Asj2002 Posetti ABC Bias

Australian Studies in Journalism

ISSN 1038-6130
Published by the School of Journalism and Communication University of Queensland
Number 10/11
2001-02
Editorial . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 The politics of bias at the ABC

Julie Posetti . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Rhonda Breit, John Harrison, Martin Hirst, Trina McLellan and Desley Bartlett . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 Penny ODonnell . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 Stephen Quinn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 Davud Conley . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106 Philip Pars . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 Anne Tannock . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 Jacqui Ewart and Kevin Tickle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171 Beate Josephi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191 Denis Cryle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206
Ethics in journalism and Cheryl Kernot: A colloquium
The odd couple? Academic research and journalism education Media convergence: Implications for journalism education The magic of journalism in George Johnstons fiction
First take: Photo images in early Australian print media News map gaps: Regional news coverage in the city
People like us versus Statistical representations of readers
Habits die hard: War journalism and organisational practices Press and protest: The Springbok tour of 1971
Book Reviews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223 Australian journalism research index

Grant Dobinson and Tomoko Sakai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 242
Editorial
With the return to print of Australian Studies in Journalism, a few words of explanation are appropriate, even if only for historical purposes. The annual journal, launched in 1992 by Professor John Henningham, was published by the Department of Journalism, University of Queensland, until 2000. It did not appear in 2001, except as an incorporation in the older title, Australian Journalism Review. Because Professor Henningham was going on study leave in 2001 and because the Department of Journalism was becoming part of a School of Journalism and Communication, he decided to offer it to the Journalism Education Association (JEA). To the disappointment of some journalism educators, the JEA decided to incorporate ASJ into Australian Journalism Review. Later, at the initiation of JEA president Dr Kerry Green, the JEA called for expressions of interest in reviving ASJ. Fittingly, we believe, the University of Queensland was the successful bidder. Grant Dobinson, Steve McIlwaine and I mounted that bid and this journal is the result. Professor Henningham resigned from the University of Queensland at the conclusion of his study leave. The current editorial panel pays tribute to Professor Henninghams work in establishing ASJ and maintaining a journal of distinction for nine years. We labelled this issue Number 10/11, 2001-2002 to avoid a perpetual search for the missing 2000 issue. Although the current issue is not everything the editorial panel envisaged when members brainstormed in the final months of 2001 and early in 2002, it is as good as we could make it in the time available to us and in the context of the pressures of university life in the 21st century. We were delighted to receive 20 articles for consideration and we have used 10 of those articles. As stated in our style guide the emphasis is on research, rather than teaching, and the articles selected reflect this emphasis. ASJ has a special research tradition, reinforced by publication of the Australian journalism research index (see Numbers 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8). The research index returns in this issue, thanks to the hard work of University of Queensland postgraduate student, Tomoko Sakai, and editorial-panel member Grant Dobinson. Another regular feature of ASJ, News Media Chronicle, does not appear in this issue. I was unable to find time to write it in the form that has become a tradition. Much of the press-related material that would have found its way into News Media Chronicle appears in the Australian Newspaper History Newsletter that now appears five times a year. In 2003, when the bicentenary of newspaper publication in Australia will be observed, ASJ will give special consideration to articles with an historical theme. The editorial panel hopes that a section of the journal may be devoted to such articles. Articles on a theme of Newspapers: Where to now? are also invited, as are articles on the full range of general journalism themes that have been reflected in ASJ in the 11 years since it began publication. Rod Kirkpatrick Member, editorial panel
Australian Studies in Journalism 10-11: 2001-02, pp.332
The politics of bias at the ABC

Julie Posetti
The election of the Howard government in 1996 has had widespread implications for the financial viability and editorial independence of the Australian Broadcasting Corporation. The budget axe has been wielded with devastating results by a conservative government apparently seeking to punish what it perceives to be a Left-leaning national broadcaster. The ABC Board and senior management ranks have been stacked with government sympathisers and the corporations independence has been undermined by an interfering Communications Minister. The ABC has also been the victim of an orchestrated political campaign that has abused official complaints procedures and promoted editorial interference.
he Liberal-National Coalitions grudge against the ABC has a long and personalised history which is rooted in animosity towards the corporations News and Current Affairs division. ABC Radio and Television Current Affairs which traditionally produced influential, hard-hitting, agenda-setting programs have been singled out for the harshest criticism from conservative political forces. Programs like AM, PM and The World Today on radio and their television stable-mates, 7.30 Report, Four Corners and Lateline certainly pose a significant threat to political parties and their leaders because they serve as vehicles for political accountability. Reporters on those programs embellish straight news reporting with analysis, interpretation, criticism and combative interviews. The Howard government appears to be seeking to constrain these programs and relegate them to virtual propaganda vehicles. An increasingly politically sensitive ABC management appears to be serving the Coalitions agenda by facilitating self-censorship and encouraging the dumbing-down of programming, resulting in the undermining of political reporting and the erosion of journalistic standards.
This article, written by an ABC insider, seeks to spotlight the Coalitions attempts to marginalise the National Broadcaster through a process of interference with the ABCs independence and journalistic integrity. The article draws on the authors 12 years of experience as an ABC reporter working in radio and television, within regional and national program units. Since 1997, the author has been employed as a senior political correspondent with ABC Radio Current Affairs in the Canberra Press Gallery. As a result, she has developed a particular insight into the budgetary and editorial difficulties confronting the ABC under successive conservative governments. She has attempted to confront her own biases by scouring the ABCs archives, examining a wide range of literature including that penned by some of the ABCs harshest critics and thoroughly analysing the mainstream medias coverage of the ABC since John Howard was elected in 1996. In addition, the author has interviewed other ABC News and Current Affairs employees about their experiences. The author is one of many ABC reporters whove been accused of biased reporting by Howard government supporters. However, in writing this article she has sought not to defend her own journalistic integrity, but to underline the serious implications for independent journalism of the Howard governments ongoing interference in the management of the ABC. Nevertheless, the author acknowledges that her research has also been influenced by her own experiences as an ABC reporter in the same way that all journalism is affected by the life experience and education of its authors.
Methodology
In support of her literature review and analysis of the mass media and the ABCs online archives, the author has also conducted a series of interviews with ABC employees who wish to remain anonymous. For this reason, these interviewees have been identified as J1-J9 when they are quoted in this article. The author conducted these semistructured face-to-face interviews between 2000 and 2002 as part of her undergraduate studies at the University of Canberra. Interviewees were drawn from a pool of reporters and producers with relevant experience within the ABCs News and Current Affairs division. While
the interviews were relatively free-ranging each interviewee was asked to address key areas of interest which were identified as: The perceived decline of reporting standards within ABC News and Current Affairs The effects of budget cuts on staff numbers and their skill levels Dumbing Down/Implications of the ratings push. Political/editorial interference direct and indirect; from within the ABC and externally Organisational politics/Reports of internal instability
Howards budget axe

Almost immediately upon seizing government in the 1996 landslide, John Howards Coalition cut the ABCs annual budget by 12 percent, reducing funding by approximately $66 million per annum and forcing the corporation to: generate savings by undergoing significant reshaping and reducing staff numbers in both programming and support areas. (ABC Online: The ABCs Budget: Fact Sheet) As ABC TV Current Affairs reporter, Quentin Dempster, wrote in The CourierMail at the time:
In dishonouring its clear commitment to the Australian people to maintain existing levels of Commonwealth funding and triennial funding for the ABC the Howard Government has embarked upon a destructive and malicious course (Dempster 1996)
These cuts exceeded reductions in other major public funding areas and they were accompanied by a wide-ranging process of review overseen by former McDonalds Restaurant chain executive Bob Mansfield. In reality, according to leaked Cabinet documents, the Mansfield Review was a means of legitimising the governments intention to control the ABC and limit its role; (To) give us the ability to influence future ABC functions and activities more directly. (The Age, 23/1/97) However, the Mansfield review did more to sure up the importance of the ABC in the Australian community than erode it much to the surprise of the ABCs critics. Bob Mansfield found that
the ABC needs long term financial certainty and warned that even the threat of further funding cuts would be imprudent and destructive. (ABC Press Release, 24/1/97) However, in spite of the Mansfield Reports findings, the budget cuts proposed by the Howard government went ahead and the ABC News and Current Affairs department was required to save $2.1 million. The battle lines were drawn between the divisions of news, sport and current affairs as cuts were contemplated and the prestigious ABC Radio Current Affairs programs AM, PM and The World Today were in the firing line along with the flasgship 7.45am Radio News bulletin. The head of metropolitan and regional radio programming in Victoria, Rob Batten, proposed replacing AM and PM with 15-minute news and current-affairs packages (McKay, Martin & Chamberlain 1996). This proposal was unsuccessful, but the early edition of PM was dumped with the head of Radio and Television Current Affairs, Lindy Magoffin declaring: Im not going to die in a ditch over early PM, if they want to axe it, they can. (J1 2000). On television, statebased current affairs programming was all but abandoned following the nationalisation of the 7.30 Report and the morning news bulletin was dropped. More recently though, an attempt has been made to localise TV Current Affairs again with the advent of the low-profile Friday night program, Stateline. In June 2000, 18 months after the Howard government won a second term in office, the ABC board announced another, more severe, round of cuts within News and Current Affairs. The annual budget for the division would be slashed by $3.7 million or 3.2 percent. But, the Media and Entertainment Arts Alliance said spending would have to be cut by $8 million within 12 months to meet the budget. Its going to mean important events arent going to be covered. In short, its going to mean the Australian people will be less well informed, as a result of this decision, than they were previously (ABC News Online, 2000). ABC managing director former Liberal Party member, Jonathon Shier, who had replaced Brian Johns in 1999 refused to guarantee the survival of news and current affairs programs on radio or television. Shier sought to justify the cuts in terms of organisational efficiency gains in the new climate of economic rationalism: A 3.2
percent change in funding happens a lot in Australia; 3.2 percent is not Armageddon (Parker 2000: http://www.greenleft.org.au/back/ 2000/426/426p7.htm). This view was echoed by ABC chair Donald McDonald who had publicly identified himself as one of John Howards best friends. Public institutions all over the country can adjust to a change thats of the order of 3 percent (Parker 2000). Ultimately, that adjustment was made but it came at a price. The process of undercutting experience through a diminution of senior reporting positions has accompanied a general attack on staff numbers and the need to do much, much more with less as economic rationalism, the requirement for balanced budgets and the chase for ratings take their toll within ABC news and Current Affairs. In spite of technological improvements that have aided the production process, the budget cuts have had a significant impact on the capacity of ABC radio reporters to gather newsworthy material: No-one goes out (to cover stories) anymore it became a case of heres a recorder good luck and worsened to heres the record-booth, work fast (J3 2001). Delivering the 2000 Andrew Olle Media lecture, Eric Beecher cited the ABC Budget debate as the most topical example of the challenge to journalism posed by the decline in standards:
In this particular case we have an owner, the federal government, who is ambivalent about the need for high quality news and current affairs on the ABC. But whats even more concerning is that the destiny of the ABC is now effectively in the hands of one person, the managing director (Jonathon Shier) who describes himself as a mini media mogul, who has no public broadcasting experience, no editorial experience, no experience running an organisation of this size or national importance, and has lived outside Australia for several decades (who has plunged) the corporation into a new media and educational role at the expense of the ABCs journalistic quality and output. (Beecher 2000)
By 2001, there had been a 20 percent reduction in staff, with the number of ABC employees dropping to 4100. This pattern of decline is well demonstrated within the influential Radio Current Affairs (RCAFF) division. When the author commenced employment at ABC Radio Current Affairs in 1995, there were 12 other permanent staff reporters (excluding producers, technical staff and presenters) working
in Sydney where the RCAFF programs are produced. By the last federal election in November, 2001 there were only six permanent RCAFF reporters working out of the Sydney production centre and most were relatively inexperienced and poorly remunerated. TV journalists seeking radio training, in order to improve their chances of winning an overseas posting in the new bi-media environment, were being funnelled through these programs to help overcome the staff shortfall. But this was a form of short-term plugging that ultimately resulted in a lack of programming continuity and undermined productionvalues. One long-serving RCAFF staff member claims morale is at an all time low within the department due to declining standards: One highprofile employee wants out because of the problem of inexperience and incompetence within RCAFF and the deleterious impact on its programmes (J2 2002). While the ABC charter requires its staff to produce programs which educate as well as entertain and which fill the void left by commercial stations, the emphasis in recent years even at times within the historically impervious News and Current Affairs division has been on the chase for ratings and reforming programming to make it more accessible, entertaining, less political and less boring (J1 2000). This has resulted in the search for light and entertaining stories to take the place of or at least subsume some of the space previously devoted to serious political analysis and investigative journalism. Ultimately, the result has been the marginalisation of political reporting and investigative journalism on AM, PM and The World Today and constant attacks on Four Corners, Lateline and 7.30 Report on ABC TV.
The ABC of dumbing down

