexercised. When used with a certain amount of kindness and accompanied by prizes and rewards, it becomesalarmingly demoralizing. Individuals in this case less aware of the horrible pressure they are subjected. So gothrough life in a kind of rude comfort, as domesticated animals, without ever realizing that others arethinking thoughts, living by other people's standards, wearing practically what one might call the clothes of others, without being themselves by a single moment. "Who is free," says astute thinker, "not satisfied". And authority, to entice people to conform, creates and nurtures a very crude kind of barbaric.
"So, worse than the unemployment trap that closes BF and BI overcomes, conditionalities bring in its wake adanger even more to democracy and citizenship. Every conditionality implies the suppression of the fullexercise of citizenship and a vein are open to state interference in one's life, and those who think that suchinterference is valid under certain conditions it is because we have never seen in such a situation to sufferembarrassment and discrimination. Do not know what is being treated, screened with poor, as a people, oras livestock, or wheelchair. And I am not speaking here as a researcher, I speak now as a resident of a poorcommunity, which not only saw, but I felt in the flesh what it describes.The true authority does not force, but give. Do not create conditionality. Create conditions andopportunities. For the authority do not be itself a problem, it is necessary a pedagogical relation and notpower, but first the citizens must have the right in any moment to reject it, but from the authority this is notenough. The true authority does not wait for independency, they must work for the emancipation. It is onlyin your deny, and not in your affirmation, that the authority legitimate yourself. And just do your work whenbecomes null and set free the citizens from your dependency.Education is not this paternalism show of society. Education is the process of social transformation of dependent people in capable, people with real freedom. The authority is only valid for a free education, and
the authority who doesn’t works in favor of emancipation, it is not educative and citizen, it is counter
pedagogical and authoritarian.
The education has your own value and can’t be reduce; or a mere conditionality’s counterpaund. Specially
the citizen education that is only learned out of classrooms, it is learned in the democratic and the socialtransformation itself. The intention or pretension of the social programs must manifested first of all in thesocial program methodology itself. The program must be thinking as a pedagogical process of empowermentof the citizens, and not of doutrination or control.We must be aware that between BF and BI are discussing much more than sketches of governmentprograms, we are taking the direction of a true citizenship or citizenship of a paper, which in practice meansmoving towards a state of direct democratic or less so, civil rights and economic or not so, the end of allforms of discrimination including socioeconomic or not. No euphemisms when discussing seriously the
 
Instituto pela Revitalização da Cidadania
CNPJ 08.518.270/0001-09 OSCIP
 –
08071.018450/2007-10INVESTINDO EM PESSOAS PARA EMANCIPAR CIDADÃOS
Ⓐ 
RobinRight 
– 
 
Marcus Vinicius Brancaglione www.recivitas.org.br recivitas@recivitas.org.br 
3replacement of the BF to BI should be aware that we are pointing to two opposite directions andcontradictory by definition of citizen empowerment and strengthening of state control of the state - andwho think the political representative or government ignores this libertarian character of BI underestimateshis felling for power.The difference between BF and BI applied at least - that has been put into practice so far - is therefore notonly a right to a care insurance law, but the approach and especially principles. The BI is libertarian, isdemocratic, is a citizen. Both aims to eradicate poverty, but the poverty BI, not only economic but alsopolitical. And so much depends and the methodology with which it is put into practice.It's completely fallacious idea that we should give up our personal freedom if we have some collectivesecurity. True freedom and security are guaranteed in the state as the real freedoms.The very uncertainty about the deprivation of freedom, terror and fear arising from the constant possibilityof the loss of the fundamental conditions of life and livelihood is in itself constituted an act of violence andthe poverty. That's why we cannot reduce combat poverty materiality. While hunger and poverty are themost severe forms of deprivation and emergency, its eradication cannot be done at the expense of politicalfreedoms and cultural rights of the citizen.Poverty is not only material, is the state of economic deprivation of fundamental freedoms and culturalpolicy not detached from each other, but integrated into one and the same capital. That is why it is mistakenwho thinks that we distribute money in Quatinga Velho, we provide capital in all its forms to capitalize via BI.We're not playing with words, without this capital, money is paper without this network of trust andreciprocity, the financial system itself is only a cloud of numbers on the internet.Our commitment to the libertarian spirit and social BI is so deep conviction that we have in countries withauthoritarian regimes to democracies in disguise, an unconditional BI would be a fake, a BI in name only, forconditionality in these states exception of rights would be tacit and implicit obedience to the governmentitself. This extreme case is important to understand that without political freedom or full citizenship to BI,and generally all income transfers tend to no longer be an instrument of liberation, to become an instrumentof control and may even spend the instrument of oppression to the extent that the fear of losing it isconstructed in instrument maneuver dependent benefit of the masses, and that in any regime, even in ademocracy, after all, nothing as strong economic fear or anxiety in times of military or election campaigns.This does not mean that we should adopt the neoliberal posture of live and let die. On the contrary. Wemust convert the boon in law and adopt the redistribution of the common good based on the new socialcontract. More than contemporary surveillance state must guarantee real freedom as the basis for a truestate of peace, not only in his letters magna, but the systematization of new institutions devoted to theemerging political paradigm that requires the empowerment of the citizen and not the other. In this sense,BI inspires new indicators for measuring the performance of government social policies mainly.This evaluation involves two basic questions: 1) as the raised back in fact to the hands of the citizen withoutgetting lost its way. 2) what goes into the hand of those in need. These efficiency rates both operationallyand redistribution should be compared with the rates of social inequality to determine the efficacy andeffectiveness not only of public policy, but the legitimacy of the institution itself. Contemporary States notproducing reduction of social inequality have no morality to tax, because the tax that effectively does notreduce social inequality is nothing but institutionalized theft.

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