Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Corner of the Cosmos in Search of Knowledge"
To
Sacralise
:
A
Method
To
sacralise
means
to
recognise
a
phenomenon
as
sacred.
Such
recognition
is
demonstrated
in
particular
ways
of
relating
to
the
phenomenon.
How
one
thinks
and
acts
in
relation
to
the
phenomenon
suggests
that
element
is
perceived
as
a
centre
from
which
much,
if
not
all,
of
the
universe
is
to
be
assessed.
Such
a
standpoint
may
be
shared
with
a
style
of
understanding
philosophy
as
different
from
religion.
It
becomes
religious
when
determined
efforts
are
made
to
present
this
point
of
view
as
binding
on
the
fates
of
others
regardless
of
their
views
about
it.
It
becomes,
therefore,
to
a
greater
or
lesser
degree,
a
cosmological
imperative,
describing
the
fates
of
humans
affected
by
this
vision
as
linked
to
their
readiness
to
identify
with
this
point
of
view.
It
creates
a
prophetic
framework
in
terms
of
this
point
of
view
within
which
people
are
categorised
as
to
their
ultimate
moral
evaluation
and
the
total
trajectory
of
their
historical
development.
That
is
a
description
of
a
comprehensive
mode
of
sacralisation
involving
a
sense
of
moral
absolutism,
developing
moral
values
understood
as
universally
binding.
It
also
involves
a
conception
of
punishment
and
reward
in
relation
to
one's
stance
as
to
this
moral
vision.
The
best
known
examples
of
sacralising
philosophies
in
this
mode
are
the
Abrahamic
religions
of
Judaism,
Christianity
and
Islam.
1
History
demonstrates
methods
of
sacralisation
that
are
not
as
thoroughgoing
in
their
judgement
of
people
in
relation
to
the
moral
standpoint
on
the
universe
demonstrated
by
the
ideology
in
question.
The
phenomenon
that
motivates
this
essay,
though,
seems
to
me
be
usefully
described
in
terms
of
this
style
of
sacralisation.
Objects
of
Sacralisation
The
act
of
sacralising
is
usually
organised
around
particular
phenomena
that
believers
understand
as
embodying
meaning
that
encompasses
broad
areas
of,
if
not
all,
of
reality.
This
phenomenon
may
be
a
story
of
an
event
or
sequence
of
events.
This
history
is
often
embodied
by
the
memory
of
those
who
participated
in
these
events.
The
story
itself
is
often
enshrined
in
an
oral
or
written
narrative
of
these
epochal
occurrences.
This
history
suggests
a
reconstitution
of
the
universe
in
terms
of
generating
a
moral
order
binding
on
all
existence
from
the
time
the
events
took
place.
I
have
developed
this
portrait
of
a
style
of
sacralisation
by
comparing
my
immediate
subject
in
this
essay,
the
memory
of
Biafra,
the
state
that
seceded
from
Nigeria,
leading
to
the
Nigerian
Civil
War
of
1967
to
1970,
with
the
Abrahamic
religions,
since
the
better
known
religious
contexts
share
significant
similarities
with
the
process
of
sacralisation
undertaken
in
the
name
of
Biafra.
The
Sacralisation
of
Biafra
and
its
Leader,
Chukwuemeka
Odumegwu- Ojukwu
Ever
since
my
first
encounter,
in
late
2011,
with
the
veneration
of
Biafra
on
the
Nigerian
literary
group,
Ederi,
most
of
whose
members
at
the
time
were
Igbo,
I
have
come
to
realise
that
for
some
Igbos,
the
memory
of
Biafra
has
assumed
the
status
of
a
religion.
Igbos
are
the
ethnic
group
who
can
be
described
as
being
at
the
heart
of
the
historical,
ideological
and
geographical
identity
of
Biafra
and
the
suffering
endured
in
the
name
of
Biafra,
leading
to
the
association
of
this
nascent
republic
with
the
victimhood
of
their
ethnicity
in
that
war.