During the 1996 federal election, PM was deemed essential listening by strategists from both sides of politics. In the middle of the election campaign, the Australian Financial Review published a photograph of a Liberal Party strategists planning board that carried the words Listen to PM written and circled boldly in black felt-tip pen. In Oppositon, the Howard team was closely monitoring the ABC,
mindful of how influential ABC Radio Current Affairs programs could be in a federal election campaign. But, in 1998, a new and relatively inexperienced executive producer set a different agenda. Under Kirsty McIvors guidance, there would be less emphasis on federal politics and industrial relations, accompanying a shift away from adversarial interviews on PM. The audience doesnt like to hear that sort of aggressive interviewing she told reporters (J1 2000). By the end of 1998, the shift in PMs focus was palpable. The end result of this strategy was a less hard-hitting, less-influential program which appeared to sideline its traditional role as national political watchdog in the search for ratings. According to ABC insiders, it was particularly difficult at times to sell political stories to the new executive producer of PM who requested more personality profiles from federal Parliament (J7 2001). Press gallery observers commented then that it sounded like ABC Radio was dumbing down. In 1998, the head of metropolitan and regional radio programming in NSW, Peter Wall, claimed the ABCs market research had revealed that listeners didnt want to hear so much politics If were going to do a political story it has to be good one, he said (Hill 1998). The critics were ropable, describing the new sound of ABC Radio as warm, bubbly, touchy feely barely distinguishable from commercial stations (Hill 1998) and it began to be pilloried in parliamentary circles. One politicians press secretary told the Sydney Morning Herald:
They used to once set agendas and we worked very hard to make sure that they were monitored very closely, as closely as 2UE (Sydney commercial radio) ... I just dont think they take it up to government any more. It used to be a very good forum for us to debate things in a more intelligent way. Now we dont see any difference between debating an issue on 2BL (the ABCs local Sydney station) and how we would debate it on 2UE I dont think theres a difference in the quality of the analysis and the level of journalism on air. (Hill 1998)
In October 2000, ABC Current Affairs staff signed a letter hitting out at a proposal to dumb down AM and PM. The proposed restructure of the programs content was outlined in a memo from Local Radio head, Michael Mason. He wanted AM to offer its audience a much wider range of subjects to reflect the communitys interests, aspirations
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and activities (Wilmoth 2000). The memo also proposed PM should be cut from 50 minutes to 20 minutes and said the quality of content is variable with some stories bordering on the ponderous. ABC reporters described the proposed restructure as: a naked attempt to remove our editorial independence. current affairs staff see this as an attempt to turn successful, respected and hard-hitting programs such as AM into programs motivated by lifestyle and commercial considerations (Wilmouth 2000). Although AM and PM were not altered in length, there was a change in content. A newly created News and Current Affairs Business and Finance unit was given several minutes of PMs 50-minute timeslot each day to broadcast corporate and stock-market news in line with federal government calls for a greater emphasis on business and finance in ABC programming. According to some RCAFF insiders, this shift in focus has amounted to: An over-emphasis on economic news and the big end of town at the expense of political reporting and other news. It certainly suits the governments agenda you know, the push for less focus on analysis and criticism of the Howard government but it doesnt serve journalism or the audience (J5 2001). The problem was not that business and economics were being covered in fact many observers believe the ABCs coverage of these important areas has until recently been inappropriately thin. But there is criticism within the ABC that the coverage of these areas is too soft and uncritical of the big end of town. The other problem as many insiders see it, is that the cost of this increasing focus on business and economics appears to have been paid for by cuts to political reporting and serious investigative journalism.
Agenda-setting
Perhaps an even more insidious problem confronting the ABC is the apparent political motivation behind the Howard governments budget cuts. The ABC is the nations most pervasive and influential media organisation and its much-vaunted independence is, in reality, constantly under threat.
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In day-to-day political terms, the governments power to appoint ABC board members and, with backroom guidance, the chief executive is considered to be more important than its appointments to the High Court. (The Bulletin, 13/6/01)
The Coalition government clearly has an agenda for the ABC. Basically, the Howard government views the ABC as Leftist, biased and wasteful (Brenchley 2002). Following the 1996 poll, the ABC Board was gradually stacked with political allies and Coalition sympathisers the most cynical appointment being Victorian Liberal Party power broker Michael Kroger. One of John Howards closest friends, Donald McDonald, replaced Mark Armstrong as ABC chair and the inexperienced former Liberal Party member Jonathon Shier supplanted Brian Johns as managing director with disastrous consequences. As Eric Beecher observed, following Shiers appointment the era of benign governance at the ABC is over (Beecher 2000). According to The Australians media writer Errol Simper, Shier was the Coalitions solution to perceptions of deeply entrenched, pro-Left corporation bias. Shier was more or less seen from the beginning as a Coalition Plant (Simper 2002). Fuelling John Howards antipathy towards the ABC was no doubt the influential nature of ABC news and current affairs programs and his disdain for the so-called journalistic elite. Indeed, several studies have identified Australian journalists as less conservative than the average media consumer and much less conservative than Howard himself. In 1993, Henningham surveyed Australian journalists and found them to be young, fairly well educated and politically liberal (Henningham 1993) In a separate study conducted in 1996, the same author found that compared with ordinary Australians, journalists were more likely to be in favour of unemployment benefits, trade unions, Asian immigration, an Australian Republic, indigenous land rights, legalised prostitution and conservation (Henningham 1996). In a report that followed, the same academic described Australian journalists as bleeding heart liberals on social issues, libertines in moral areas, and hostile to organised religion (Henningham, cited in Pearson & Brand 2001: 25). In another survey conducted by Henningham in 1995, a random sample of 173 journalists identified ABC news and Current
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Affairs as leaning towards the Labor Party (Henningham1995). These studies which are somewhat dated and published by the one author are often quoted as proof of bias within the Australian media and in particular within the ABC. As part of the ABAs study on sources of news and current affairs, 100 journalists were surveyed and they all scored lower than the general community sample on every index of conservatism except economics placing somewhere Left of centre on the political scale. Extensive audience surveys were also undertaken as part of this study which revealed that the Australian communitys political views could be described as centre to left of centre. The authors concluded that Australian journalists hold only modestly less conservative views than the general public (Pearson & Brand 2001). While the Prime Ministers suspicions about the personal beliefs of ABC journalists may have some foundation they have never been tested and there is no hard evidence that those values are deliberately transposed onto ABC news and current affairs programs. In fact, there is evidence to the contrary. According to the ABA survey of current affairs consumers:
Commercial television stations were thought to be more biased because of the influence of media owners, sponsors and big business. The ABC can have some political bias but is generally regarded as being the least biased, along with SBS. (Pearson & Brand 2001: Appendix 3)
The respondents found ABC radio in particular to be a provider of balanced coverage (Pearson & Brand 2001: 405). On the whole, the survey found that listeners were more concerned about political interference and the perceived commercialisation of the ABC than alleged bias in reporting. We trust the ABC. They are not sensationalists. They dont have to rate as much. They shouldnt have to rate at all. Another continued: On the ABC they understate it and keep to the facts they try to give both sides (Pearson & Brand 2001: 82). In addition, 72 percent of respondents expressed concern about political influence over program production. The findings of the ABA study reflect the high standing of the ABC within the Australian community. In 2000, a survey undertaken by international consumer research and advertising agencies found that the ABC was rated the second most trustworthy organisation in the country
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just behind the big charities. The public goodwill for the ABC appears to span all income brackets, with 47 percent of those earning less than $25,000 rating the ABC between 8 and 10. Fifty percent of all respondents put the ABC in the top trust bracket (McIntyre 2000). A Newspoll conducted by The Australian the following year, found that 58 percent of respondents believed there was no bias at all within the ABC while 5 percent believed the national broadcaster was biased in favour of the federal government and only 11 percent believed there was bias against the Coalition (The Australian 2001). But, while John Howards government is widely considered to be populist by nature, the high standing of the ABC within the electorate has done nothing to quell the perception that the Coalition is determined to curtail the influence of the ABC. There is a long history behind the Howard governments fear and loathing of the national broadcaster. As the Prime Ministers senior political adviser, Graham Morris once said of the ABC: Theyre our enemies talking to our friends (Davies 1997). That enemy is most threatening on ABC Current Affairs programs which embellish straight news with analysis in long-form reports and lively interviews. The Prime Minister made no attempt to hide his views about ABC News and Current Affairs programming in a range of radio interviews conducted in 1996 and 1997, cited by the Sydney Morning Herald:
The ABC is too politically correct. You can always predict what the ABC is going to say about certain issues . (Tabakoff 1997) ... the concern I have is that the range of views held on issues, particularly social issues, within the ABC or as expressed, are too narrowly based compared with, say, the range of views on those same issues that might be heard on 3AW, 2UE or written in the Sydney Daily Telegraph. (Tabakoff 1997) ... on certain issues the spectrum of opinion in the ABC is far too narrow, and if it had a broader spectrum of views on certain issues then it might have broader community appeal (Tabakoff 1997).
Not all conservative politicians agreed with John Howards assessment though. The then NSW Opposition leader former ABC journalist, Peter Collins said: I think generally the ABC goes to great
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pains to try to get the story right whatever their personal politics (Tabakoff 1997). Senator Cheryl Kernot, who was then the Australian Democrats leader, was in no doubt about the governments intentions: I think this Government has an agenda. I think it has an enemy list and I think ... it wants to reduce what it sees as the power of the ABC (and is willing to) use parliamentary processes to make its own comments on programming decisions and salary levels, which are not the province of government (Tabakoff 13/6/97). In referring to salary levels, Kernot was drawing attention to the controversy over the Prime Ministers involvement in the hijacking of a Senate Estimates Committee meeting in 1997, for the purpose of attacking the ABC current affairs journalist at the top of the governments hit-list the host of the influential 7.30 Report, Kerry OBrien. It was reported at the time, that the Prime Ministers advisers had drawn up a long list of questions about OBrien and his salary to lob at the committee. Opposition Communications spokesperson Chris Schacht said this amounted to the Prime Ministers staff preparing hand grenades to throw at the ABC when Alston (Communications Minister) had a statutory duty to protect the national broadcasters independence (Davies 13/6/97). In response, to public attacks from the Right on the public broadcaster, ABC chair Donald McDonald, was forced to defend the editorial integrity of the Corporation, saying: Im not sure that the ABC sticks in the necks of politicians any more than the Melbourne Age or The Sydney Morning Herald does ... I dont think its possible, I dont think its reasonable, to expect any single piece or program to always be balanced. But, he highlighted the ABCs commitment to give equal time to both sides of politics and he said that was all any intelligent member of any government could expect (Davies, 13/6/97). However, it is quite clear that John Howard expects much more than equal time from the ABC. He appears to interpret the ABCs commitment to fairness and balance as a requirement to reflect popular opinion at all times:
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The charge is that journalists are out of touch with public opinion and should bow to the weight of superior numbers. Thankfully thats not the way media commentary works. If politicians worship at the shrine of opinion polls, that is no reason for journalists to bend the knee. (Steketee 2002)
Conservative vengeance? There is an element of revenge in the Prime Ministers motivation for targeting the ABC. As is often reported, John Howard is a politician famous for his ability to hold a grudge and it is a widely held belief within the ABC that his experiences with two senior ABC press gallery journalists explain his deep personal resentment of ABC News and Current Affairs (J1 2002). He is reportedly still angry with Russell Barton and Jim Middleton over their coverage of the 1988 Liberal leadership challenge and the Asian immigration debate. ABC TV News broadcast stories during the period, which portrayed Howard as a racist and damaged his electoral credibility in a society that was then officially at least proudly multicultural. There are other reports, too, about Howards resentment of Middletons story on a party hosted by the then Liberal Party president, John Elliott in which it was reported that Howard was the only Liberal of significance to be omitted from the guest-list (Davies, 13/6/97). But, the Coalition hasnt limited the scope of its attack to individual reporters. ABC Current Affairs has been specifically targeted in the campaign of editorial interference as became patently obvious in the 1998 Waterfront Dispute. Government ministers openly made accusations of bias in the coverage of the dispute and Liberal Party federal director Lynton Crosby wrote to the managing director complaining about an edition of the AM program, which he described as over 30 minutes of advertorial for the Maritime Union of Australia (Davies, 25/11/00). Former managing director Brian Johns wrote a long letter in response to the complaint, defending the program in the context of the ABCs commitment to provide balance over time. But, this did nothing to assuage the Liberal Partys concerns. As relations between the government and the ABC plummeted further, Johns arranged a highlevel meeting in Canberra between ABC adviser Liz Jakubowski and the main antagonist Lynton Crosby, during which Crosby claimed
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the Liberal Party had received hundreds of letters about the ABCs bias against the government (Davies, 25/11/00). After numerous official letters of complaint and personal ministerial approaches to the ABC Board, an independent review of the ABCs coverage of the 1998 Waterfront Dispute was conducted by Professor of Media and Communications at the University of NSW, Philip Bell. Bell analysed the content of the current affairs programs on radio and television and compared the length of stories, the number of interviews conducted with protagonists on both sides of the dispute and the number of grabs (audio from interviewees) used in packages. He also assessed the language and literary devices employed by reporters as well as the style of questioning adopted in interviews. While acknowledging that journalists working on these programs necessarily relied on their own judgments and interpretive frameworks in identifying issues of interest and compiling stories on those issues, Bell concluded that there was a remarkable balance when it came to coverage and fairness (Bell 1998). The report found that it was not possible to judge ABC radios performance as biased, concluding that its coverage was professional, fair and in line with journalistic norms and responsibilities (Bell 1998). Professor Bell discovered there was only a 3 percent difference in the total interview time accorded to the opposing sides in the dispute, noting: It is remarkable that, over three programs, over four weeks, such an equality should be evident (Bell 1998). According to the report, politicians were much more likely to be interviewed adversarially than other interviewees. Workplace Relations Minister Peter Reith attracted the highest number of challenges overall, while the Opposition Leader and other ALP politicians were interrupted more frequently than Reith and other Coalition members. Bell made similar conclusions in a separate analysis of ABC television. When he was asked to comment on the issue of ABC bias during the 1998 federal election, Professor Bell highlighted the difficulty involved in attempting to achieve balance on air in the current political climate:
Bias is a standard which assumes a midpoint between two extremes, as if journalists should place themselves in the middle. But what happens if
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you have a far-right party? Do you stretch the envelope to accommodate that and shift the whole spectrum to the right? (Lumby 1998)
Significantly, Mark Day media investor and regular ABC detractor defended the public broadcaster against the governments accusations of bias during the Waterfront Dispute. Writing in the Prime Ministers favourite newspaper, Sydneys Daily Telegraph, he highlighted the danger of political interference in the editorial process:
Communications Minister Richard Alston is on the warpath against the ABC claiming bias in its reporting of the Waterfront Dispute. Senator Alston should put a sock in it. He is deliberately trying to cower the ABC when he, of all people, should know the ABC is an independent taxpayerfunded organisation. It is not, and has never been in its history, the voice of government. (Day 1998)
This is a view shared by veteran media critic Errol Simper: Alston is regularly overstepping his ministerial responsibilities (and). Wild, ill-informed, un-answered attacks on the fragile broadcaster are contemptuous of its role, destructive of staff morale, a threat to its independence (Inglis 2000). The Canberra Times went further, describing the Minister as an aggressive Liberal apparatchik who believes its his right to take an activist role in the corporation (Inglis 2000). Delivering the fifth Sir Halford Cook Lecture in 2000, Ken Inglis the author of a respected history of the ABC heaped additional criticism on the minister:
Senator Alston has harassed the ABC as I think no previous holder of the portfolio has done. He issues public statements criticizing the ABC and calling for changes in procedures and even programs. He breaches again and again the convention which has the minister deal with the chairman, not the managing director, as he leapfrogs Donald McDonald to confront Brian Johns. His governments strategy on the ABC has combined starvation with intimidation. (Inglis 2000)
The Howard governments assault on the ABC has been targeted and systematic. In 2000, The Sydney Morning Herald made a Freedom Of Information request to the ABC, asking to see all complaints lodged by political parties and politicians during the preceding three years. The
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period covered a federal election as well as the Waterfront Dispute and elicited 80 complaints. More than 75 percent of the complaints came from the Liberal Party and its federal director, Lynton Crosby, wrote most of those. The SMH concluded that the number of complaints either suggests that Crosby is justifiably angry at the ABC or, as some in the ABC believe, the Liberal Party is engaged in a campaign of political guerrilla warfare with the ABC (Davies 2000). The complaints ranged in scope from criticisms of inaccuracies to alleged incidences of bias. Crosby was critical of the full range of journalistic activities at the ABC, including the choice of stories and the placement of those stories as well as the way they were covered:
I do question the ABCs objectivity in terms of their subject selection, their selection of presenters and commentators, in the focus they give to one part of a story or another; there is a legitimate argument to be put about their objectivity. (Davies 2000)
During the 1998 federal election, the Coalition stepped up its criticism of the ABC, mounting daily public attacks on its election coverage that were supported by ABC Board member and former Liberal Party state president, Michael Kroger. Kroger alleged that the ABCs election coverage had not been balanced and he said: ABC management should look at its internal procedures for dealing with election complaints (Wilkinson, Clark, & Baird 1998). Within a twoweek period, Lynton Crosby wrote seven letters of complaint to the ABC. One of these letters was about a three-minute Radio Current Affairs report, in which Crosby alleged the Labor Leader, Kim Beazley, had received more coverage than the Prime Minister. He demanded that Johns investigate this issue as a matter of urgency (ibid). Senator Alston and his chief-of-staff also wrote letters of complaint and the ABC boards staff-elected member, Kirsten Garrett, said the Howard government is nakedly trying to intimidate the ABC (Wilkinson, Clark & Baird, 19/9/98). The issues identified in the ABC mailbag also revealed a desire by conservative political forces to impose their social reform agenda on the ABC. In October 2000, Crosby wrote to complain about the coverage of Aboriginal affairs following an earlier complaint about a report on AM during the Sydney Olympics. In response to Crosbys
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original complaint, the ABC issued an apology over Warwick Hadfields commentary on Cathy Freemans gold medal win during the Sydney Olympics, which began: It was a good day for those who had said their sorrys a long time ago (Davies, 25/11/00). According to Fairfax columnist Catherine Lumby, the root cause of Howards misconceptions about the ABC resembles the paranoia about the media expressed by Pauline Hanson:
Both Howard and Hanson seem to share the view that the media should act as a funnel rather than a filter when it comes to politicians and their policies. The Prime Minister thinks the national broadcaster should act as simply that: a broadcast mechanism. Howard may be a talented parliamentary debater but hes never been good at fielding detailed, sceptical questions from reporters intent on uncovering the ideological roots of his policies. (Lumby: http://www.smh.com.au/ballot98/)
And therein lies John Howards biggest problem with ABC Current Affairs programs. They are designed not just to regurgitate information, but also to critically analyse it a process that, by its very nature, requires journalists to make judgements about that information in the public interest. In fact, as the ABCs editorial policies state:
The ABC aims to provide a comprehensive, consistent and intelligent service, which is reasoned and compassionate, but determined and unflinching. The ABC does not simply report: it also works within the best traditions of investigative journalism, to which it has made major contributions. While it remains independent of sectional interests, it is well placed to pursue issues of public concern systematically through innovative and reliable journalism and to contribute uniquely to the freedom of information that is essential to a democratic society. (http: //www.abc.net.au/corp/edpol98)
Under the heading Accuracy, Impartiality and Objectivity, the guidelines stipulate:
ABC editorial staff must not allow their professional judgment to be influenced by pressures from political, commercial or other sectional interests or by their own personal views Pursuing impartiality should not mean, however, merely an endorsement of the status quo (ABC 1998).
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Political sensitivity
Unfortunately, the problem of political interference in the editorial process within the ABC is not limited to the government attempting to exert pressure on programs. It has also involved politically sensitive managers seeking to influence program content as evidenced by this ABC Radio Producers comments to the Australian Broadcasting Authority:
Normally its because management has received a complaint about something that youve done or perhaps something thats been said in an interview We have been directed from time to time not to speak to certain people. I think in one situation that was due to a lot of criticism from government because they felt that one of the commentators who reported on negative aspects of their performance was biased. Now I dont think reporting on peoples failures is necessarily biased, its just galling, but management can be affected by that, I think. (Pearson & Brand 2001: 83-84)
Mindful of the governments ability to cut the ABCs budget, and in some cases apparently sympathetic towards Mr Howards concerns, News and Current Affairs management began interfering subtly at first in daily editorial decisions while entertaining the opinions and concerns of the ABCs new political masters. Aware of the nervousness of ABC management, the governments key strategists and spin-doctors capitalised on their advantage and a fax and phone war was launched by the government against the ABC:
When Mr Howard or one of his colleagues disliked an interviewers tone or took umbrage with a point of analysis contained within a report, a fax would be sent to ABC management or a discreet phone-call would be made, questioning the editorial judgement of the reporter and asking for explanations as to why particular angles were chosen. (J9 2000)
In response, according to one ABC reporter, in mid-1997 the head of ABC TV and Radio Current Affairs, Lindy Magoffin, and the national head of News and Current Affairs, Paul Williams, travelled to Canberra for a meeting with John Howards advisors. The Coalitions concerns about the ABCs coverage of political and social issues were on the agenda. After the meeting, ABC Press Gallery reporters were made
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very aware that they should avoid rocking the boat unnecessarily as delicate federal budget negotiations proceeded (J8 2001). Executive producers also acknowledged the ABCs need to be particularly careful given the new governments antagonism. In the lead up to the 1998 federal election, experienced political reporters were forced to constantly justify to PMs new executive producer, Kirsty McIvor, the pursuit of stories which could be perceived as critical of the government. On one occasion, at the height of the so called race debate, an ABC Press Gallery reporter was criticised by a senior colleague for asking a question, in a televised session of a National Press Club address by prominent Aboriginal leader Pat Dodson, which was construed as too sympathetic towards Aborigines and critical of the government (J7 2001). The push for balance from ABC management inspired a subtle new consciousness even among senior reporters of the opinions of the politicians who controlled the ABCs purse-strings. It appears that heightened political sensitivity within ABC management has even had an impact on interview technique, on the agenda-setting radio current affairs programs at least. In 2000, ABC RCAFF reporter, Mark Willacy, was harangued by Kim Beazleys media adviser, Greg Turnbull, over an interview he had done with Federal Treasurer Peter Costello. Turnbull accused Willacy of being soft on Costello and called him a sycophant while threatening retribution under a Beazley government (Steketee 8/3/01). Turnbull defended his threatening phone call, saying: It was the softest interview Ive heard on ABC current affairs radio. When he pursued the issue with the programs executive producer, he claimed he was told: We made a decision that the best approach with Costello is seduction. As former press gallery journalist Mike Steketee observed: Media bullying can have a subliminal effect, making journalists more inclined to pull their punches in future. That is certainly the aim of those applying the pressure (Steketee 2001). Self-censorship conscious or unconscious is prevalent among ABC political reporters particularly within the Canberra Press Gallery where government censure is felt first-hand.
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Editorial interference
There were also more overt forms of editorial interference from ABC management, with the internal assessment process used to determine seniority and pay within the ABC being implemented to address concerns about the political views and alleged biases of individual reporters. In 1999, one senior ABC reporters assessment appeared to echo the concerns of the Corporations Right-Wing detractors. In assessment documents sighted by the author, one executive producer quoted several examples of stories that were claimed to demonstrate bias the first was a report on the Stolen Generations debate:
I felt the story was too personal, uncritical and unbalanced I said that stories such as this would reinforce any perception that (name of reporter)was biased There is concern within the department by all three executive producers about (name of reporter) editorial line/bias. (ABC Journalist/Reporter Performance Appraisal, March 1999)
Significantly, conservative commentators, including John Howards former speechwriter, Gerard Henderson, had written in the Sydney Morning Herald about alleged bias within the ABC during the preceding months:
From time to time the ABC reverts to type. An instance occurred on ABC Radio Nationals PM last Wednesday when Julie Posetti (the author of this article) interviewed the Environment Minister, Robert Hill, about uranium mining at Jabiluka. It was soon evident just who Posetti was barracking for namely, the opponents of mining. She was very hard on Hill but quite soft on the Wilderness Societys Alec Marr, who came on the program and accused the Minister of talking rubbish. Quite a free kick, to be sure. The Howard Government objects, and rightly so, when ABC types barrack for various causes, invariably of a leftist kind. (Henderson 1998)
ABC Radio Current Affairs management was paying particular attention to the views of conservative political forces and, in some cases, appeared to be using such views to call into judgement the editorial integrity of individual journalists. This sensitivity to government criticism within the ABC continued throughout the late 1990s and was heightened in the aftermath of the 1998 and 2001 federal elections which saw the re-election of the
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Howard government. In some cases, it even appeared ABC management was doing the governments bidding. Particularly worrying is an account of attempted interference by management during a live political debate in the 2001 election campaign:
One particular manager has interfered directly in (RCAFF) broadcasts. During the 2001 election he tried to interfere in a political debate, complaining about the rhetoric of (a Greens candidate) who was criticising the government. (J3 2001)
Equally worrying are the changes in editorial practice within ABC News and Current Affairs. In mid-2001 not long after he assumed the newly created role of Network Editor Mark Henderson issued an internal email that discouraged reporters from covering industrial disputes. This controversial email suggested that the focus of industrial reporting should be limited to the coverage of events that disrupt public access to utilities such as transport workers strikes. ABC journalists interpreted this email as a form of editorial interference designed to aid the federal governments demonisation of the union movement. One senior ABC News correspondent commented: This is all about management doing the governments bidding and cracking down on the governments opponents silencing them (J6 2001).
Overt Attacks
Perhaps the most direct attack on the editorial independence of the ABC is the attempt by Howard appointees to the ABC Board to re-write the ABCs editorial policies. Government-affiliated board members, Michael Kroger and Judith Sloan, have been pushing for editorial reform since the 1998 Waterfront dispute. Kroger and Sloan are members of a sub-committee that has over-ruled the objections of senior journalists and an expert working group following a review of existing editorial guidelines. It was reported in 2001 that a leaked document confirmed the boards intention to drop the Editorial Guidelines provision for balance over time and replace it with a requirement for balance to be achieved through the presentation as far as possible of principal relevant viewpoints on matters of importance (The Australian, 4/11/01). Senior ABC News and Current Affairs
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journalists feared that under these revised guidelines, politicians and other influential individuals could effectively stymie a broadcast by refusing to react to an unflattering comment or an unwelcome announcement. This policy change would pose serious problems for radio journalists whose deadlines are unrelenting and it would likely inhibit breaking news. The federal government shows no signs of abandoning its campaign against ABC News and Current Affairs. In April 2002, Liberal Party federal president Shane Stone included the ABC in a scathing antiintellectual critique of Australian political journalism and, in particular, Press Gallery journalists. In his opening address at the Federal Liberal Party Council, Stone condemned the media for incorrectly recording the 2001 election result which many commentators had described as tainted by racism. In the minds of the Coalition government and its supporters, the 2001 win was an historic victory for John Howard and the failure of the quality media to accept that interpretation of events incensed Howard and his team. According to Stone, the idea that a divisive campaign over asylum seekers diminished the victory was fanciful poppycock. He went on to accuse a host of Australian journalists of being politically compromised and speaking in a language that most Australians dont relate to (Stone 2002). Less than two weeks after Stones address, the Prime Minister publicly attempted to intervene in the editorial process at the ABC, attacking the daily TV current affairs program, Lateline, and accusing it of running a campaign against the government over the mandatory detention of asylum seekers in Australia. Lateline had offended the federal government by airing a controversial video showing scenes of violence and severe psychological distress involving inmates at the Curtin detention centre. The following night, Lateline screened a discussion involving whistleblowers from the Woomera detention centre who were fiercely critical of the governments policies. The next morning, the Prime Minister hit the airwaves in a blatant attempt to shutdown Latelines investigations into the asylum seeker crisis:
It (Lateline) is no longer a reporter of this issue It is now a strenuous participant in the debate. The emphasis that particularly that program has put on this issue is out of proportion and not consistent with its
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obligations to provide coverage of other current affairs issues and the way in which it reports it is as an advocate, as a participant, rather than as a reporter What Im talking about is the proportion of coverage relative to other current affairs issues. (Lateline, 24/4/02)
The ABC later released a statement defending Latelines coverage of the Curtin video story as balanced and fair. News executive John Cameron declared: Audience feedback to Lateline that night was overwhelmingly in favour of the way the story was handled (http: //www.abc.net.au/news). But, ABC Radio Current Affairs appeared to be self-censoring again. The morning after the sensational video footage was aired, AM, devoted the first 15 minutes of the program to three separate pro-federal government stories about plans to introduce cheaper phone services (AM, 23/4/02). The shocking story unfolding inside Australias detention centres was relegated to the very end of the program. It sounded like another win for the governments spin-doctors and the politics of bias. The following month, Michael Kroger reiterated the Prime Ministers attack on Lateline, publicly condemning the program in an interview with David Hardacre on ABC Radios PM:
What weve seen in recent weeks is an over-concentration by the corporation on the asylum-seeker issue numerous references on Lateline far more than any other news broadcast in the country its an obsession. Q: What would be the correct airtime for such stories? These things are very subjective, theyre matters for balance, theyre matters for people to say well I think weve done enough on that story or that particular issue and I just hold the view that various people whoever they are in News/Caff just want to keep running this story over and over again (PM, 7/5/02).
Kroger was clearly trying to pressure ABC executives to curtail Latelines investigations into the asylum seeker issue while encouraging the culture of self-censorship in a politically sensitive climate. However, he claimed he didnt begrudge Latelines right to conduct detailed research on the matter.
No, I dont one of the things news broadcasts have to do is to break stories, I just think that if you keep researching a story over and over again
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then youre probably going to find more information I dont mind them investigating anything, I just think there are probably other issues out there that we can concentrate on, for example, small business. (PM, 7/5/02)
What Kroger appeared to be saying while transparently claiming to uphold the editorial independence of Lateline is that the program should stop investigating the asylum seeker issue because an ongoing investigation would just produce new stories that would undermine the governments political agenda. A day earlier, another controversy had erupted within ABC News and Current Affairs involving the same outspoken ABC Board member. Michael Kroger stood accused of trying to influence a story being prepared for Four Corners by veteran reporter, Chris Masters. The program was examining the power and influence of the Coalitions political ally, Sydney commercial broadcaster, Alan Jones. Kroger, a close friend of Joness, pressured the ABC Board to intervene and quash the program and then demanded to be interviewed for the story, while attempting to influence the angle taken by the reporter. Kroger told Masters I think a show on Alan Jones should be more positive than negative (Jonestown, Four Corners, 7/5/02). This time, Kroger was not demanding balance from the ABC, but bias in favour of a friend. Masters and the programs executive producer publicly accused Kroger of attempting to interfere in the reporting process with Masters telling Lateline that he could no longer defend the ABC against allegations of political and editorial interference:
Over the years, I have tended to say that accusations of management interference to me seem to be enormously overstated. I, in my career, a long career, I cant think of any examples actually. And I dont think Ill be able to say that anymore. (Lateline, 7/5/02)
Kroger publicly denied the allegation that he had tried to influence the programs content and retaliated on the airwaves, launching a general attack on ABC News and Current Affairs, which he described as institutionally biased. He told ABC Radio:
I think ABC News and Current Affairs from Sydney doesnt have enough diversity we have within the ABC a large number of people who have backgrounds hostile to the Coalition. I think theres a lot of work to be done to redress this imbalance. (Sydney Morning Herald, 7/5/02)
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As part of the drive to redress the staff imbalance at the ABC, Kroger reportedly encouraged the ABC Board to consider another friend former Channel 9 executive, David Leckie for the position of managing director (Meade, 7/5/02). The position remained vacant seven months after the sacking of Jonathon Shier whos brief tenure was the most controversial in the Corporations history. Kroger was snookered, however, and the acting managing director, ABC bureaucrat Russell Balding, was later confirmed in the position. It has also been reported that Kroger has been involved in the Coalitions letter writing campaign against the ABC, recently inundating Russell Balding, with written complaints about ABC News and Current Affairs (Meade, 7/5/02). It appears the Howard government is unapologetically attempting to change the culture of the ABC. The head of the parliamentary committee with oversight of the ABC, Liberal MP Christopher Pyne, told journalists that the intervention of Kroger or any other ABC Board member in the editorial process at the ABC was entirely appropriate otherwise what is the role of an ABC Board member? (Sydney Morning Herald 7/5/02). According to the federal Oppositions Communications Spokesperson, Lindsay Tanner, the comments from Howard, Kroger and Pyne highlight the governments brow-beating campaign against the ABC:
This is all about creating a climate of fear within the ABC to protect John Howard from public criticism. Michael Krogers interventions are part of a deliberate strategy to intimidate ABC programme-makers and to make them think twice about criticizing the Howard government, (Sydney Morning Herald 7/5/02)
For the record, in April 2002 the current head of ABC News and Current Affairs, Max Uechtritz, issued a press release in which he vehemently defended the ABCs editorial independence in the face of government criticism:
The ABC rejects the charge that it is institutionally biased against the Federal Government. The ABC broadcasts over 24,000 hours of news and current affairs a year on radio and television and many tens of thousands of pages online. It does so without fear or favour. It was particularly pleasing to note that the recent report by the Australian National Audit
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Office (ANAO) found that the ABCs News and Current Affairs Division has effective procedures and practices in operation that assist it to deliver news and current affairs programs that reflect the Charter requirements of independence, accuracy and impartiality.
Nevertheless, as the ABC struggles to survive in the face of increasing hostility from the Coalition government, its prestigious news and current affairs programs are being hampered by political interference, reactionary managers, and of course, budget cuts. Ultimately, the ability of a dwindling number of reporters to react to breaking news, conduct challenging interviews, provide critical analysis of national affairs and produce serious, investigative reports has been threatened and undermined since the Howard government came to power in 1996. The result is a hamstrung and increasingly timid national broadcaster whose independence is being undermined and Australian journalism is the poorer for it. Postscript In the 2001-2002 financial year, the ABC was forced to satisfy the federal government that it was meeting its editorial charter obligations via a far-reaching Australian National Audit Office inquiry. According to Russell Balding the ANAO found that procedures and practices were effective in assisting the ABC to deliver News and Current Affairs programs that reflected the charter requirements of independence, accuracy and impartiality. It also found that the ABCs approach to the control of standards of political and electoral broadcast matters was robust and effective (Australian Financial Review, 5/7/02). In June 2002, Newspoll conducted a third ABC Appreciation Survey which found that 91 percent of Australians believe the ABC provides a valuable service to the community a 3 percent increase over the findings of the initial survey in 1998. An increased number of respondents 79 percent also said the ABC is doing a good job at being balanced and even handed when reporting news and current affairs (Newspoll, June 2002). Even after the ABC introduced a new complaints mechanism in August 2002 which was independent of program makers
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Senator Alston continued to call for reforms and complain of bias at the ABC. This is how the satirists John Clarke and Bryan Dawe viewed the situation in a mock interview on the 7.30 Report: INTERVIEWER: Are the commercial channels biased would you say, Minister? SENATOR ALSTON: No, the commercial channels are not biased, Bryan. Theyre very conservative. We dont have a problem with them at all. the ABC has absolutely nothing to fear if it just watches how it goes politically. INTERVIEWER: Yes, but the ABCs job surely is to provide a service to all the community minister, not just the government? SENATOR ALSTON: The ABCs job, since you bring it up Bryan, is to provide adequate shipping times and reliable grain prices and quite a lot of Mantovani music and the sooner they get on with that, the sooner this problem of bias will go away. (7.30 Report, 29/8/02) In September, 2002, the new managing director, Russell Balding made it clear that no further federally imposed budget cuts would be tolerated by his administration. Since 1996, the ABC has been reformed, reduced, refocused and restructured to the limit ... years of doing more with less has taken its toll and as far as ABC services go, we are at the limit of our comprehensiveness without additional funding. There are no more rabbits left in the hat (The Australian, 26/9/02).
References
ABC (1997), ABC response to the Mansfield Report, Media Release, 24 January. ABC (1999), Journalist/Reporter Performance Appraisal, March. ABC (1998), Editorial Policies 1998, ABC Online <www.abc.net.au/corp/ edpol98> [accessed 5 Apr, 2002]. ABC (1998), ABC Code Of Practice April 1998, ABC Online <www.abc.net.au/corp/pubs/policyindex.htm> [accessed 18 Apr, 2002].
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ABC (2002), The ABCs Charter, ABC Online <www.abc.net.au/corp/ charter.htm> [accessed 18 Apr, 2002]. ABC (2002), The ABCs Budget, Fact Sheet, ABC Online <www.abc.net.au/ corp/budget.pdf> [accessed 18 Apr, 2002]. ABC (2000), Media union slams ABC budget cuts, ABC Online <www.abc.net.au/news> [accessed 20 Oct, 2000]. ABC (2002), Port Headland riot over, Lateline <http://www.abc.net.au/ lateline> 24 Apr, 2002 [accessed 25 Apr, 2002]. ABC (2002), AM <www.abc.net.au/am> 23 April, 2002 [accessed 24 Apr, 2002]. ABC (2002), ABC defends asylum seeker coverage, ABC Online <www.abc.net.au/news> [accessed 24 Apr, 2002]. ABC Radio (2002), PM, Radio National, 7 May. ABC Radio (2002), The World Today, Radio National, 7 May. ABC TV (2002), ABC accused of anti-Coalition bias, Lateline, 7 May. ABC TV (2002), Jonestown, Four Corners, 6 May. The Age (1996), Editorial, 18 July. The Australian (2001), The ABC Rules Spell Bad News For Journalists, 4 September. Beecher, E. (2000), Andrew Olle Media Lecture, ABC Online <www.abc.net.au/specials/olle/default.htm> [accessed 28 Feb, 2002]. Bell, P. (1998), AM, The World Today and PM: ABC radio coverage of the Waterfront Dispute, April-May 1998 (Media and Communications Unit, University of NSW, July). The Bulletin (2001), Faulty Towers, 13 June. Brenchley, F. (2002), ABC Change, The Bulletin, 22 January. Davies, A. (1997), Mad about the media, Sydney Morning Herald, 13 June. Davies, A. (2000), Payback TV, Sydney Morning Herald, 25 November. Dempster, Q. (1996), The Courier-Mail, 18 July. Day, M. (1998), Politicians fail to learn their ABC, The DailyTelegraph, 18 May. Friends Of the ABC (2002), Background Briefing 3, <www.fabc.org.au> [accessed 5 Mar, 2002]. Friends Of the ABC (2002), What is happening to the ABC? (<http: //www.fabc.org.au/national/info/info1.html> [Accessed 5 Mar, 2002]. Hill, K. (1998), Radio Bland, Sydney Morning Herald (The Guide), 15 June. Henderson, G. (1998), Losses the ABC just cant afford, Sydney Morning Herald, 1 December.
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Henningham, J. (1993), Characteristics and attitudes of Australian journalists, Electronic Journal of Communication: 3. Henningham, J. (1995), Journalists perception of bias, Australian Journalism Review: 17 (2). Henningham, J. (1996), How Political correctness shapes the media, The Independent Monthly: 16 February. Inglis, K. (2000), Communication breakdown, The Walkley Magazine: Autumn. Inglis, K. (2001), The ABC and the public good, The fifth Sir Halford Cook Lecture: Queens College, 19 May. Lumby, C. (2001), Balancing tact, The Bulletin, 18 September. Lumby, C. (1998), The ideal watchdog is tough but fair, Ballot 98 <http: //www.smh.com.au/ballot98> [Accessed 10 Oct, 2001]. Manne, R. (1996), The Australian, 22 July. Mansfield, B. (1997), The challenge of a better ABC, AGPS, Canberra. McKay, S., L. Martin & P. Chamberlain (1996), ABC chiefs draw swords, The Age: 5 September. Meade, A. (2001), ABC rules spell bad news for journalists, The Australian: 4 September. Meade, A. (2002), Kroger tried to stop Jones story, The Australian: 7 May. Parker, C. (2000), ABC workers fight news cuts, <www.greenleft.org.au/ back/2000/426/426p7.htm> Pearson, M. & J. Brand (2001), Sources of news and current affairs, The Australian Broadcasting Authority. Posetti, J., Interviews with ABC staff (Identified as J1-J9), 2000-02. Simper, E.(2002), McDonalds cool in the hot seat, The Australian (Media): 21 January. Steketee, M. (2001), Mind over media how the Flaks control the political message: Canberra in control, The Australian (Media): 8 March. Steketee, M. (2002), Puncturing the propaganda, The Walkley Magazine: Autumn. Stone, S. (2002), Opening address to the Liberal Party Federal Council, 12 April, <http://www.liberal.org.au/about/federalcouncil_fp_120402.htm> [Accessed 13/5/02]) The Sydney Morning Herald (2002), Kroger denies using position to influence ABC, Report: 7 May. Tabakoff, J. (1997), How balanced is the ABC?, Sydney Morning Herald (The Guide): 3 August. Wilkinson, M., P. Clark & J. Baird (1998), Liberals step up attack on ABC bias, Sydney Morning Herald: 19 September.
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Wilmoth, P. (2000), Anger at Dumbing Down of ABC Radio, The Age: 20 October.
Julie Posetti is a senior political journalist with ABC Radio Current Affairs in the Canberra Press Gallery. A former reporter with ABC TV Documentaries, She has also worked for the ABC as a news reporter/producer in Sydney and as a Regional Radio News Editor in Wollongong. After undertaking initial studies in history and politics she will graduate with a Bachelor of Communications Degree from the University of Canberra, where she also tutors journalism students. She is currently on extended leave from the ABC after sustaining a back injury while on assignment.
Ethics in journalism and Cheryl Kernot: A colloquium