This
is
a
religion,
that
like
all
religions,
interprets
reality
in
terms
of
its
own
highly
selective
style
of
thinking,
demonstrates
its
own
dogmas,
its
ranking
of
believers
and
non-believers,
as
well
as
a
moral
compass
for
judging
humanity,
perspectives
expressed
in
terms
of
the
moral
absolutism
and
2
prophetic stance common to many religions. The Need for a Book for Biafra Sadly, the Biafra story seems to have lost the chance of a definitive summation of its vision as could only have been written by the man at the centre of the maelstrom of aspiration, war, heroism, historic struggle against overwhelming odds, monumental suffering and controversy, that is the Biafra story, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, the head of state of Biafra, who passed away without any public news on his hoped-for-memoirs of the founding of Biafra and the war that ensued. This massive gap places greater weight on the expressions of other actors, particularly Biafrans, on the conflict. Philip Efiong, Ojukwu's second in command, who assumed the role of head of state of Biafra after Ojukwu fled into exile and who announced the surrender of Biafra, has written his own memoirs but this does not seem to lend itself to the hagiographic vision of Ojukwu that some Igbos hold. In my reading of their comments on Nigerian centred online social communities, I don't see the book mentioned, although extracts I have read from it suggest it is a deeply poignant work, bringing alive the fervent hopes, desperate struggles and cruel ironies of Biafra. Chinua Achebe's There Was a Country: A Personal History of Biafra Chinua Achebe, former Biafran, one of the world's greatest writers, whose works are powerful in their evocation of the glories and tensions of his Igbo ancestry in its reshaping within the vortex of colonial Nigeria and his insightful exploration of post-colonial Nigeria, insights that have earned him the deserved title of a visionary and prophet, has just published a book on Biafra. Achebe's book will be related to in various ways. One of those approaches is that of seeking confirmation of painful experiences and the diagnosis of unforgotten, still throbbing wounds from a great and eloquent mind who was at the centre of the action. The life giving value of such a book to many Igbos is suggested by the fact that the tremors of the war may be described as continuing to shape attitudes of some Igbo to being part of Nigeria.
Some
may
share
the
spirit
of
Esiaba
Irobi,
who
describes
himself
in
Nnorom
Azuonye's
"My
E-Conversation
with
Esiba
Irobi"
in
Sentinel
Poetry,
February
2003,
as
a
citizen
of
Biafra
in
exile
in
Nigeria.
Obododimma
Oha
presents
himself
in
his
essay
'A
Risen
Sun
that
Shines
Forever',
his
blog
post
of
Thursday,
December
1,
2011,
as
a
person
compelled
to
live
within
the
womb
of
the
very
entity
still
at
war
with
his
homeland
Biafra,
from
which
vantage
point
he
conducts
his
own
resistance,
even
if
only
by
such
symbolic
actions
as
urging
the
flying
of
the
Biafran
flag
on
Facebook
to
mark
Ojukwu's
transition,
an
unfurling
of
the
rising
sun
of
Biafra's
summative
symbol
to
further
torment
the
twisted
conscience
of
those
enemies
of
the
grand
dream
who
refuse
to
acknowledge
its
deathless
significance
and
persist
in
trying
to
destroy
a
vision
that
was
defeated
in
the
'shooting
war'
but
remains
alive
and
luminous
in
the
mind,
where
it
is
nourished
by
those
who
identify
with
its
immortal
radiance.
The
recent
debates
on
various
Nigerian
centered
listserves
inspired
by
a
newspaper
extract
of
Achebe's
book
crystallise
attitudes
that
represent
the
sacralisation
of
Biafra
and
Odumegwu-Ojukwu.
The
debate
places
in
context
the
role
of
this
hagiographic
stance
in
the
struggles
to
define
justice
and
national
identity
in
the
shadow
of
the
Nigerian
Civil
War.
The
extract
from
the
book
is
particularly
controversial
in
placing
Biafra
and
the
fate
of
the
Igbos
at
the
centre
of
Nigerian
history,
particularly
after
the
war.
The
book
develops
the
existing
argument
that
the
unresolved
questions
around
Biafra
are
reflected
in
the
confusions
in
Nigerian
history
in
the
decades
after
the
war.
The
Biafra
Story
As
Seen
from
a
Moral
Mountaintop
and
its
Challengers
The
evaluation
of
Biafra
from
a
moral
mountaintop
from
which
its
acolytes
survey
the
rest
of
humanity
first
came
to
my
attention
with
the
declaration
by
Olu
Oguibe
on
the
literary
group
Ederi
that
a
person
who
cannot
acknowledge
that
Odumegwu-Ojukwu
did
the
best
for
his
fellow
Igbos
and
other
Biafrans
in
connection
with
founding
Biafra
and
fighting
a
war
to
defend
it,
is
not
worthy
of
being
respected
as
a
human
being.
I
was
puzzled.
Can
such
a
complex
narrative
as
the
Nigerian
Civil
War
and
the
role
of
Ojukwu
and
Biafra
in
that
tangled
web
be
reduced
to
such
a
linear
interpretation?
4
Chinua
Achebe,
for
his
part,
declares
that
Igbos
have
never
been
integrated
into
Nigeria
after
the
civil
war
and
that
this
lack
of
integration
of
Igbos
into
Nigeria
means
that
the
country
will
always
be
mediocre.
Some
Nigerians
were
puzzled
by
this
stance.
True,
the
country
has
serious
problems
but
is
linking
them
specifically
to
problems
with
Igbo
integration
into
Nigeria
a
realistic
assessment?
Others
Igbos,
suggesting
their
role
as
the
ethnic
group
most
affected
by
the
civil
war
and
whose
members
carry
most
emotively
the
torch
of
Biafra,
filled
in
their
own
contributions
to
this
style
of
presenting
the
place
of
Igbos
in
Nigeria.
Kingsley
Nnabuagha
described
the
situation
as
one
of
the
neglect
of
one
organ
in
the
body,
leading
to
problems
with
the
entire
body.
He
argued,
in
addition,
that
even
though
all
parts
of
the
body
are
important,
one
is
right
in
describing
some
as
more
strategic
than
others.
Obi
Nwakanma,
a
great
believer
in
Nigerian
unity
as
well
as
a
devout
pro- Ojukwkwu
figure,
argued
that
until
Nigeria
pleads
for
forgiveness
from
the
Igbo
for
the
genocidal
war
against
them,
the
country
would
continue
to
suffer
problems.
Some
non-Igbo
respondents
argued
that
the
stance
of
describing
Biafra
and
its
leadership
as
saints
while
condemning
the
role
of
the
rest
of
Nigeria
in
the
civil
war
is
faulty
because
the
Biafran
leadership
should
be
described
as
culpable
in
decisions
they
made
at
strategic
points
before
and
during
the
war
that
led
to
the
vulnerability
of
Biafra
in
general
and
the
Igbos
in
particular.
They
also
pointed
to
war
crimes
committed
by
Biafran
soldiers.
Were
there
fewer
instances
of
these
because
Biafrans
had
less
opportunity
for
them
or
because
Biafrans
were
less
disposed
to
such
barbarism?
This
is
a
very
brief
summation
of
opposing
perspectives
on
the
subject
and
might
not
do
justice
to
the
scope
of
the
arguments
presented.
Such
expansive
arguments
include
the
massive
case
for
describing
the
war
as
an
anti-Igbo
genocide
presented
by
Kingsley
Nnabuagha
and
Kingsley's
more
careful
elaboration
of
what
may
be
described
as
the
'Biafra
curse'
argument.
Also,
reading
in
full
anything
Obi
Nwakanma
writes
is
a
vital
exercise
5
in
conceiving
and
expressing
ideas.
I
will
present
his
contributions
to
debates
on
online
social
networks
as
a
project
of
its
own.
I
did
not
include
Peter
Opara's
poetry
of
invective,
projected
in
the
spirit
of
an
Ojukwu
high
priest
who
has
difficulty
responding
to
challenges
to
Ojukwu
except
in
terms
of
totalistic
denunciations
of
the
mortals
who
dare
to
raise
a
contrary
opinion
on
the
stellar
existence
of
the
man
whose
visual
figure
is
memorable
for
his
heroic
beard,
jagged
face,
as
it
became
in
later
years,
and
his
reputation
as
'the
owner
of
words',
as
someone
put
it,
exuding
the
aura
of
an
immortal
hero,
who,
to
his
acolytes,
conquered
in
vision
if
not
in
the
flesh.
I
chose
to
write
this
brief
summation
so
as
to
give
shape
to
my
observation
about
one
approach
to
Biafra
and
Ojukwu.
Another
approach
to
Ojukwu
among
Igbos
emerges
from
those
who
criticise
Ojukwu
for
strategic
decisions
made
in
that
war.
Such
figures
include
Ralph
Uwechue
and
Nnamdi
Azikiwe,
both
former
Biafrans.
A
more
recent
critic
is
Ikenna
Anokute,
and
a
Google
search
for
'Ikenna
Anokute
on
Ojukwu'
demonstrates
his
unrelenting
critique
on
various
online
social
networks
of
the
Ikemba
of
Nnewi,
Ojukwu's
chieftaincy
title
awarded
on
his
return
from
exile.
A
rich
source
for
such
criticism
among
Igbos
is
also
the
Nigerian
social
network
Nairaland.
Begun
4th
October
2012.
Completed
4th
October
2012.
First
published
5th
October
2012.
3:00
am.
Also
published
at
Scribd
(PDF)
Academia.edu
(PDF)
Facebook
Twitter