Rhonda Breit, John Harrison, Martin Hirst, Trina McLellan & Desley Bartlett
Ethics asks the ought question. Ought Laurie Oakes have disclosed Cheryl Kernots affair with Gareth Evans? Ought the affair be taken into account in any assessment of Kernots motives for defecting to the ALP? Ought Kernot have disclosed the affair to ALP leaders before her defection? Ought Kernot have omitted the affair from her memoir? Ought politicians private lives be paraded in public? Ought journalists re-consider their treatment of high-profile women in public life? All these issues and more are discussed in the colloquium below.
heryl Kernot was elected as an Australian Democrat Senator for Queensland in 1990, and was leader of the party from 1993 until 1997, when she defected to the Australian Labor Party cast into Opposition at the 1996 general election after 13 years in government. Kernot gave as her motivation that she wanted to be in a position to have greater influence on politics and public policy, and in particular to contribute to the defeat of the Howard Liberal government. Kernot resigned from the Senate and successfully contested the marginal House of Representatives seat of Dickson in the 1998 general election and was appointed Shadow Minister for Regional Development, Infrastructure Transport and Regional Services and Shadow Minister for Employment. Recontesting the seat at the 2001 general election Kernot was defeated. Conceding defeat, Kernot announced she would write a book about her experiences in politics. On release of Kernots memoir, Speaking for Myself Again in July 2002, Laurie Oakes, the political editor for the Nine television network,
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wrote in his weekly column for The Bulletin magazine that the book omitted Kernots biggest secret, which Oakes argued, would cause a lot of people to view her defection ... in a different light (Oakes 2002a: 16). Oakes did not reveal the secret, but acknowledged that, for a long time now, some members of the Fourth Estate have been aware of the biggest secret in Kernots life. The secret that Kernot had conducted a five-year affair with former ALP parliamentarian, Gareth Evans was revealed by Stephen Mayne to subscribers of his crikey.com website the day Oakess Bulletin column was published. Evans, who had left Parliament in 1999 and was now based in Europe, released a statement acknowledging the affair, having vigourously denied it in Parliament when it was raised in March 1998. Kernot went to ground, her publisher cancelling the remainder of her book publicity tour. The ongoing public debate ranged across a number of issues, including the materiality of the Evans-Kernot affair to Kernots decision to defect, the public interest justification for disclosing the affair, the timing of the disclosure, Evanss misleading of Parliament over the affair, the treatment of high-profile women in politics and Kernots contribution to public life. The Canberra Press Gallery was split over Oakess action. Talkback callers were reported as 80 percent against Oakes. Oakes himself in The Bulletin the following week said of his decision to write the story, The privacy versus public interest debate is an important one. I made a judgement which I and many others believe was right. But it is not a matter of black and white... (Oakes 2002b: 19). Methodological issues Michelle Grattan, now of The Age newspaper, regards this case as generating the most substantial debate about journalism ethics in Australia in recent memory. In this colloquium, five scholars from the University of Queenslands School of Journalism and Communication reflect on the case from a range of perspectives. All the contributors have taught ethics although in a wide variety of contexts. The literature on learning about ethics suggests that peer-led discussion is the most effective context for the development of ethical insight (Nelson & Obremski 1990). For the contributors, this colloquium represented such an opportunity and, to some extent, this piece has parallels with the work Lou Hodges has been doing regularly in the Journal of Mass
Ethics and Kernot
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Media Ethics, although the United States is normally the context for the cases that Hodges presents (Hodges 1992). There are of course risks in the use of case-based moral reasoning, or casuistry, as it is known. Until recently casuistry was largely discredited as a form of moral reasoning. It has been revived, largely in the field of bioethics, through the work of Stephen Toulmin and Albert Jonsen (1988) but not without some trenchant criticism (Boyle 1997; Tomlinson 1994). Casuistry seeks to work inductively from cases, (Jonsen & Toulmin 1988: 106-7), comparing like with like, whereas deontological moral reasoning, based on codes, is deductive. The advantage of using a method such as casuistry is that people who hold different principles can often come to agreement on the solution to a particular ethical problem without the necessity to compromise on the principles they hold. However, casuistry is an explicitly nonprincipled form of moral reasoning, and still has some way to go before it is rehabilitated as a universally acceptable form of moral reasoning. Boeyink (1992) makes a case for the use of casuistry in journalism ethics, but not a convincing one. Skating over casuistrys problematic past in one paragraph (1992: 112), Boeyink posits casuistry as a middle way between a situation ethics which sees each case as unique and an absolutism in which cases are the passive raw material to which moral principles are applied (1992: 111), a sort of systematised situationalism. There has been no attempt to synchronise the views of the contributors, each has selected an aspect of the issue and the ensuing debate to discuss. Rhonda Breit opens with a discussion of lying and legitimacy of keeping information secret; Trina McLellan assesses possible motives for placing such a story into the public domain; Martin Hirst looks at the media portrayal of Cheryl Kernot as a highprofile woman in Australian politics; John Harrison contributed the introduction and analyses the moral framing of the issue by the public as represented in Letters to the Editor, and Desley Bartlett relates the issue to the current MEAA Code of Ethics.
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1. Sex, secrecy and lying: can it be ethical?

Rhonda Breit The revelations about the Kernot/Evans affair raise many ethical issues, some of which are discussed by my colleagues. However, this discussion focuses on three issues: The complicity of journalists in perpetrating a public deception. The nature of that deception. Was it a lie? Was the affair reported in a manner that satisfies the public interest? Oakes claims to have revealed the affair between Kernot and Evans because it involved public interest issues, not just privacy considerations. According to Oakes, he was not aware of it at the time of Kernots defection to Labor and Evanss misleading parliament over his relationship with Kernot. While defending the delay in revealing the biggest secret in Kernots life, Oakes claims (2002b: 19) that at least one journalist knew of the affair at the time of Kernots defection. But he was not convinced there was a relationship until the second half of 1999, and did not have email proof until two months ago. In defending his decision, Oakes admits to difficulties balancing the concepts of privacy and public interest. This discussion seeks to unpack these concepts, taking up Oakess theme (2002a: 16) of secrets and lies. Secrecy and lies Sissela Bok (1982: 14) defines secrecy as intentional concealment, commonly linked with privacy and those things humans hold sacred. Secrets involve insiders, who are party to the secret and outsiders, who are not. Every secret involves conflict between what the insiders already know and what the outsiders want to know (Bok 1982: 6). Even where an individual is the only person who knows the secret, he/she faces a constant dilemma: reveal or maintain the secret? According to Bok (1982: 19), this conflict is over power that comes through controlling the information flow.
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But how does this relate to Kernots secret? Who were the parties? Obviously, Kernot and Evans were parties to the secret, but at least one journalist and probably more knew of the secret at the time of Kernots defection. According to Bok, this means Kernot (and Evans) had lost control of the information flow. Journalists had control because they could reveal the big secret: the affair! That secret remained intact until July 2002, despite Kernots declaration that she was leaving the Democrats to help bring down the Coalition. At this time, the affair was private. Evans misled parliament by denying the affair and it was still a private matter. From late 1997 until now, the secret had been safe. Using Boks conception of secrecy, journalists silence could have reinforced to Kernot (and Evans) that the affair was a private matter. In effect, their silence legitimised the secret. But did Kernot lie? Bok (1989: 13-14) defines lying as any intentionally deceptive message, which is stated. According to this definition, Kernot did not lie about the reasons for her defection, nor did she lie in her book. But she did deceive the public and others by keeping the affair secret. Bok identifies (1984: 15) three filters that affect how a deceptive message is received, regardless of whether it is a lie. She identifies these as: the level of self-deception; error; and variations in the actual intention to deceive. Bok notes (1989: 249) journalists are perceived as having a public mandate to probe into and expose secrets. If journalists ignore a secret for five years because it is essentially a private matter, then their silence may legitimise the public deceptions used to protect the secret. The primary parties may be more vulnerable to self-deception and could start believing the public excuses. The truth becomes fractured into a private truth, shared by Kernot, Evans and some journalists, and a public truth served to those who are not privy to the secret. The public truth gains credibility because journalists maintain the secret. Boks analysis of secrecy and lying also may make sense of Kernots feeling of abandonment and vulnerability during her Labor years
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and beyond: she had forfeited to journalists control over the flow of information about her relationship with Evans. Their silence about the secret signalled they would protect her. When challenged by journalists during that time, she could feel betrayed because they were her confidantes. The confrontation with journalists would heighten her feeling of vulnerability about her biggest secret. Despite her spats with the media, no one revealed her big secret. Kernot wrote a book Speaking for Myself Again, where she presented her account of the Labor years. Oakes warned in the 9 July edition of The Bulletin, that many journalists had been aware of the biggest secret in Kernots life:
While it is one thing for journalists to stay away from such matters, however, it is quite another for Kernot herself to pretend it does not exist when she pens what purports to be the true story of her ill-fated change of party allegiance. An honest book would have included it. If Kernot felt the subject was too private to be broached, there should have been no book, because the secret was pivotal to what happened to her. (2002a: 16)
If members of the Fourth Estate (Oakes 2002a: 16) had known about the secret for five years, and not disclosed it, was Kernot justified in presuming the matter really was not of public interest? Using Boks analysis, their silence fostered an environment conducive to selfdeception. In turn, self-deception is relevant to the formation of an intention to deceive, where the conduct of journalists is instrumental in fracturing the truth. However, there are alternative views on secrets and lying. Oral historians frequently deal with secrets and lies as they seek to make sense of what is included and left out of individual accounts of past events. Luise White (2000: 11) suggests that secrets and lies are a way of valorizing information. She claims (2000: 15) secrets and lies are negotiated explanations which conceal some things and reveal others: Secrets and lies signal that what has been declared secret, what has been deemed worthy of a lie or a cover story, is more significant than other stories. This conception of secrecy and lies suggests that the affair between Kernot and Evans (the private truth) was of greater value than the information revealed at the time of Kernots defection (the public truth). The question, which cannot be answered in this discussion, is
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whether that information derived its value because it was politically (publicly) harmful or whether it was harmful in a private sense. But why did Oakes wait until Kernots book release to reveal the secret? Why didnt he do this when he was in a position to prove the affair some months earlier? White (2000: 22) believes all secrets must be continually renegotiated. Kernots decision to write a personal account of her Labor years meant renegotiating her pact with those journalists who knew about the affair and had kept it secret. The book made the affair more newsworthy. It gave the story currency and focus, which it would not have had a few months earlier. Just as the secret gave the information about the affair value, Kernots repeating of a version of history, which again concealed the full account of what happened, boosted the value of the information left out. Her failure to disclose the secret also devalued the information contained in her book, which has recorded fairly poor sales. This analysis does not attempt to level blame at any party nor is it designed to excuse the behavior of Kernot, Evans or Oakes. Rather, it seeks to illustrate how the decision by some journalists not to reveal relevant information could have fed a public deception. The journalists were party to the Kernot-Evans secret and, by their silence, helped to circulate stories that prevented the public from learning at least one account of the facts surrounding Kernots defection. According to White, the fact that it was not reported at the time means that account had more value in July 2002 than when the affair took place. But the decision not to reveal that account was not taken by Kernot and Evans alone; journalists also decided not to reveal it. Therefore, the conduct of Evans and Kernot in deciding not to reveal their secret cannot be examined in isolation from those journalists who failed to report rumours of the affair at the time of Kernots defection or, more importantly, when Evans misled parliament. Oakess justification for publishing the story was that he had a public duty to reveal the information to dispel the deception presented in Kernots book. He did so because it was a matter of public interest. Opinion is divided on whether it was a matter of public interest. This
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contribution does not seek to analyse this issue in detail. Rather, it examines whether the media have reported the affair in a way that satisfies the public interest. Public interest Public interest is a term often used by journalists to justify publication of stories likely to offend or upset some or all sectors of the public. Public interest presumes the value of certain types of information. Before determining what is in the public interest, it may be helpful to ask why the public needs information. When that question is answered, journalists are in a better position to do two things: evaluate whether information is a matter of public interest; and understand how to deliver that information to give effect to public interest. In the revelations about the affair, much comment has focused on the line between public and private interest. Few have questioned whether the media have presented that information in a way to give effect to the public interest. In contemporary liberal societies, the public has become increasingly dependent on the mass media to receive information. The mass media, including journalism, have helped develop what Taylor (1995: 190) describes as the public sphere, which is the locus of a discussion potentially engaging everyone in which the society can come to a common mind about important matters. It is a locus in which rational views are elaborated which should guide government (Taylor 1995: 191). He concludes (Taylor 1995: 216) that the public sphere is a medium of democratic politics itself . Therefore, information pertinent to democratic politics is a matter of public interest because it is essential to formation of a common rather than popular view, which this article describes as public opinion. In this case, the information about a relationship between the leader of the Democrats and a high-ranking Labor politician is relevant to the publics forming a view on the defection. But did journalists,
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including Oakes, report the matter in a way that gave effect to that public interest? Many journalists used the affair to explain away all of the unexplained. Kernot had deceived the public by not revealing the affair; therefore everything she said in the book was a lie. For some, it explained her failure as a Labor politician. In Kernots words, journalists sensationalised the affair. But the decision by Kernot and Evans to negotiate (albeit implicitly) with journalists to keep the secret provided the environment in which they could sensationalise. If one role of journalism is to provide information for the public to form an opinion that guides government, then the information provided must assist the public in forming that opinion. Taylor (1995: 190) points out that public opinion needs to be a reflective view, emerging from critical debate and not just a summation of whatever views happen to be held in the population. Information that facilitates the public interest should not reinforce existing prejudices. It should provide information that helps the public to challenge such prejudices and to form a reflective opinion. When assessing the ethics of revealing an affair between two politicians, if it is a matter relevant to the formation of public opinion, then journalists reporting it must be careful not to reinforce stereotypical views that reduce the female politician to a person whose abilities are defined by what she wears, how she cooks and with whom she shares her bed. All issues are taken up later in this colloquium. In summary, this discussion draws on various theoretical perspectives to found the analysis, inviting journalists to look beyond the code of ethics (and other industry rules) when dealing with complex ethical issues. In addition to looking at professional codes to decide whether conduct is professionally acceptable, journalists may find it helpful to take a more virtue-oriented approach to ethics and seek to balance between deficit and excess.
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2. Absence of malice?
Trina McLellan Gareth Evans was the subject of an authorised biography by former staffer Keith Scott, published in 1999. It did not mention Evanss affair with Kernot (Scott 1999). Why was there no disclosure at that time by journalists with knowledge of the affair? As the Sydney Morning Herald editorialised on 5 July 2002 at the height of the revelations of the Evans-Kernot affair: If the Evans lies are worth highlighting now, why werent they at the time, given the medias knowledge then of the love affair? In reviewing disclosure of the affair between Evans and Kernot, Australian journalists, and their readers, might ponder not only the motivation behind the actions of Laurie Oakes, but also the motivations of those who condoned his actions or followed up the story. Oakes himself has admitted publicly he struggled over whether to say anything about the affair: There is no right thing to do, its a difficult ethical problem that I faced. I hope I made the right decision but as I say I agonised, I worried and its a very hard thing to make a decision about (The World Today 2002). But whether what Oakes did was right, was this particular journalistic expos, and the gotcha (Lumby 1999) or drive-by (Rowse 2000) journalism it spawned, without malice? In the court of public opinion Oakess actions were condemned with the vast majority of talkback callers around the country concluding that what consenting adults did in their own time should not be the subject of media reports, regardless of their public responsibilities. ABC Radio National Breakfast noted that media monitoring company Rehame Australia had monitored some 500 talkback calls and assessed that 85 per cent of talkback callers were against Oakes (Radio National 2002). This reflects the findings of a 1998 poll of Canadians. Commenting on the poll in the Canadian Liberal Party publication Liberal Times, pollster Michael Marzolini (1998) observed:
... Canadians dont really give a damn about the sex lives of their politicians. Only 4% of Canadians tell us that this information would interest them. Some 94% have no interest. They are actually more motivated in learning
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where politicians spend their vacations, or what their favourite meal or drink is, than they are in their sex lives. Male, Female, French or English, Canadians from every region are unanimous in their disinterest.
Similarly, in their analysis of Canadian politics, Mancuso et al (1998) found that, Politicians will find their reputations surprisingly resilient to lies and evasions that have to do strictly with their private life, but lying about public affairs is a very dangerous game. Such well-documented analysis of the public response to news of politicians peccadilloes may diminish enthusiasm for both the public interest and the what interests the public approaches to coverage of such issues. There was certainly little reticence to cover the affair and its ramifications in the Australian media. According to Media Watch presenter David Marr, only the rather prissy SBS decided not to join the fray (Media Watch 2002b), and the originating publication, The Bulletin, allegedly came to a parting of the ways with its film reviewer, Susie Eisenhuth, after she submitted a column that appeared to obliquely criticise Oakess actions (Media Watch 2002a). Indeed, virtually every other media outlet not only reported every aspect of the salacious news, but also the debate that raged around Laurie Oakes and his actions. Yet those who claim coverage was justified because Kernots private life must have impacted on her public actions and responsibilities are surprisingly quiet about the impact the affair needlessly had on Evanss abilities and actions. US media commentator Jeff Cohen who founded the US mediaanalysis group Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR), and then stepped down from the organisation to become a senior producer for Donahue observed in 1999:
With a political press corps that seems to have grown bored covering politicians who arent celebrities, personal gossip wins out over public issues and probes of the character issue are reduced to sex, drugs and draft dodging. Pundits more readily find a character flaw when politicians partake of consensual sex than when they partake of policies that comfort the comfortable and afflict the afflicted.
Cohen singled out two common comebacks: The new media made me do it excuse that sees journalists claim that if they do not publish
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what millions of people have already heard or read, they will be acting as censors or people will think they have missed the story; and the Its not about sex excuse that sees journalists claim what they are covering is not about the sex angle at all, but the lying and the cover-ups, issues of character despite the highly sexualised nature of the headlines, interviews, expert commentary, images and footage. Moreover, while journalists and media organisations, with whatever motives, continue to be fascinated with the titillating antics of those in the public spotlight, few journalists would be pleased to see the spotlight turned on themselves. Hickey (1998: 30) reported a Columbia Journalism Review survey that found 69 per cent of 125 editors and news editors in the United States believed that the private lives of public officials should be investigated when it affects public performance, and half think that public officials should accept that their private lives are fair game for scrutiny by the media. Conducted in the wake of the Clinton-Lewinsky affair, this survey also found a slim majority of respondents (56 per cent) disagreed that journalists personal lives including their sexual behavior should be held to a high a moral standard as the personal lives of political officials (p. 31). A concerning 15 percent were not sure. As Jeff Cohen (1999) put it:
Privacy limits might seem worthy again if media figures themselves had to answer questions now deemed so enlightening on character or judgment or integrity.
If this proves to become the case in Australia, Laurie Oakes and others will have some much tougher ethical questions to think about. Not the least of these will the question encountered every time intimacies between high-profile public figures are discovered or disclosed: Unless we published the dirt about Cheryl and Gareth for malicious reasons, how can we not publish this time?
3. The domestication of a feral Cheryl

Martin Hirst She is about as honest as Christopher Skase and Nick Bolkus, she is about as loyal as Benedict Arnold, and she has the morals of an alley
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cat on heat. So said Liberal backbencher Don Randall in Adjournment debate in Parliament on 12 March 1998. In various guises this quote resurfaced in just about every major newspaper in the country during the Kernot-Evans affair. That the media were quick to pounce on this quote and reuse it is not surprising. There is news in the fact that Gareth Evans lied to the Senate in denying the affair. But the gleeful way that the press used this grab, particularly the last telling phrase, she has the morals of an alley cat on heat, is the perfect sexist put-down of the strong and sexually active woman. It is nowhere near as damaging when used about a man. The Australian media crucified and vilified Cheryl Kernot over four weeks in June and July 2002. A Lexis-Nexis database search of Australias major metropolitan dailies shows that between 22 June and 19 July more than 500 news items about Cheryl Kernot appeared in the print media. Some 100 of these items were about the imminent launch of Kernots memoir and appeared before July 2 the day of Laurie Oakess Bulletin column. More than 400 items appeared in the 16 days after the big secret was named on the crikey.com website and the end of the surveyed period. Why was Kernot exposed so ruthlessly after 3 July? The short answer, given by Laurie Oakes and those who defended his actions, is that the affair became public property when Kernots memoir was published and did not mention the liaison. This is a version of the public interest argument and much of the ensuing media debate has focused on the pros and cons of this position. The most emphatic thing that one can say about this he said- she said commotion is that the justification for publication is arguable. There are no cut-and-dried answers when talking about media ethics. However, this contribution to the discussion argues that it was an attitude of sexism in the media that dictated the terms of Kernots (and Evanss) exposure. In the ensuing storm of columns and op-ed pieces, the predominant tone was harsh in its treatment of Kernot, but interestingly, the coverage of her equally exposed lover, Evans was more muted. His predicament was framed as that of a repentant cad and personified rather jokingly as Biggles Flies Undone. Kernot was routinely portrayed as the scarlet
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woman, the villain of the piece and basically deserving of the come-uppance dished out by the press. Whether this treatment was deserved is not the issue here. Kernot was traduced and her reputation shat upon by a moralistic media that saw its role as putting a sexually active and allegedly promiscuous woman back in her kitchen. Dont ask, dont tell: The gendered rule There can also be no doubt that the sexual secrets of Parliament House, if revealed, would be heavy enough to sink the proverbial battleship. In short, its part of the game for those involved. The notorious Dont ask-Dont tell rule is said to apply in Canberra. This rule is interpreted thusly: We (insiders) know and understand the pressures that build up in the political circus, but we leave it all ringside and we dont tell outsiders though we are free to gossip among ourselves. In relation to the Kernot-Evans affair, this rule has been broken. Its not the first time and it wont be the last. What is interesting this time is the vitriolic, unflattering and character-destroying language that has been used to describe Kernot. It is significant because we havent seen evidence of this moral outrage in relation to the prominent male politicians who might, but for the Dont tell rule, be caught in the media searchlight. The rivers of ink that poured into this story have been described by one commentator as a tsunami that crashed over Cheryl Kernot and beached both her and her former lover Gareth Evans (Murray 2002). The gendered Dont tell rule would indicate that such a tidal wave would not sweep away a male politician in the same way. This code of silence takes the form of a spurious chivalry; a gentleman never tells (Seccombe & Millet 2002: 27). The relationship between power and sex is complex and volatile. The emotional and intellectual excitement of politics is an arousing combination. No doubt the Kernot-Evans affair was an intellectually and emotionally complex liaison. Only the participants and their closest confidantes can have any real inside knowledge of the dynamics of their mutual attraction. However, this is not acknowledged by the media, which prefers to reduce it to a tawdry bonkfest. In the process Kernot is reduced to the sum of her sexual parts and the assumption
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made that she was horizontally recruited to Labor by Gareths sexual prowess, rather than the actual sex being the culmination of a process of political bonding over many months. In this version Evans lured her to the Labor Party (Harvey 2002: 1). This is the position adopted by many of Kernots detractors in the Press Gallery, including Margo Kingston who alluded to a consuming passion that clouded Kernots political judgment (cited in Neill 2002: 11). No one has suggested that the decision-making could be sexually transmitted from Kernot to Evans. The dictates of the news production process and adherence to formulaic news values of drama and conflict mean that the press could not deal with the depth of human emotions involved. Kernot is described as increasingly erratic (Bolt 2002: 21); her book damned as an ill-moderated whine (Angela Shanahan 2002: 13); she is said to suffer violent mood swings (Ruehl 2002: 64) and as a result of the exposure deemed to be exhibiting erratic and emotional behaviour (Milne 2002: 11). Miranda Devine even called her self-obsessed and remorseless (2002: 15). This kind of emotive language is rarely, if ever used to describe male politicians. Scolding witches Was the uproar over Kernot a media witch hunt? It certainly appears to have been. She is described as a flawed political figure, who brought a lot of her trials upon herself and had her private life stripped absolutely bare (Warhurst 2002: 11). Even Kernots supporters concede she has often been her own worst enemy (Neill 2002: 11). John Warhurst does acknowledge the special treatment meted out to Kernot: womens sexual lives in general are treated by the media differently from mens sexual lives (2002: 11). In 1994, when Kernots star was rising, she was sympathetically profiled on Channel Nines A Current Affair, but the program placed her squarely in the domestic, rather than the political sphere of public life and the ACA reporter, Janet Gibson, framed this with the line: Cheryl Kernots idea of a personal victory is to be a good mother to 10-year-old daughter Sian. Ray Martins saccharine closing comment neatly encapsulates this sentiment: Mmmm, Janet Gibson reporting
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there on a good woman (ACA, 2 March 1994, cited in Hirst, White, Chaplin & Wilson 1995: 89). How quickly the mighty fall (especially when thrown from a great height). We can continue to track Kernots trial by media through the Sydney Morning Heralds revelations in December 1997 that she had conducted a relationship with a younger man some 20 years earlier (the source of the Randall quote above). Within a few short years of the ACA fluff piece, Kernot had become a bad mother and a dummyspitter when she refused to indulge the medias need for information about her personal life (cited in Ellis 2002: 13). Again, the Dont tell rule was broken, or at least significantly bent, for Kernot in a way that would not be done for a male politician. It is evident that over the past few years Kernots public persona has moved between the two stereotypes allowed for women: madonna, or whore. Women leaving their families behind to pursue a career in politics is bad enough, the media argue, but when a woman takes the next step, to leave her family to be with a new lover, it is beyond the pale. Why is this never an issue for men? Kernots defenders are, I believe, on fairly solid ground when they level the charge of sexism and witch hunting against the media in this case. The Sydney Institutes Anne Henderson summed it up: Why is [Kernot] the wicked one? My theory is that women are still not equal. The subtext is that she was sexually dazzled, that her judgement was impaired by passion. (cited in Crisp & Margo 2002: 24). In the same article Eva Cox makes a similar point: [Kernot] got done by a very masculinist, anti-star culture. Surprise, surprise. I cant think of a male politician and theres been some really tacky ones where theres been such a consistent campaign to pull them into line. (cited in Crisp & Margo 2002: 24). Quite so. This tells us more about the culture of the media today the sexism, the hypocrisy and the thirst for salacious gossip than it does about Cheryl Kernots morals, or her fitness for public office.
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4. Moral framing of the affair in Letters to the Editor

John Harrison While notions of the public interest are canvassed by other contributors to this colloquium, this piece asks the question: What interested the public in the Oakes-Evans-Kernot affair? In particular, how was that public interest expressed in the Letters to the Editor in the major daily newspapers: The Age, The Sydney Morning Herald, The Courier-Mail and The Australian? This analysis is predicated on the assumption that the letters published are a broadly representative sample of the views put to the letters editor, who then publishes those that are brief, well written and witty. The concept of framing is well developed in the literature on communication, media and journalism. Entman (1993: 52) defines framing in terms of selection and salience in order to define problems, diagnose causes, make moral judgments and suggest remedies. Moral framing is simply a way of describing and analysing frameworks of moral or ethical understanding that underlie moral reasoning, and in this brief case study, the moral reasoning expressed in the Letters to the Editor. Analysis The total number of letters published in each paper and the number published on the Oakes-Evans-Kernot affair for the seven days 4 July to 10 July are tabulated as follows:
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Figure 1: Letters to the editor July 4-July 10.
The themes covered in letters ranged from the morality of Evanss lying to Parliament, and the wisdom, not necessarily the morality, of Kernots non-disclosure of the affair in her memoir, through to castigation of Oakess salacious (and thereby apparently unethical) headline-hunting in disclosing a matter of private morality with no bearing on the public interest. So it was the SMH Weekend edition (6-7 July) that gave the headline to this piece: This is not public interest, it just interests the public. Counterpointing this view was The Age on 4 July, headlining its letters Private morality impinges on public morality. Here, then, is an overview of the moral framing of the issues in the published letters. Journalistic ethics The ethics of the disclosure, as well as the timing of the disclosure, were widely canvassed. Typical was this contribution, dripping with irony, from Garry Bickley (Elizabeth Downs, SA):
Laurie Oakes, senior media pigeon striking a papal pose, moral chest fully extended to do battle for truth, justice and good, while boosting the circulation of a struggling magazine and the ratings of a faltering television network. (The Australian, July 5)
Some correspondents were critical of the Canberra Press Gallery
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coterie who decided what secrets should be revealed and what not. Journalists have no right to pose as the moral guardians of our political life (The Australian, 8 July); Laurie Oakes and The Australian are just gossips, nothing more (The Australian, 6 July) and The Age should be above such gossip. Leave that to the tabloids, (The Age, 5 July) were three such comments. There was muted support for Oakes: Thank you, Laurie Oakes, for keeping the bastards honest, (The Australian, 8 July). Oakess use of the adjective steamy to describe the affair was questioned. One correspondent wanted to know how Oakes knew the affair was steamy (SMH, 6 July). Another said the term introduces a salacious note which nudges him off the high moral ground (SMH, 6 July). This debate led into an argument about the nature of the public interest. Truth and lies The principal argument about the public interest focussed on Evanss lie to Parliament that he was not having an affair with Kernot. Evanss justification was that he lied to protect his family. However, as one SMH correspondent responded: Surely a better way (to protect his family) would have been to stay out of Cheryl Kernots bed (SMH, 6 July). The relationship had no bearing on national security or political probity, according to Les Lomsky (The Age, 5 July). Kim Beazleys subsequent comment that had he known about the affair he would have reconsidered Kernots translation to the ALP largely put paid to the argument that the affair had no public-interest consequences. The (im)morality of the affair was the subject of some comment. What a ghastly pair Gareth and Cheryl are An ill-judged quickie is one thing. Carrying on a five-year affair that betrayed is nothing short of shameful(SMH, 6 July). Others were more measured, raising the issue of character, the foundation stone of virtue ethics:
What a person does in private tells us a lot about what that person will be like in public. If a person is willing to cheat on his or her spouse, is it not possible that he or she will also cheat on the electorate. (The Age, 5 July)
Sexual politics and the gender agenda As others in this colloquium have observed, the question of different
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treatment for men and women in the public arena was hotly debated in the Opinion pages. So too on the Letters pages. However, the letters published reveal a significant gender bias: 62 per cent of all letters published were by males; 27 per cent were written by females and 11 per cent could not be defined. Figure 2: Letters by gender.
Not the Lady in Red but a Scarlet Woman, asserted John Z. Smith from Warwick, Queensland (The Courier-Mail, 10 July). Other correspondents railed against the treatment of women in politics: More evidence that we support prominent women in principle but not in practice (The Age, 6 July), and she represents an intelligent, alternative way of seeing and communicating, that could have led us out of the closed male aggressiveness that is our present parliament (The Australian, 8 July). Biggles flies undone While Kernot had her supporters and detractors, Evans was seen as a principally as a figure of fun with some delightful references to his nickname, Biggles. Time was, Biggles would never have told a lie, wrote Nick Hendel (SMH, 6 July). Other correspondents were not so
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subtle: Gareth, you devil. You lucky devil, wrote Monroe Reimers (SMH, 6 July) and from Steve Meltzer in The Age: Im looking forward to Gareths side of the story Biggles Flies Undone (5 July). The end of the affair The letters reflected the debate in the news pages, the editorials, the Opinion pages, the talkback calls and the cartoons. Given the extent to which the ethics of the affair particularly engaged the writers of Opinion pieces, perhaps the last word should go to The Age cartoonist Michael Leunig who, on 10 July, drew a child asking: Father, whats the difference between a column and a shaft? The father, sitting reading a newspaper replies: A column supports something and a shaft is a regular piece of writing in a newspaper.
5. Breaking the code?

Desley Bartlett The debate about journalist Laurie Oakess exposure of Cheryl Kernots biggest secret has, for the first time in almost a decade, brought the esoteric discussion of journalism ethics into the popular vernacular. But the discourse has focussed on a narrow and general examination of journalism ethics and lacked any meaningful assessment of the philosophy that grounds ethical decision-making. Commentators, members of the public and journalists have been so fixated on the central issues public versus private matters and the timing of the disclosure of the Kernot-Evans affair that there has been a paucity of real discussion about what Donald Horne says is the mass medias duty to provide a marketplace of ideas about what is going on, why it is going on, and what should be going on (Horne 1994: 9). One spectacular exception is Laurie Oakes himself. The fact is that Oakes is a free agent in terms of journalism ethics. He is not a member of the Media Entertainment and Arts Alliance and, therefore, is not subject to the MEAA (AJA) Code of Ethics that contains 12 prescriptive clauses about journalists conduct (MEAA 1997). The Canberra Press Gallery does not have a separate code of professional behaviour for members. Australian Consolidated Press (publishers of the Bulletin
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magazine) does not have a journalists ethical code nor does the Nine television network. Nine Network news director Paul Fenn says although some Nine news journalists are not members of the MEAA, Nine does endorse the MEAA code and in a general sense it was a consideration in our deliberation about disclosing the Kernot secret (Fenn 2002). But it is the ethos of the AJA Code, embodied in its preamble and guidance clause, that provides the raison detre for journalists search for professional moral virtue. The MEAA Report of the Ethics Review Committee (1997: 16) says the aim of the preamble is to express as simply as possible the elements of journalism that matter most. That is, truth-seeking journalism as a public service, a lubricant of democracy and a friend of freedom of expression. Elsewhere, the committees report endorses the notion of a green light approach to ethical dilemmas and leaving the judgement to individual journalists (MEAA 1997: 21). So whether they are subject to the sanctions of the code or not, the code provides journalists with a foundation on which to make ethical decisions. Journalist Errol Simper (1995: 17) summed up journalistic reality in a discussion of the proposed (now adopted) Code of Ethics:
How many journalists, confronted with a difficult decision, will scan the new code, desperately seeking an answer to their dilemma? Is that lady too distressed to interview? Is he/she sufficient enough of a public figure to warrant extra tough examination...?
Simpers prediction was probably right but wrong in the case of Oakes. Few, if any, journalists consult the code on a clause-by-clause basis when faced with an ethical dilemma, but it is clear Oakes struggled with the moral reasoning behind his disclosure of the Kernot-Evans affair and its timing. Whether that struggle was more about commercial considerations, payback or legal issues is impossible to determine but his July 16 Bulletin article in response to criticism (Oakes 2002b: 19), goes some way to justify his apparent acceptance of journalists public responsibilities and accountability as enshrined in the Code of Ethics:
I made a judgement I ... believe was right.
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References
Bok, Sissela (1982), Secrets: On the Ethics of Concealment and Revelation, New York: Pantheon Books. Bok, Sissela (1989), Lying: Moral Choice in Public and Private Life, New York: Vintage Books. Bolt, Andrew (2002), Privacy depends on who you are, Herald Sun, 11 July: 21. Boeyink, David (1992), Casuistry: a case-based method for journalists, Journal of Mass Media Ethics, 7: 107-120. Boyle, Joseph (1997), Just and unjust wars: casuistry and the boundaries of the moral world, Ethics and International Affairs, 11: 83-98. Cohen, Jeff (1999), Covering the private lives of politicians <www.fair.org/ articles/private-lives.html> November 2001 [accessed 1 August, 2002]. Crisp, Lyndall & Jill Margo (2002), Sex and power, Australian Financial Review, 6 July: 24. Devine, Miranda (2002), A mans best friend, but feminisms worst enemy, Sun Herald, 7 July: 15. Entman, Robert M. (1993), Framing: toward clarification of a fractured paradigm, Journal of Communication, 43(4): 51-58. Ellis, Bob (2002), What dark secrets motivate our political reporters?, Canberra Times, 10 July: 13. Fenn, Paul (2002), personal communication, 31 July. Grattan, Michelle (2002), Sharp end of the ethics debate the Kernot issue, Lecture, The University of Queensland School of Journalism & Communication, 5 August. Harvey, Michael (2002), The Cheryl Kernot bombshell; Secret lovers?, Herald Sun, July 4: 1. Hickey, Neil (1998), After Monica what next? Columbia Journalism Review, 37(4): 30-34. Hirst, Martin, Tiffany White, David Chaplin & Justine Wilson (1995), When too much entertainment is barely enough: Current affairs television in the 1990s, Australian Journalism Review, 17(1): 79-98. Horne, Donald (1994), A marketplace of ideas? in Julianne Schultz (ed) Not just another business: journalists, citizens and the media, Leichardt, NSW: Pluto Press: 7-10. Hodges, Lou, Jean Otto, Travis Linn, Thomas Schaffer & Campbell Cole (1992), Case and commentaries: Brock Adams and the Seattle Times, Journal of Mass Media Ethics, 7 (4) 246 256. Journalists Code of Ethics (1999), Media, Entertainment and Arts Alliance, Australian Journalists Association, Australia. Lumby, Catherine (1999), Gotcha: Life in a Tabloid World, St Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin.
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Mancuso, Maureen, Michael M. Atkinson, Andr Blais, Ian Greene & Neil Nevitte (1998), A question of ethics: Canadians speak out, Toronto: Oxford University Press. Marzolini, Michael (1998), Canadians attitudes towards the personal lives of politicians, Liberal Times <www.pollara.ca/new/LIBRARY/surveys/ LiberalTimesNov98.html> November 2001 [accessed 1 August 2002]. Media Entertainment and Arts Alliance (1997), Ethics in journalism Report of the Ethics Review Committee, Melbourne: Melbourne University Press. Media Watch (2002a), The Bulletins grand tradition, ABC Television, 15 July, transcript from <www.abc.net.au/mediawatch/transcripts/150702_ s3.htm> [accessed 1 August 2002]. Media Watch (2002b), Personal and political, ABC Television, 7 July, transcript from <www.abc.net.au/mediawatch/transcripts/080702_ s3.htm> [accessed 1 August 2002]. Milne, Glenn (2002), There can be nothing to gain from the pain, The Australian, 8 July: 11. Murray, Paul (2002), Hypocrisy adds to torrid affair, Sunday Times, 7 July. (Retrieved 1 August, 2002 from Lexis-Nexis Database). Neill, Rosemary (2002), Affair exposes double standard, The Australian, 5 July: 11. Nelson, D. & T. Obremski (1990), Promoting moral growth through intragroup participation, Journal of Business Ethics, 9: 731-739. Oakes, Laurie (2002a), Secrets and lies, The Bulletin, July 6: 16. Oakes, Laurie (2002b), The hard call, The Bulletin, July 16: 19. Radio National Breakfast (2002), Reputation & journalism, ABC Radio, 5 July, transcript from <www.abc.net.au/rn/talks/brkfast/stories/ s599256.htm> [accessed 1 August 2002]. Rowse, Arthur (2000), Drive-by journalism: The assault on your need to know, Monroe ME: Common Courage Press. Ruehl, Peter (2002), Car nuts and crazy prices to boot, Australian Financial Review, 9 July: 64. Scott, Keith (1999), Gareth Evans, St Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin. Seccombe, Mike & Michael Millett (2002), Crowded house, Sydney Morning Herald, 6 July: 27. Shanahan, Angela (2002), The role of victim will suit Kernot, The Australian, 9 July: 13. Simper, E. (1995), Culture of integrity sets media ethics, The Australian, 8 September: 17. Taylor, Charles (1995), Liberal politics and the public sphere, in A. Etzioni (ed) New communitarian thinking: Persons, virtues, institutions and communities, Charlottesville and London: University Press of Virginia.
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Tomlinson, Tom (1994), Casuistry in medical ethics: Rehabilitated, or repeat offender?, Theoretical Medicine, 15 (1): 5-20. Toulmin, Stephen & Albert Jonsen (1988), The abuse of casuistry: A history of moral reasoning, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Warhurst, John (2002), Who has the right to know?, Canberra Times, 12 July: 11. Wenham, Margaret (2002), A lot of hot air?, Courier-Mail, 5 July: 17. White, Luise (2000), Telling more: Lies, secrets and history, History and Theory, 39: 11-22. The World Today (2002) Australian media defends itself , ABC Radio, 4 July, transcript from <www.abc.net.au/worldtoday/s598365.htm> [accessed1 August 2002].
The authors lecture in the School of Journalism and Communication, the University of Queensland: Rhonda Breit and Dr Martin Hirst are lecturers in journalism, Dr John Harrison is a lecturer in communication, Trina McLellan is a lecturer in communication, and Desley Bartlett is an associate lecturer in journalism.
The odd couple? Academic research and journalism education

Penny ODonnell
Journalism does not have a strong academic identity in Australia it is known mainly for its highly popular undergraduate professional education programs. Research and postgraduate studies remain marginal activities. That leaves journalism educators in an odd position. Teaching in higher education has traditionally been linked to research qualifications and practices. The common academic assumption is that research necessarily underpins higher education teaching (James 1998: 107), So how do journalism educators do it? This paper is a preliminary attempt to explore the relationship between traditional academic research and teaching and learning practices in journalism education in Australia. The author analyses some of the findings from the journalism education literature produced between 1987 and 2001. The aim is to identify and comment on the place of academic research in models of professional education in the field, the support for research as evidenced in the fields institutional structures and the arguments and strategies adopted by journalism educators who advocate research as the basis for disciplinary development.
his essay is a preliminary attempt to discuss the role of traditional academic research in teaching journalism in Australia. The proliferation of journalism programs in Australian universities since 1987 has been accompanied by more academic interest in journalisms disciplinary development. However, there is only occasional reference in the literature to the place of traditional academic research in journalism education (Bacon 1999; McKnight 2000) and the author has been unable to locate any sustained discussion of the topic.
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In this essay consideration will be given to how journalism educators represent research tasks in journalism, the institutional conditions that might favour traditional academic research efforts and the relationships between research and teaching that are advocated by key researchers. The essay draws on Australian journalism education literature published between 1987 and 2001. The task of identifying relevant literature was greatly facilitated by the Australian Journalism Research Index 1992-1999 compiled by Anna Day (with Kerri Elgar and Sharon McHugh) and first published in Australian Studies in Journalism (1999: 239-332). The essay is deliberately exploratory rather than argumentative. The author set out to explore if the common academic assumption that research necessarily underpins higher education teaching (James 1998: 107) held true in journalism education. The author does not adopt a normative position that prescribes the role that traditional academic research should have in journalism education. Rather, in this instance, the authors contribution has been to systematically review the literature and present an overview of the findings that is organised in such a way as to highlight some of the key considerations in professional education.
Journalism and journalism education in Australia

Journalism is a well-established profession in Australia, dating back some 200 years to the first colonial newspapers (Mayer 1968; Cryle 1997). Attempts to educate journalists in Australian universities began in the early part of the 20th century. However, to date, professional education as an entry-level qualification has had at best an ambivalent status in the Australian news industry, in the journalists union and even amongst professional journalists themselves (Lloyd 1985; Fell 1987; Ricketson 2001). Australian universities have demonstrated reservations of their own about journalism as an autonomous field of knowledge and both departmental status and research funds have proved elusive for journalism education (Henningham 1999).
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Contemporary discussions of Australian journalism education commonly turn to the problem of getting the right balance in the curriculum between vocational skills training and a liberal arts education (that is, how much theory and how much practice?). As Ricketson indicates, this quest for balance is in large part a quest for industry sanction:
If many working in the industry are lukewarm or even scornful of journalism schools, while nevertheless employing journalism graduates, few have publicly discussed the idea that universities and newsrooms should play to their strengths. The debate remains mired in the bog of dichotomy: theory versus practice. Ivory-tower-dwelling journalism schools versus onthe-job newsroom training. Perhaps this dichotomy is not surprising. It is a staple of news and current affairs (2001: 96).
Sedorkin and Schirato have suggested that this theory-practice dichotomy is something of a false problem (1998: 104), because it is based on an artificial distinction between theory and practice. They argue that all practices make use of theory (categories, positions and discourses), although journalists and journalism educators usually prefer to discuss what they do in everyday rather than abstract language. Sedorkin and Schirato propose insider knowledge as a characteristic of the journalism education field:
Academics working in disciplines closely associated with the field of journalism and media make use of theory, but the field is predisposed to deny that its discourses are theoretical. It prefers instead to explain its practices, in the academy and in the business world, in terms of practical or common sense, or of insider, that is accumulated professional knowledge (1998: 104).
Taken together, these three aspects of journalism education its ambiguous industry and academic status, the persistent theory-practice dichotomy and the suspicion of, or disdain for, abstract theoretical discourses invite deeper reflection about journalism as a form of knowledge that can be reproduced in a formal educational setting. There are various ways this topic could be developed (Henningham 1989; Hartley 1996). In this essay the aim is to explore how Australian journalism educators talk, in their own terms, about research and its relationship to their teaching.
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Three topics will be explored. They are, firstly, the models of professional education that currently circulate in the field and provide some intellectual foundation to teaching and research in the field; secondly, institutional support for teaching and particularly research; and, finally, the arguments and strategies adopted by journalism educators who position themselves as research advocates.
1) Models of professional education

This formulation of models does not seek to impose an artificial order or logic on what we know to be a complex, often chaotic, field. There are recurring differences in approaches to the questions of what is journalism and what journalistic skills and abilities can be taught in a university context as distinct from the workplace. These differences inform teaching and research program objectives as well as curriculum design and development. The idea of constructing these differences in terms of models is to develop an interpretative device that will enable the significance of the differences in approaches to be analysed rather than subsumed under the heading of diversity (Putnis 1988). It should be clear from this explanation that journalism education literature does not offer a discussion of professional education models. However, the models that are provisionally sketched here are derived in the first instance from arguments made by journalism educators. It is important to emphasise that neither the arguments nor the models proposed here have equal coherency or force. a) Education and expertise Discussions about the education of Australian journalists are frequently framed in terms of the professionalisation of the work done by journalists, reporters and editors. Technical skills, particularly good writing, are fundamental to this approach. In Australia, these technical skills are mainly taught at the undergraduate level, although some argue that they are best taught at the graduate level. Wollongong University is the only institution to offer its journalism program only at this level.
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Other educational priorities include familiarity with legal provisions and ethical codes, a grasp of the liberal democratic ideas that sustain freedom of expression and a free press, and some understanding of the news industry and its operation under market constraints. Research activities are largely conceived in terms of work-related inquiries about how to find and develop a good news story. The literature indicates that most educators define journalism research in these terms, that is, research that facilitates doing journalism rather than research that investigates or critically analyses journalism practice. For example, Grundy (1990) argues that research should enable students to make the connections in journalism between knowing where information is, knowing how to get it and knowing how to use it. He advocates teaching library searches, public document searches, FOI requests and telephone polling among other investigative research and reporting techniques (Grundy 1990: 154). Student assessment is largely based on the production of news stories. The concurrent study of humanities and social science subjects (history, politics, media studies, etc.) is perceived as raising the general educational level of journalists, providing them with basic knowledge about national institutions and socio-political processes, strengthening their analytical skills and encouraging in them life-long reading habits. This model is most commonly associated with Australias oldest and most prestigious journalism program at the University of Queensland (Kirkpatrick 1996). A staunch defence of core elements of this approach can be found in Breen (1996). b) Problem-based learning (PBL) and social criticism Educators who are more critical of contemporary Australian journalism practice often frame journalism education differently. For example, some reject the concept of professionalism that is pursued in the previous model because of the distance it implies between the expert journalist and her/his public. Others reject the claim, also made by key advocates of the previous model, that the professionalisation of journalism is now well underway and that improvements in news
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practices will result from the increasing number of better-educated, professional journalists. The aim of education in this approach is to raise critical awareness of problems with existing news practices and conventions and to encourage different ways of getting the job done. The choice of pedagogy is crucial. Students are taught individual decision-making or problemsolving skills alongside more conventional journalism production skills (Meadows 1997). These problem-solving skills provide the modus operandi for applying technical skills, like writing or broadcasting, and enable students to practice new ways of identifying stories, gathering information, engaging with sources and producing news. The aim in this model is to prepare students to confidently negotiate the complex and competing ethical, legal, professional and commercial challenges they will encounter in the workplace, rather than simply acquiring knowledge and understanding about journalism ethics, media law or theoretical accounts of news processes and effects. Research activities are linked to finding and developing news stories but this process is more broadly conceived to include consideration of the news context and the social consequences of news practices. In other words, it is not just linked to doing journalism but also to developing familiarity with research that analyses news production practices, contexts and effects. Assessment includes critical reflection about and analysis of news-making as well as the production of news stories. At least two Australian journalism programs, Griffith University and Newcastle University, use the PBL teaching model (Sheridan Burns 1997; Meadows 1997). The Griffith University journalism program, designed by Michael Meadows, consists of seven subjects. There are also four prerequisite skills-based subjects to be completed before entering the program. These provide introductions to academic writing and research skills. The stated aim of this journalism program is to encourage students to develop critical analysis and problem-solving skills, thus not only raising their general intellectual competence but providing them with a method for systematically questioning their own ideas and practices as well as conventional news values and practices. In addition, the PBL pedagogy has been adopted in two national curriculum packages for journalism educators, the Media and
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Indigenous Australians Project (Eggerking 1996; ODonnell 1999b) and the Response Ability Project for improving reporting of youth suicide (Sheridan Burns & Hazell 1999; Sheridan Burns, Reardon, Vincent & Hazell 2001). c) Reflective practice and dealing with technological change Reflective practice is a specific variant of the interest in encouraging the development of a particular journalistic modus operandi rather than journalistic expertise. It is an educational philosophy that developed in the US from a critique of conventional notions of professional practice (see Schn 1991). It is not a classroom pedagogy like PBL nor is it specifically linked to a critique of contemporary journalism practice like PBL. Rather the interest in adopting reflective practice in Australian journalism education appears to be a response by educators to the growing impact of new technologies on journalism, including the emergence of hybrid media forms and journalistic practices. For example, Pearson (1999: 34) argues that journalism is a transforming career and that education needs to prepare students for frequent changes in their work environment. Reflective practice is a lifelong learning method that aims to facilitate competent reflection about and learning from workplace experiences (Schn 1991). In this approach, expertise is understood not in terms of familiarity with a body of disciplinary knowledge and the capacity to contribute to its expansion through research or to apply it in professional work. Rather, expertise is judged in terms of the capacity to work effectively in a specific professional domain and to respond efficiently to the multiple new challenges that arise as a result of social complexity and innovation. Effectiveness and efficiency are linked to the practice of systematically reflecting on and evaluating workplace experiences and then being able to develop the relevant knowledge or strategies to improve responses to similar situations in the future. As applied in Australian journalism education, reflective practice differs from PBL in its individual rather than group work orientation and in its central focus on preparing students for the challenges of working in a volatile global digital media environment. Hence, familiarity with Internet and computer-assisted research and reporting (CARR)
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techniques are offered as key strategies for improving workplace news practices. Reflective practice has only recently been advocated as particularly suited to preparing journalism students for the rapidly changing technological context of journalism (Pearson 1999; Morgan 2000). However, it should be noted that for the best part of a decade, educators from Deakin University and Queensland University of Technology in particular have been making the case in professional journals for equipping new journalists to deal with the Internet (Quinn 1997a, 1997b, 1999; Tapsall 1997; Tapsall & Granato 1997). d) Public intellectuals and innovative practice It is unusual although not impossible to find discussion in Australia of journalists as public intellectuals (Dessaix 1998). However, some journalism educators frame their work in terms of an interest in improving the intellectual life of the Australian community. The Australian Centre for Independent Journalism (ACIJ), based at the University of Technology, Sydney (UTS), is the most prominent grouping of journalism educators linked to this approach. From this perspective, journalism education involves learning about and defending core journalistic principles such as the public right to know or the public interest. The aim of education is to increase the capacity of journalists to autonomously intervene in the news industry and create the kind of news coverage that society needs rather than just what the market supports. This professional autonomy is not posed as a problem of decision-making processes or journalistic technique, although practice-based learning and strong technical skills are important to the approach. Rather, irrespective of the medium in which journalism is practised, the basis of journalistic autonomy is seen to be a commitment to these principles that have evolved historically as a means by which journalists, and others, can question and debate the nature and quality of life in Australian society. So, for example, the handbook-entry for the UTS undergraduate journalism program states:
Journalism education at UTS is based on the principle that professional journalism is founded on the publics right to know. The aim is to produce
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graduates who understand the role that journalists can play in creating a democratic public sphere that will give voice to diverse communities, provide a forum for community discussion and ask questions of the powerful (UTS, 2002: 43).
Research is conceived of as work-related inquiry, but inquiry that requires some consideration of the contextual factors that limit and constrain work practices. These include the social distribution of information resources and cultural power. Assessment tasks include critiques of students own news stories as well as published journalistic material and there is an emphasis on transforming that critique into innovative practice. Bacon (1999) stresses the importance of dialogue and exchange between journalism practitioners, researchers and publics. Research questions might arise from workplace problems or audience complaints. The research itself should draw on theoretical insights before returning the findings to the public. This might be in the form of either innovative professional practice, that is, trying to do the journalism that flows out of that thinking (1999: 183), or stimulating public dialogue about journalism coverage (1999: 188). Discussion It is worth repeating that this formulation of models does not seek to impose an artificial order or logic on what we know to be a complex, often chaotic, field. The aim of linking each model to specific journalism programs has been to make them more recognisable. However, most journalism programs are likely to combine elements of more than one model, to juxtapose these elements in different ways to give different emphases and to have different priorities when it comes to representing the intellectual foundations of their teaching and research work. That said, this modelling exercise reveals some significant differences in the intellectual orientations of Australian journalism education and research, differences that are sometimes hard to discern in debates about getting the right balance between theory and practice. A more detailed exploration of these models in future research will allow for a more detailed characterisation. In the meantime, provisionally, this review of the literature indicates that there are significant differences over what constitutes journalisms core skills (or practices), the
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expertise that underpins them and the universitys role in reproducing and thereby legitimising them. One key disagreement here concerns whether a method of working as a journalist (modus operandi) is more important than knowledge about journalism. Questions about pedagogical practice seem to be more significant to those who favour teaching students a modus operandi. There is some agreement that the universitys role is to encourage change and innovation in journalism. However, some see this as a question of raising ethical and writing standards or of keeping abreast of technological change in the workplace, while others want to expose weaknesses in existing practices and create new ways of doing journalism. Autonomy is a related concern. Some see it as fundamentally important and seek explicit social sanction or support for the kinds of journalism practices taught in universities. Others see autonomy as more of an organisational issue for professionals in the workplace. There is a third way in which questions of autonomy are raised: it concerns the disciplinarity or inter-disciplinarity of journalism as an area of study. There is sharp disagreement here over the range of intellectual resources that legitimately constitute journalism education with some arguing for narrow definitions that exclude anti-journalism material, while others argue for inter-disciplinarity (or multi-disciplinarity?) and providing students and researchers with access to the widest possible range of intellectual resources.
2) Institutional support
The first section dealt with intellectual orientations. This section looks at institutional support for teaching and research programs in journalism. As indicated above, it is important to consider the conditions under which educational and research programs operate because, on one hand, the fields development is constrained by the availability of human and material infrastructure and, on the other, the fields legitimacy is dependent on the degree of consolidation or institutionalisation that it has attained.
68 a) Infrastructure?
Patchings (1997) national survey-based profile of Australias 22 undergraduate journalism programs provides some valuable descriptive data on infrastructure. For example, in 1997, the five biggest journalism programs were hosted by the University of Queensland (UQ), Queensland University of Technology (QUT), University of Technology, Sydney (UTS), the Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology (RMIT) and Deakin University (Deakin). UQ and Deakin had the highest undergraduate intakes and UQ had the biggest staff with nine full-time lecturers (Patching 1997: 33). Patching found that teaching was the predominant activity of journalism educators. Only six of the 22 course co-ordinators that participated in the survey talked about a research allocation in workloads. UQ journalism staff were an exceptional case. They were expected to dedicate one quarter of their workload to research (Patching 1997: 40). In terms of tertiary qualifications, 69 of the 82 journalism educators surveyed had tertiary qualifications although only 12 of these had PhDs (Patching 1997: 36). Patching identified doctoral or masters-level thesis research as the major research activity in the field in the mid-1990s. His survey found that 20 journalism lecturers were enrolled in PhD programs and another 14 were enrolled in Masters programs (1997: 37). PhD topics included new technologies, journalism ethics, the pre-1987 history of journalism education and news representations of targeted minority groups (Patching 1997: 39). In addition, Patching mentions three major funded research projects, two of these on using new technologies in teaching and learning and one about journalism and PR in local government (Patching 1997: 38-39). In terms of staffing levels, the tertiary qualifications required for appointment, research allocation in the academic workload formulas and the research work being undertaken in the field, this data indicates that Australian journalism education had a low research capacity in the mid-1990s. There are two surprising gaps in the literature related to infrastructure. One concerns the postgraduate program at Wollongong
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University, the other the research productivity of the Australian Centre for Independent Journalism (ACIJ). In 1989, Professor Clem Lloyd identified an emphasis on research as the defining characteristic of the newly established Graduate School of Journalism (Australian Journalism Review 1989: 88). However, there appears to have been no systematic appraisal of the Graduate Schools work since it started. The Graduates Schools contribution to the body of knowledge about Australian journalism remains unclear although the literature does refer to examples of significant historical research conducted by students enrolled in the program (Stuarts 1996 PhD; Patchings 1997 MA). This seems a problematic omission to the extent that the Graduate School, with its research degree program, is one of the likely venues for training future journalism educators. In the same way, while there are references in the literature to the pioneering efforts of the ACIJ in producing independently funded journalism research (Pearson 1994a: 100; Bacon 1999: 84), there appears to be no critical analysis of that research. This is curious considering that the ACIJ is the only journalism research unit of its kind in Australia and its publications might logically be seen, for example, as important curriculum resources. This gap also seems problematic to the extent that the ACIJ seems the likely host or protagonist of discussions about journalism research as a traditional or non-traditional form of scholarship, and about journalisms intellectual and/or creative contributions to society. b) Development strategies? In 1997, Breen, Patching and Lee urged journalism educators to undertake more administrative research in the interests of academic survival. In an article on the pros and cons of the Course Experience Questionnaire (CEQ), these three academics from Charles Sturt University warned their colleagues to play the administrative game in these changing times (Breen, Patching & Lee 1997: 165). They argued:
The overarching objective of this study is to alert journalism educators to collect and organise data pertinent to their students, and former students, progress and present it to decision-makers in such a way that they will be
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able to make informed decisions based on validated data. Also, we wish to draw attention to the potential for bad decision-making when incomplete or incorrect data is used, or correct data is used inappropriately. (Breen, Patching & Lee 1997: 161)
In their view, this administrative game consisted of providing strong alternative data for consideration in administrative evaluations of journalism educations performance. That is, non-CEQ evidence of student satisfaction with journalism programs, arguments that refute simple comparisons of intra-institutional demand for courses based on Tertiary Entrance Ranking (TER) scores and, thirdly, independent monitoring and analysis of graduate employment destinations (Breen, Patching & Lee 1997: 162-166). Interestingly, while there was some interest in journalism graduate destination research in the late 1990s (Alysen 1999; Green & McIlwaine 1999; & ODonnell 1999a), there is little indication in the literature that Australian journalism educators have heeded this call to play the game. A more comprehensive strategy for disciplinary development comes from Professor John Henningham, appointed in 1989 as the foundation Chair in Journalism at University of Queensland. He was, until recently, the Australian journalism educator who had most consistently advocated journalisms disciplinary development. Perhaps the most cogent outline of this strategy was presented in a 1998 keynote address to the Journalism Education Association (1999). The integrated elements included: departmental status for journalism to guarantee some autonomy to create research-degree programs and projects; a core curriculum for journalism programs and an accreditation process to ensure uniform teaching and learning standards; industry support for and financing of teaching programs and research; increased research productivity through publications in local and international journals; and more appraisal and evaluation of media performance by journalism academics.
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This is a resource-intensive strategy that seems somewhat incommensurate with the fields available infrastructure. Pearson, for example, has objected to the conventional scholarly orientation of Henninghams approach. Since 1991, Pearson has co-ordinated the journalism program at Australias major private university, Bond University on the Gold Coast. He currently holds that universitys foundation chair in journalism. Pearson has warned against taking resources away from teaching to support specialist researchers conducting such research:
Time spent on research at the expense of teaching may well be worthwhile, but it is normally servicing the needs of stakeholders other than the students. Invariably, it means classes of other staff are that much larger to compensate for the researchers absence from the classroom, compounding the problems of neglected students (Pearson 1994b: 68).
An alternative perspective can be found in the work of Michael Meadows, convenor of Griffith Universitys journalism program on the Nathan campus. Meadows does not define journalism as an autonomous discipline but, following Adams (1989), as a focus for other disciplines (1997: 94) or as a cultural resource that effectively manages the flow of information and ideas in society (1999: 47). He does not advocate disciplinary development as such but his strategies for developing Australian journalism education include: an interest in research as problem-solving or analysis based on interdisciplinary theoretical and methodological approaches; support for small, flexible university-based journalism programs with limited subject offerings and deep, experiential approaches to learning (specifically, problem-based learning); a focus on experimental, innovative journalism practice, particularly in the Indigenous media sector and in mainstream news media reporting of Indigenous populations; and international comparisons based on comparable national experiences (eg. Canada rather than the US). While at first glance these strategies appear less-resource intensive and therefore more viable when compared to Henninghams approach, there are some doubts as to their acceptance and legitimacy among
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journalism educators. In particular, it appears that currently there is neither the infrastructure nor the interest to sustain widespread adoption of Meadows interdisciplinary approach. Bacon provides some indication of the reluctance in the field in the late 1990s to even consider approaches identified with cultural studies (a point that will be developed in more detail below):
Journalism educators, unnerved by the cultural relativists, often fail to discover the different arguments and trends within cultural studies, wrongly collapse cultural studies, post-structuralism and post-modernism and retreat into a desire to create their own discipline which will be immune to such unsettling critique. (Bacon 1997: 74)
3) Research advocacy
In the following section, a range of arguments in favour of research and strategies for linking teaching and research activities are canvassed. Following Fuentes (1998: 139), this section proceeds from an assumption that those journalism academics who identify themselves as researchers, in this instance through their publications in scholarly journals, will play a significant role in the configuration of Australian journalism research. It also assumes that their efforts will distinguish them from journalism educators who prefer to be teachers or from professional journalists who have no interest in research. This distinction rests on a commitment to scholarly or intellectual values that is different to, and sometimes in conflict with, a commitment to educational or professional and industry values. One of the interesting points that arises from this review of the field is the difficulty of identifying exactly what constitutes journalism studies and how this category of knowledge might differ from or overlap with the fields of mass communications, media studies or cultural studies. Discussion of these disciplinary classifications is most often ignored or sidelined except when it comes to what seems an overriding consideration: is the research pro- or anti-journalism? In recent years, there has been a flurry of debate around this question. It has centred on which liberal education subjects best complement journalism training and how they might best be integrated into the
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curriculum. A second, related thread to this discussion has come from journalism educators interested in bolstering the profile of journalism within universities. They have encouraged their colleagues to investigate graduate employment destinations and student feedback on courses (see Breen, Patching & Lee 1997). It is the first, rather than second of these threads that is the main concern in this discussion of research advocacy. a) A core curriculum? Until his sudden resignation from the University of Queensland in 2001 (Day 2002), Professor John Henningham had been one of the most consistent Australian advocates of journalism research and education in the US mass communication tradition (Henningham 1979, 1994 & 1999). One of his most controversial interventions was a suggested core curriculum for Australian journalism education (1994). It consisted of 10 subjects. Interestingly, in the period under review, this proposal is the clearest enunciation of an academic model based on the assumption that research necessarily underpins higher education teaching. It includes three mass communication subjects (theories of news media, international media and journalism and society), a research methods subject and an ethics and a law subject that is aimed at raising the general intellectual competence of students (1994: 90-91). The proposed research methods subject does not, however, introduce students to mass communication research methods but rather to story identification and development skills (for example, Freedom Of Information requests). Henningham held a unique position in the Australian journalism education field. No other journalism educator has developed such a comprehensive perspective on research needs and issues. However, his approach sometimes drew strong criticism. Pearson, for example, condemned the core curriculum proposal as both idealistic (utopian?) and unrealistic for the small regional and remote programs which dominate the Australian field. In his view, in the mid-1990s, Henninghams own course at the University of Queensland was the only Australian journalism program that could possibly fit the model
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(Pearson 1994b: 67). Instead of a core curriculum, Pearson called for greater accountability to journalism students through research-based quality control measures. His priority was the formulation and testing of student learning outcomes (competencies). Pearson suggested that by doing this kind of research the small programs might be able to demonstrate their competitive advantage in relation to the more resource-rich metropolitan-based programs (1994b: 71). He did not, however, make it clear if or how these research activities or findings would enhance teaching practice. Most recently, Henninghams advocacy of journalism education in the US mass communication tradition took the form of explaining poor progress in Australian journalism research in the 1990s in terms of the cultural studies colonisation of the field of media studies (1999: 181) and the subsequent alienation from academic scholarship felt by journalism educators and students alike (1999: 184). His recommendation to newcomers to the field was to ignore the waffly and anti-journalism research areas of cultural studies in favour of the firmer empirical tradition of North America. His reasoning here:
I must say that journalists with whom I have discussed empirically based research designs have often been delighted to apprehend the clear-cut set of steps, paralleling their own research experiences, which forms the basis of a great range of research projects. (Henningham 1999: 185)
Henningham led by example and published widely in Australia and overseas. His research concentrated on the personal characteristics of Australian journalists and on journalism as a profession-in-the-making (1979: 19; 1999: 183). b) Cultural resources? The most vocal Australian advocate of an alternate journalism research paradigm is Meadows (1992, 1997, 1998a, 1998b & 1999). He rejects the US mass communication tradition favoured by Henningham, labelling it outdated and unattractive (1999: 50). He asserts the value of cultural studies, saying it has produced the most useful theoretical analyses of journalism, not least because it is comprised of such a wide range of theoretical and methodological approaches. He argues the case in the following way:
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Cultural practices, like journalism, are places where lots of things happen; where lots of different kinds of effects can be produced. Cultural studies is anti-reductionist, meaning it recognises that there are multiple dimensions to reality. Its also anti-reductionist in its approach to power in terms of the dimensions along which power operates or power relations and in the multiple sites of power. [] So how can this broad framework help us in understanding journalism? Simply by encouraging us to look beyond journalism alone in order to theorise its place in the world. (Meadows 1999: 44)
The journalism program that Meadows co-ordinates at Griffith University does not attempt to teach journalism as a disciplinary based subject with specific research methods. Students are expected to acquire disciplinary knowledge and research skills through studying other humanities and social science subjects. The journalism subjects are all production-oriented, offered in flexible mode (rather than lecture/tutorials) and adopt different aspects of the problem-based learning approach (1997: 97-102). Curiously, while there are many vehement critics of cultural studies approach to Australian journalism research (Windschuttle 1998a, 1998b), they do not examine or critique Meadows research or his PBL-based journalism education program. The literature indicates an unusual silence in response to his work. Withnalls (1998) research on multi-disciplinary, interdisciplinary and trans-disciplinary approaches to studying journalism as well as her proposal (1996) for incorporating critical thinking training (rather than problem-solving techniques) into the journalism curriculum, provide two important resources for developing that critique. However, she also makes no mention of Meadows work and that critical analytical task remains outstanding. c) New technologies? Professor Mark Pearson from Bond University and Professor Frank Morgan from Newcastle University are two key advocates of research into the impact of new technologies on journalism and journalism education (Morgan 1998, 1999 & 2000; Pearson 1993, 1994a, 1994b 1997 & 1999). Pearsons interest in research is linked to his concern to guarantee
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the relevance of journalism education to the news industry (1994a). On the one hand, he believes there should be more funding for research into the news media as a way of bolstering the legitimacy of journalism as an academic field. On the other hand, he argues that journalism educators need to keep abreast of change in the industry and accept the challenges linked to the introduction of new information technologies. He says media convergence means the imminent emergence of new hybrid media forms that will demand specific competencies rather than generic journalistic skills (1994b: 71). In recent research on the Internets influences on journalism, Pearson found more than 160 new tasks and practices required in the new media environment (1999: 27). Rather than attempt a piecemeal introduction of on-line journalism skills into the curriculum, Pearson concluded that adopting the holistic approach to journalism education, using the model of reflective practice was the best way of preparing students for a transforming career (1999: 34). Pearson refers to reflective practice as competent reflection upon, and learning from workplace experiences (1999: 35). He distinguishes between these reflective skills and the traditional research skills needed to identify, solicit and develop news stories (1999: 46). Morgan has also argued recently, following Grossberg, et al (1998), that traditional subject disciplines are inadequate and inappropriate frameworks for professional journalism and media education in the 21st century (2000: 17). Morgan is the Graduate Studies Co-ordinator in communication and media arts at the University of Newcastle. He is the current president of the International Association for Mass Communication and Research (IAMCR) and an authority on professional education for communication (Breen 1998: 360). Morgan argues that globalisation and new media technologies are making new demands on practitioners and educators. He rejects the conventional academic idea (James 1998) that research forms the basis for developing curriculum content, claiming this is an outdated approach that ignores pedagogical issues and student learning experiences:
Learners were expected to value what was taught (as a canon); what was taught was what was valued most highly (by the teachers). It was often a closed loop. (2000: 15)
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Morgans journalism research (1998, 1999a, 1999b & 2000) has an international focus. He participates in global projects such as the development of a theory of journalism (1998), of UNESCOs global professional journalism and media education network, jourNet (1999a) and of curriculum recipes (2000). His research advocacy seems to be premised on an interest in exploring and developing links between debates in Australian and international forums on professional education. d) Public culture? Bacon (1997, 1998 & 1999) is the final research advocate referred to here. She is the Associate Professor of Journalism at the University of Technology, Sydney (UTS) and shares the position of director of the ACIJ with Associate Professor Chris Nash. Her approach is to argue for journalism research that is grounded in questions arising out of the practices of journalism and audiences (1999: 82). She says these questions arise in everyday contacts with journalists and audiences but also, increasingly, in public forums such as media programs about the media (ABC TVs Media Watch or ABC Radio Nationals Media Report), the Media Entertainment and Arts Alliances Walkley Magazine or the Australian Centre for Independent Journalisms annual George Munster seminars. However, Bacon distinguishes between media commentary and intellectual scrutiny, emphasising that the latter involves a different (higher?) level of abstraction (1999: 84). Unfortunately, this distinction is more often exemplified in case studies rather than further argued or elaborated (1997 & 1999). There are two particular strengths in Bacons approach to research that are not commonly found among other advocates. The first is her concern to routinely remind journalism educators to consider the social context that frames their discussions. This includes factors such as higher education policy, competition in the field for resources and students, industry intervention in curriculum design and development, student and graduate expectations and academic career pressures (1997, 1998 & 1999). The implication here is that institutional structures are as important to these discussions of research and teaching as individual
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interests and need to be fore-grounded more systematically. The second is her emphasis on the social responsibility or public accountability of journalists and journalism educators. She conceives teaching and research activities not as ends in themselves but rather as opportunities to engage with the public and to explore public concerns about journalism. She is unambiguous in advocating this orientation:
One possible starting point for a research agenda for journalism is the issues raised by journalists and audiences about journalism practice. I mention audiences because without audience there is no journalism and because it is on its relationship to the public that journalism founds its ethical and professional principles (Bacon 1999: 84).
Conclusion
It was asserted at the outset that the common academic assumption is that research necessarily underpins higher education teaching (James 1998: 107). This review of the journalism education literature indicates that this was not the case, for the period 1987-2001. Based on the interpretation offered above, this paper concludes that, in general, while traditional academic disciplinary-based research has consistently been proposed by at least one key scholar (Henningham) as the basis for teaching journalism in Australia, it is not widely accepted or pursued. Indeed specialised research skills, beyond what is needed for identifying and developing news stories, do not seem to be considered an integral or even essential part of the educational process in most tertiary-level journalism programs. While various research advocates are proposing research agendas for the development and consolidation of the Australian journalism studies field, the main debate in journalism education in this period was the well-rehearsed question of getting the right balance between theory and practice. As Thomas points out, this is increasingly seen both in Australia and overseas as a clichd and non-productive debate (2001: 156). The main problem here is that while there has been considerable and intense criticism of the so-called anti-journalism aspects of media and cultural studies (Windschuttle 1998; Flew & Sternberg 1999), there is an alarming shortage of discussion about what more pro-journalism theoretical options might be. Instead the field has turned to discussing pedagogical practices for
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teaching and learning journalism. Problem-solving skills and reflective practice have proved popular topics. There is more discussion of them in the literature than of the theoretical and methodological challenges posed by disciplinary or interdisciplinary approaches to journalism research. A close reading of the literature produced by journalism educators in the period 1987-2001 indicates that there are at least four different approaches to professional education circulating in the Australian journalism field. Significant differences exist over what constitutes journalisms core skills (or practices), the expertise that underpins them and the universitys role in reproducing and thereby legitimising them. These kind of disputes over the definition of intellectual or professional work, and over who can authoritatively participate in the debate, are not unusual (Bourdieu 1988). However, what is interesting about the Australian field is that the debate over differences inside the field remains poorly formulated, and journalism educators seem to spend more time targeting and criticising outsiders who take an interest in journalism. This may be a product of the institutional constraints and pressures they work under. The literature suggests that, in the mid1990s, the research capacity in the field was low and while there were several developmental strategies proposed for the field, none seemed to garner much support. On the other hand, there are a small group of journalism educators who can be termed the fields research advocates and they are providing much needed leadership through their own research and publications.
References
Alysen, Barbara (1999), Selecting the newsmakers: journalism graduates in the marketplace, Australian Journalism Review, 21(1): 143-159. Australian Journalism Review (Various) (1988), Forum on journalism education, Australian Journalism Review, 10: 100-121. Australian Journalism Review (1989), Australias first journalism professors, Australian Journalism Review, 11: 88-90. [This profile first appeared in the University of Woolongongs Campus News.] Bacon, W. (1997), Shifting notions of the public in journalism, Culture and Policy, 8(2): 65-90.
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Bacon, W. (1998), Engaging theory and practice in journalism education, AsiaPacific MediaEducator, 4: 79-83. Bacon, W. (1999), What is journalism in the university?, Media International Australia incorporating Culture & Policy, 90: 79-90. Bourdieu, P. (1988), Homo Academicus, Translator Peter Collier, Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. Breen, M. (1996), Modernity and journalism education: a respectable paradigm, Australian Journal of Communication, 23( 1): 91-103. Breen, Myles (ed) (1998), Journalism Theory and Practice, Sydney: Macleay Press. Breen, M., R. Patching & P. Lee (1997), Tracking research for journalism educators, Australian Journalism Review, 19(1): 159-170. Cryle, D. (ed, 1997), Disreputable Profession Journalists and Journalism in Colonial Australia, Rockhampton, Qld: Central Queensland University Press. Day, A. (1999), Australian journalism research index 19921999, Australian Studies in Journalism, 8: 239-332. Day, M. (2002), A matter of degree, The Australian (The Media supplement), 24-30 January: 2-3. Eggerking, K. (1996), The Media and Indigenous Australians Project, Australian Journalism Review, 18(1): 21-24. Fell, L. (1987), Journalism education, Canberra: Commonwealth Department of Education, Committee to Review Australian Studies in Tertiary Education (CRASTE). Flew, T. & J. Sternberg (1999), Media wars: media studies and journalism education, Media International Australia incorporating Culture & Policy, 90: 9-14. Fuentes Navarro, R. (1991), Diseo curricular para las escuelas de comunicacin [Curriculum design for schools of communication], Mxico: Editorial Trillas. Fuentes Navarro, R. (1998), La emergencia de un campo acadmico: continuidad utpica y estructuracin cientfica de la investigacin de la comunicacin en Mxico [The emergence of an academic field: utopian continuity and scientific structuration of communication research in Mexico], Mxico: ITESO/Universidad de Guadalajara. Green, K. & S. McIlwaine (1999), Where do all the graduates go?, Australian Journalism Review, 21(2): 134-141. Grundy, B. (1990), Teaching research methods in journalism, Australian Journalism Review, 12: 153-154. Henningham, J. (1979), Journalism and professionalisation, Australian Journalism Review, 2(1): 15-20. Henningham, J. (1989a), Why and how journalists should be professionalised, Australian Journalism Review, 11: 27-32.
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Henningham, J. (1989b), Industry and academic views of journalism education, Australian Journalism Review, 11: 67-72. Henningham, J. (1990), Issues in Australian Journalism, Melbourne: Longman Cheshire. Henningham, J. (1993), Australian journalists attitudes to education, Australian Journalism Review, 15(2): 77-90. Henningham, J. (1994), A suggested core curriculum in journalism education, Australian Journalism Review, 16 (1): 88-93. Henningham, J. (1999), Proud to be a journalism educator, Australian Journalism Review, 21(3): 181-196. James, D. (1998), Higher education field-work: the interdependence of teaching, research and student experience, in M. Grenfell & D. James (eds), Bourdieu and education: Acts of practical theory, London: Falmer Press: 104-120. Kirkpatrick, R. (1996), Diploma to degree: 75 years of tertiary journalism studies, Australian Studies in Journalism, 5: 256-264. McKnight, D. (2000), Scholarship, research and journalism: an interview with James Carey, Australian Journalism Review, 22(2): 17-22. Mayer, H. (1968), Journalists, in his The Press in Australia, Melbourne: Lansdowne Press: 188-210. Meadows, M. (1992), A sense of deja-vu: Canadian journalism education ponders its future, Australian Journalism Review, 14(2): 100-113. Meadows, M. (1997), Taking a problem-based learning approach to journalism education, AsiaPacific MediaEducator, 3: 87-107. Meadows, M. (1998a), Journalism as a cultural resource in (Ed.) M. Breen, Journalism Theory and Practice, Sydney: Macleay Press: 67-82. Meadows, M. (1998b), Making journalism: The media as cultural resource, Australian Journalism Review, 20(2): 1-23. Meadows, M. (1999), Cultural studies and journalism, Media International Australia incorporating Culture & Policy, 90: 43-51. Morgan, F. (1998), What is journalism? in M. Breen (ed), Journalism Theory and Practice, Sydney: Macleay Press: 52-66. Morgan, F. (1999a), The moving finger writes: conditions for a theory of journalism, Australian Journalism Review, 21(1): 212-222. Morgan, F. (1999b), The deed is all: the conception and context of JourNet, Australian Journalism Review, 21(3): 68-91. Morgan, F. (2000), Recipes for success: curriculum for professional media education, AsiaPacific MediaEducator, 8: 4-21. ODonnell, Penny (1999a), The other 66 per cent?: rethinking the labour market for journalism graduates, Australian Journalism Review, 21(1): 123-142 . ODonnell, Penny (1999b), The Media and Indigenous Australians Project, Australian Journalism Review, 21(1): 171-176.
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Patching, R. (1996), 900 into 300 wont go: are Australias journalism courses producing too many graduates?, Australian Journalism Review, 18(1): 53-65. Patching, R. (1996b), Developments of journalism courses in Australia: some preliminary findings, AsiaPacific MediaEducator, 1: 153-161. Patching, R. (unpublished) (1997a), Too many students, not enough jobs?: a comparative study of Australian journalism programs, University of Wollongong, MA (Hons) thesis. Patching, R. (1997b), Who teaches journalism at Australias universities?, Australian Journalism Review, 19(2): 31-43. Pearson, M. (1988), I want to be a journalist: a study of cadetships, Australian Journalism Review, 10: 125-134. Pearson, M. (1991), Education for journalism and law: common issues and challenges, Australian Journalism Review, 13: 105-114. Pearson, M. (1993), Electronic mail as a news medium, Australian Journalism Review, 15(2): 131-138. Pearson, M. (1994a), Journalism education: taking up the challenge of a changing world, Australian Journalism Review, 16(1): 99-107. Pearson, M. (1994b), Rethinking quality on journalism education, Australian Journalism Review, 16(2): 67-72. Pearson, M. (1999), Curricular implications of the influences of the Internet on journalism, Australian Journalism Review, 21(2): 27-55. Putnis, P. (1988), Diversity, theory and practice, Australian Journalism Review, 10: 114. Quinn, S. (1997a), Computer-assisted reporting in Australia: do we need deeper newsgathering methods?, Australian Journalism Review, 19(1): 77-89. Quinn, S. (1997b), Australian journalists and the Internet, Australian Journalism Review, 19(2): 1-13. Quinn, S. (1999), Teaching journalism in the information age, Australian Studies in Journalism, 8: 158-175. Ricketson, M. (2001), All things to everyone: expectations of tertiary journalism education, AsiaPacific Media Educator, 10: 94-98. Ricketson, M. (unpublished) (2001), The state of journalism education in Australia [original draft of article that later appeared in The Australians The Media supplement]. Sedorkin, G. & T. Schirato (1998), Theory and current affairs television in M. Breen (ed), Journalism Theory and Practice, Sydney: Macleay Press: 104-118. Sheridan Burns, L. (1995), Philosophy or Frontline? Teaching media ethics in Australia, Australian Journalism Review, 17(2): 1-9.
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Sheridan Burns, L. (1997), Problem-based learning (PBL) and journalism education: is it new jargon for something familiar?, Australian Journalism Review, 19(2): 59-72. Sheridan Burns, L. & T. Hazell (1999), Problem-based learning, youth suicide and medias Responseability, AsiaPacific MediaEducator, 6: 56-71. Sheridan Burns, L., L. Reardon, K. Vincent & T. Hazell (2001), Are journalism educators Response Able?, Australian Journalism Review, 23(2): 105-118. Stuart, C. (unpublished) (1996), Our judges credentials: Development of journalism education in Australia to 1987, University of Wollongong, Ph.D. Thesis. Stuart, C. (1997), Any course can wear a journalism label in Australia, Australian Journalism Review, 19(2): 44-58. Tapsall, S. (1997), Can Australian journalists learn to ride the US CAR?, Australian Journalism Review, 19(1): 69-76. Tapsall, S. & L. Granato (1997), New CAR curriculum will influence the practice of journalism, Australian Journalism Review, 19(2): 14-23. Thomas, R. (2001), Moving from the traditional: Introducing selfregulated learning into the teaching of news writing, Australian Journalism Review 23(1): 153-170. Windschuttle, K. (1998a), Journalism versus cultural studies, Australian Studies in Journalism, 7: 3-31. Windschuttle, K. (1998b), Cultural studies versus journalism in M. Breen (ed), Journalism Theory and Practice, Sydney: Macleay Press: 17-36. Withnall, J. (1996), Critical thinking: a necessary skill for quality journalism, Australian Journalism Review, 18(1): 107-115. Withnall, J. (1998), Studying journalism through multidisciplinary, interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary approaches, in Jacqui Ewart (ed), Journalism Theory and Practice Proceedings of the 1998 Journalism Education Association Conference, Journalism Education Association.
Penny ODonnell is a senior lecturer in journalism and media studies at the University of Technology, Sydney.
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Media convergence: Implications for journalism education

Stephen Quinn
Media organisations in many parts of south-east Asia, Scandinavia and the United States are evolving into multimedia publishers, initiating a form of reportage known as convergence journalism. Put simply, convergence journalism (also known as multimedia or multiple journalism) involves re-purposing material so that one piece of content appears in several forms. At the moment the story usually starts at daily newspapers because they have the largest number of journalists. After attending a news event, the reporter writes a handful of paragraphs for the organisations Web site, then produces a radio version and possibly a television version and finally writes a long piece for the next days paper. Further developments involve the story also being made available on mobile devices such as telephones and other hand-held peripherals, though these are more likely to be processed by technology. This development has profound implications for how journalism is practised, and taught, in the context of a rapidly changing world driven by changes in digital technology.
n October 2000, almost 500 senior newspaper managers from more than 40 countries at a conference called Beyond the Printed Word enthusiastically endorsed the idea that the news business was rapidly adopting a converged approach. The managers noted that an increasing number of newspapers were pursuing multimedia strategies where the publications content appears not only on paper but also on radio, digital television, the Web and mobile devices. The catch phrase had become everywhere, all the time. The vice president for electronic media for the Newspaper Association of America, Randy Bennett, predicted newspapers would evolve into truly multimedia
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companies that would provide a new range of services and products to customers. Organisation structure and processes will change to make newspapers more nimble and responsive, he said (Bennett 2000: 1-2). The World Association of Newspapers (WAN) and the industry research group Ifra organised the conference. IFRA represents more than 1800 publishers and technology firms worldwide, and specialises in researching the impact of technology on newspapers. It maintains its NewsOps centre as a resource for information about technology for newsgathering. (IFRA is an acronym from the INCA-FIEJ Research Association. INCA stands for the International Newspaper Colour Association and FIEJ stands for the Fdration Internationale des Editeurs de Journaux.) At the Amsterdam conference, the editor of Norways Aftenposten, Rolf Lie, noted that the future was not about paper, and it was not about electronics. Its about information. He suggested that todays journalists should say: Im not working in a newspaper, Im working in news (Lie 2000: 1). The managing director of new media at Eastern County Newspapers in the UK, Tom Stevenson, who co-chaired the conference, said that top-notch content would be the key to a newspapers success in a multiple-media world. Quality of content in the years ahead would make or break many businesses, he said (Stevenson 2000). Most delegates agreed that for newspapers to succeed in the multiple-media world, their content had to be unique. While there are clearly major uncertainties that will influence our business, the next several years will bring great opportunities to those newspapers that embrace change and invest to compete in this new environment. The challenge for newspaper companies is to find, recruit and retain technology-savvy personnel (Bennett 2000: 4). The other conference chairperson, Howard Finberg, pointed out the publishing industrys strength was its staff, and these people would be called on more and more in this multimedia, multi-task newsroom (Finberg 2000). Speakers at another IFRA seminar in October 2000, on the Newsroom for a Digital Age in Darmstad in Germany, mentioned flexibility as the major factor in how their newsrooms were dealing with new and changing demands. Newspaper editors once wanted people to think solely of the printed product as their main source
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of news and information. But editors now believed the key was to get customers to regard the company as the source of their news, regardless of the medium. Arthur Sulzberger Jr, publisher of the New York Times, summarised many publishers and editors thinking when he said: Im not in the newspaper business. Right now, many of our people want it on paper and we will try to serve that market. ... If they want it beamed directly into their minds, we will create a cerebral cortex edition. Similarly, Howard Tyner, former editor of the Chicago Tribune and a vice president of the Tribune Company, said the business of journalism was really about collecting eyeballs in other words, getting as many people as possible to go to an organisation as the source of their news and information. The Tribune company is discussed in the next section. We go where the audience is, Mr Tyner said. As well as multiple-journalism, the Tribune Company is doing this through cross-marketing and cross-promotion among its various media outlets (Veseling 2000: 20). Since the year 2000, the situation has evolved to the point where industry analysts are convinced that convergence is the future for media companies. Martha Stone, senior consultant for the Innovation Group, said convergence journalism was here to stay:
On each continent, in nearly every country, youll see mono-media companies transforming into multimedia companies, integrating editorial side operations from print, Web and broadcast divisions. The benefits of re-organising mono-media companies to multimedia companies is overwhelming. (Stone 2002: 1)
In 2002, Arthur Sulzberger Jr said his companys flagship must become a multimedia provider of news and information, not just a newspaper. He said the New York Timess long-term competition was more likely to come from Microsoft or AOL Time Warner rather than The Washington Post or USA Today (quoted in Online Newspapers 2002). Convergence was the main topic of discussion at the World Association of Newspapers conference in Hong Kong in June 2001 and IFRAs PublishAsia conference in Bangkok in Thailand in March 2002. Juan Antonio Giner, founder of the Innovation International Media Consulting Group, presented the results of his companys third
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Innovations in Newspapers report to the June 2001 conference. A survey of WAN members showed that 73 percent had reported some form of convergence was starting to happen at their companies in 2001 (2001: 4). Consultant Martha Stone said that seven out of 10 newspaper executives taking part in a separate survey reported their reporters had formal duties in at least another medium apart from the newspaper (2001: 5). Ruth de Aquino, IFRAs director of editorial strategy and the most recent president of the World Editors Forum, told the PublishAsia conference that a critical mass of interest and experience in convergence was developing around the world. The audience of more than 500 news executives heard case studies from converged newsrooms at Utusan in Malaysia, the Tampa Tribune and Chicago Tribune in the United States, the Bertelsmann group in Germany, the Nation group in Thailand, the Hachette Filipacchi group in France, the Globe & Mail in Canada, the JoongAng Ilbo in South Korea, and the Straits Times in Singapore. One of the few dissenting voices in relation to convergence at WANs June conference came from Walter Kiechel, editor of the Harvard Business Review. He maintained that news was much more medium-specific than many people believed. Television was mostly about entertainment. What was the last big idea or complex story that you came to understand from watching TV, Kiechel asked rhetorically. People did not log onto an online service to read something, as they read a newspaper, he said, but rather to do something for example, to check sports scores or a stock price or the weather forecast. Kiechel was skeptical about convergence:
In my experience, its a rare print journalist who can be groomed to become an effective on-air personality, or even as good as a merely average television journalist maybe one in 20. There are reasons psychological, intellectual, aesthetic why one person may go into print and another on air. (Kiechel 2001)
Kiechels comments may be relevant for specialist publications like his own, but for general news convergence is the likely scenario. Here are examples from different parts of the world.
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Convergence in different parts of the world

Newspaper companies in the United States are probably the most advanced in terms of adoption of convergence, along with newspaper groups in Scandinavia. This paper begins with a study of the Tribune company in the United States because it provides an apposite case study. This paper then looks at one of the most highly evolved newspapers in Finland, as an example of convergence in Scandinavia, before considering some multimedia pioneers in Singapore and Hong Kong. Late in 1997 the American Journalism Review commissioned Ken Auletta to write the first in a series of reports on the state of the American newspaper. He chose the Tribune company as the first subject. Tribune was the first US media company to embrace new media and convergence. CEO John Madigan introduced a mantra of synergy. Each Tribune property sees itself as an information company, not just a newspaper, Auletta wrote. Each has a multimedia desk. Each has an online newspaper and a Digital City guide on AOL. Each has a TV broadcast partner or a 24-hour cable news partner (Auletta 1998: 30). In Chicago, the Tribune Company has the advantage of owning the other media the newspaper works with. But this is not the case in other markets where the Tribune owns newspapers. In these areas, the papers have gone outside the company to build relationships with other organisations. Early in 2000, for the third consecutive year, the Tribune companys peers ranked it first in Fortune magazines list of Americas most admired companies. Tribune generated $US6 billion in revenue in 2000 up from $US2.7 billion in 1997 and it employed more than 30,000 people. The company operates three divisions: Tribune Broadcasting, Tribune Publishing and Tribune Interactive. The Tribune company reaches almost 80 percent of US households daily through those divisions. Tribune Broadcasting owns and operates 22 major market TV stations and reaches more than 75 percent of US television households. It is the largest TV group not owned by a network. Tribune Publishing is the third-largest US newspaper group in terms of circulation. The company owns 11 major newspapers, including the Los Angeles Times, the Chicago Tribune, and Newsday in New York. Tribune Interactive
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is a network of local and national Web sites that rank among the top 25 news/information/ entertainment networks in the United States. They operate in 18 of the top 30 markets. The company also owns a small part of America Online (AOL). Tribune Regional Programming runs two 24-hour cable news channels CLTV News in Chicago and Central Florida News 13. The latter is a partnership with Time Warner Communications in Orlando (Web site 2000). IFRAs technologies editor and executive director of the Centre for Advanced News Operations, Kerry Northrup, said the Tribune company had evolved three models of multiple-journalism. All had been tested at newspapers at the Chicago Tribune, the Orlando Sentinel (Florida) and the Tampa Tribune, respectively. Northrup pointed out that the Tribune company had a general philosophy of not imposing multi-skilling. It is still left up to the individual reporters whether or not they want to do TV in addition to their newspaper writing. Its just sort of understood that probably in five [or] ten years the reporters who have advanced up to senior reporter and up to management positions will likely be the ones who have embraced this multiple-media thing. But it isnt like theyre firing anybody because they refuse to do TV (Northrup 2000b). At the Chicago Tribune, the corporation has an open policy of seeking maximum synergy among the various media the company owns. This had resulted in widespread sharing of content and news staff. While the Chicago Tribune encourages and rewards the development of cross-media skills, individual journalists are free to opt out of the synergy effort for now. At the Orlando Sentinel, individual reporters and photographers were permitted to decline involvement in media outside of their own specialty. But staff who chose to participate in the program were involved in a high level of multi-skilling. Photographers carry both digital still and digital video cameras, shooting assignments for both print and broadcast use. And print reporters receive special training in how to present their stories on television. The third model of newsgathering integration had appeared at the Tampa Tribune. Northrup noted that multiple-journalism had been significantly more enforced at this paper, compared with what happened in Chicago or Orlando. News staff members are
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for the most part required to work across media. For example, print reporters covering a fire were directed to feed voice reports of live breaking news to the sister television station by mobile phone. And when a TV news anchors story on a certain topic failed to get on air as scheduled one evening, she was instructed to turn her text over to the newspaper for the next mornings edition rather than hold it for the next evenings newscast. In 2000, Northrup presciently predicted that publishers around the world would adopt or adapt one of these models for multiple-journalism over the next decade, which would in turn redefine the newsroom (Northrup 2000a: 7-9). Dr James Gentry, dean of the William Allen White School of Journalism and Mass Communications at the University of Kansas, was Tribunes consultant during the changes in the late 1990s. He believes that the Orlando Sentinel offers a preview of the newspaper of the future. The most visible symbol of the papers commitment to convergence is the multimedia desk or bridge in the centre of the newsroom. From there, six to eight editors co-ordinate the papers multiple-media coverage. Reporters desks are arranged around the bridge. Once reporters receive an assignment, they write stories for the paper and then put together Web or television or radio versions of the same piece. Video producers and editing equipment are based in the newsroom. The newspaper, Web site and Central Florida TV News 13 are within a few minutes walk of each other. Dr Gentry describes them as a campus where ideas are shared (Gentry 1999: 4). As of April 2000, about a third of the newsrooms 360 print journalists had been cross-trained for on-air appearances (Northrup 2000d: 56). At the Tampa Tribune, vice president and executive editor Gil Thelen said the newspaper newsroom led the convergence process because the paper had the editorial muscle 300 journalists including 120 reporters, compared with the relatively small number of broadcast staff associated with TV station WFLA (Channel 8). The company spent $US45 million on a new building next to the original Tampa Tribune office. Work on the News Centre started in July 1998 and the building opened about a year later. It was the first fully digital newsroom in the United States. Channel 8s studios are on the first floor, TBO.com and the television newsroom occupy the second, the Tribune staff are on the third floor, and management and sales operate from the fourth floor.
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The benefits were apparent almost immediately, Thelen said, with an exponential growth in collaboration for daily breaking news. The papers circulation had more than held steady and the TV station had experienced a ratings boom. The Tampa Tribune is now a quicker newsroom [and] TV coverage is deeper and more contextual, he said. Like the Orlando Sentinel, the converged news site has a multimedia desk at its centre. A browser-based intranet draws all news stories together and is used to distribute ideas and data. Thelen talked of a new energy in the building, and described journalists as information detectives. The move to convergence was driven by market fragmentation, growth of the Web and peoples changing lifestyles, which meant they wanted information on demand (Thelen 2000). The Sentinels former editor John Haile now a consultant acknowledged that initially the decision to travel the convergent route was driven by commercial imperatives to protect classified advertising considered vulnerable to interactive competition and searchable media. I was on an ASNE [American Society of Newspaper Editors] new media panel in Dallas four years ago [in 1995], and I remember answering the question of why do this? with two words: classified advertising, Haile said. That is our largest single source of advertising, and it is the most vulnerable to interactive, searchable media. If ad[vertising] dollars start dropping, you can bet newsroom budgets will follow. That will dramatically affect our ability to do good journalism (quoted in Gentry 1999: 6). Tribune papers made 38 percent of their revenues from classified advertisements and an even larger share of profits (Auletta 1998: 21-2). Convergence became attractive because of the potential cost savings, the opportunity for cross-fertilisation, and because it seemed a logical extension of the digital revolution. Haile said that as the Sentinel got into new media, it became clear that media would converge with print, video and interactivity coming together to create a new form of communication. The company had realised that eventually everything would have to be in a digital format (quoted in Gentry 1999: 4). At the bridge at both papers, editors exchange ideas and assign stories between the various forms of media. The Sentinels television production manager, Tom Barnes, said Channel 13 alerted the paper
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about stories. A lot happens in the other direction, too, he said. We tend to pass more information from the Sentinel to Channel 13. But almost all of it goes through the bridge. Kevin Spear, a Sentinel reporter for more than a decade, is considered one of the papers most skilled TV journalists. He said he liked working in print and video: I deeply believe in this coming together of newspapers and television. I really enjoy TV as a powerful story-telling tool. But I also believe it wont be too long until you cant tell the difference between print, TV and online. So its a good idea to keep your eye on each one right now (quoted in Gentry 1999: 5).
Impact on staff selection

As convergence became more ingrained in the newsrooms, so had the expectation that everyone had to participate. Initially reporters were allowed to choose whether they wanted to appear on TV. Now new recruits had to be comfortable with the idea of being on television. Said Sentinel managing editor Jane Healy: The standards have slowly evolved to where we just expect it of everyone now (quoted in Gentry 1999: 7). John Haile said that not everyone at the Sentinel has embraced convergence. Weve had some people leave, he said. They said this wasnt for them. Their decision was good for both of us. But Haile also pointed out the importance of reaching a wider audience for the papers survival. We made it clear that this wasnt a lark that we had to try to figure out how to change the business, because if we didnt we werent going to have the resources to finance this operation. If we dont keep finding new audiences, and start losing revenues, then this news organisation is going to get crunched (quoted in Gentry 1999: 6). Northrup noted that the Tampa model was more demanding on journalists. What sets the Tampa Tribune model apart from either Chicago or Orlando is that the integration is significantly more enforced. Journalists were expected to learn new skills and accept reporting responsibilities outside their media specialties. Yet early indications suggested that this approach has not generated appreciably more or less workplace unrest than in Chicago or Orlando (Northrup 2000a: 8-9).
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Convergence in Hong Kong, Singapore and Europe

In Hong Kong and Singapore, plans for multiple-journalism started in 1999 and 2000 respectively, though implementation did not start until some months later. Convergence is not an overnight process. These countries have worked hard to encourage innovation in the population, and journalists there understand and appreciate the potential of technology. The governments of both countries decided in the 1980s to invest in information technology to improve the countrys economies. Co-operation is also a feature of Chinese culture compared with western cultures. Paul Cheung, chief editor of Ming Pao Newspapers in Hong Kong, noted that parent company Ming Pao Enterprise Corporation hired five senior journalists or photographers from TVB, Hong Kongs biggest television news station, to help with the move to multiple-journalism. The print edition of Ming Pao publishes seven days a week and has a circulation of 100,000. A 1999 study by the Chinese University of Hong Kong rated Ming Pao the most credible Chinese-language newspaper in the special administrative region. Ming Paos main opposition is Apple Daily, another Chineselanguage publication. Paul Cheung said competition was intense. The main challenge as the company moved into the multiple-media environment was in keeping all staff up-to-date, he said. With the Internet half a year is like three years in the printed world. In the printed world there are many things that everyone has to step up before they can change. It is not only a competition among newspapers because everyone is trying to get to the pipe before the others. You are competing against radio, television, etc. The time gap is so short, the investment is so huge and because things are changing so fast, those who stay ahead will come out on top (quoted in Loh 2000: 48). Cheung and his staff had several brainstorming sessions and visited newsrooms at the New York Times, USA Today, the BBC and the Financial Times. Senior staff spent one and two week attachments in newsrooms. We decided the integrated approach was more feasible in Hong Kong. It would be both cost effective in terms of saving money and it would prepare us for the future. The integrated newsroom is
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the newsroom of the future. Ming Pao has almost 300 editorial staff including 180 reporters, 30 photojournalists, 60 sub-editors and editors, and 15 news executives. The rest include news assistants and reporters in overseas bureaux. All 40 of the reporters on Ming Paos local desk have been working as multiple journalists since December 2000. They carry Sony digital video cameras, which range in price from $A3000 to $5000. The papers assistant editor-in-chief for multimedia news, Martin Lee, said many print journalists in Hong Kong were scared of television at first. Mostly it was because they knew nothing about the technology. But once they had had a chance to play with the tools, and see how relatively easy there were to use, most did not look back, he said (Lee 2001). In Singapore, the countrys biggest publisher, Singapore Press Holdings (SPH), hired consultants from Reuters and the BBC to help prepare for multiple-journalism. A high-stakes battle for audience took place between Singapores two major media groups, who have each gone down the multimedia path in different directions. Until 2000, Singapore had three English-language dailies, all published by Singapore Press Holdings (SPH). SPH started two more English-language tabloid dailies for niche markets: Project Eyeball launched in August and was aimed at the Internet generation, while Streats debuted a month later and focused on commuters. Streats published about 230,000 copies a day and Eyeball about 200,000. In November the Media Corporation of Singapore (MCS) launched Today, a tabloid daily. MCS was previously a broadcaster: Two of its seven business units operated five TV and 10 radio channels the bulk of Singapores broadcasting. MCS put up 49.9 percent of the $S12 million for Today, RFP Investments (part of mass rapid transit operators SMRT Corporation) 30.2 percent and Yellow Pages 19.9 percent. About the same time, SPH decided to take MCS head on and announced it would launch two television channels, which opened in mid 2001. In the months beforehand, SPH trained many of its print journalists to supply the content for the news and current affairs programs scheduled to screen on the channels. Nine months later, the foreign editor of the SPH flagship the Straits Times, Felix Soh, said convergence had flourished at the company. For journalists at Straits Times, multi-tasking as both print and broadcast journalists
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is now routine. Stories are covered by common teams with not only laptops but also [digital] cam-corders (Soh 2002). Similarly converged forms of journalism are common at the Turun Sanomat Multimedia company in Turku in south-west Finland. An editorial staff of 160 produce content for a daily paper (the Turun Sanomat, which appears seven days a week), five weekly supplements, evening news and current affairs programs six days a week for the Turku TV cable television channel, a text service when television is not broadcasting, six radio stations, a web site (www.turunsanomat.fi), and a book publishing arm. At 300,000 copies a day, the Turun Sanomat boasts the third-highest circulation of any daily in Finland. Of the 160 editorial staff, 120 are reporters. Of these 120, 50 work in both print and broadcasting. The print group produces 9000 pages of editorial and 6000 pages of advertisements a year. Turku TV outputs 900 hours a year plus another 220 hours for other commercial channels. Four of the radio stations operate 24 hours a day. The web site produces news for a facsimile-based newspaper and outputs about 60 news updates a day. Productivity is high. Yet a tour of the building revealed a pleasant environment with relaxed staff. Managing editor Kari Vainio said staff had embraced technology and the company ensured people had the most up-to-date tools to do their work. All activities take place in one building, located near the centre of town (Vainio 2002).
Convergence in Australia?
Could multiple-journalism emerge in Australia? It evolved at the Tribune company despite laws in the United States that forbid crossmedia ownership. The US Federal Communications Commission (FCC) restricts any company from owning both a newspaper and a broadcast outlet in the same market unless the company did so before the rule came into force (as was the case with the Tribune companys ownership of WGN in Chicago), or unless the government finds a public interest in waiving the rule (as it did when Rupert Murdoch was allowed to rescue the ailing New York Post). Similar laws forbidding cross-media ownership operate in Australia but in the past year Coalition politicians and media owners have been lobbying hard to
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have them changed. Part 5, division 5 of the Broadcasting Services Act prohibits anyone from controlling more than one commercial radio station or television channel or newspaper in the same licence area. Communications minister Richard Alston told The Age conference on media in the twenty-first century in March 2000 that the Coalition believed the law was flawed and outdated. He accused Labor and the Democrats of refusing to acknowledge the need for change. Convergence is making a nonsense of cross-media laws (Alston 2000: 15). The CEO of Fairfax, Fred Hilmer, has often described the cross-media laws as ridiculous. We believe that as the rather constraining regulations of the Australian media industry, particularly the prohibitions in terms of cross-media ownership, are relaxed ... that will continue to open new horizons for our company (AAP 2000: 25; Gilchrist 2000: 4). Other Australian media owners have voiced their opposition to existing cross-media ownership laws. In September 2000, Fairfax journalists went on strike over pay and conditions. A key part of the debate concerned journalists fear that they were being perceived as content providers instead of journalists (Meade 2000: 2) plus moves to require journalists to become more like multiple reporters. The history of Australian journalists exposure to change, particularly computerised typesetting, has generally been a process whereby technology has been imposed from above. Strikes occurred in the late 1970s and early 1980s because of concerns over health issues and pay (Lloyd 1985: 277-82). Introduction of cold type technology in the early 1980s significantly affected the sub-editors job. Increased responsibility for the final product, formerly shared with compositors and proofreaders, increased stress and job dissatisfaction. Developments in pagination in the 1990s extended sub-editors tasks and responsibilities. With pagination, subs were responsible for all prepress newspaper production up to the plate-making stage but salaries had not risen markedly (Reed 1999: 92). All editorial staff at the national news agency, Australian Associated Press (AAP), agreed to use digital audio equipment from the middle of 2000 as part of an agreement linking productivity and pay negotiated in 1999. Editor-in-chief Tony Vermeer saw the arrangement as an adjunct to the agencys text delivery of news. AAP wanted to be able
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to offer all forms of reporting in the future. Stories would get the multimedia treatment with moving pictures on an individual basis, he said, with AAPs multimedia editor and individual chiefs-of-staff helping reporters decide. Eventually reporters would make individual decisions. Selection of stories to cover on camera would be made on a project basis for issues that needed visual treatment, Vermeer said. A small group of AAP journalists with television backgrounds had learned to use digital cameras. They shot and edited in digital form, and stories were sent back to AAPs headquarters in Sydney via an integrated digital services line. All staff were supplied a personalised Sony mini-disk digital recorder the industry standard (Vermeer 2000). At the time of writing, the federal government was prepared to require separate editorial streams and decision making as part of any move to convergence. Communications Minister Richard Alston told the ABCs Media Report that merged companies would be required to have separate editorial decision-making processes because thats in fact what happens in the real world right now. Presenter Mick ORegan suggested it was contradictory to introduce converged media and then insist on separate news management and newsrooms. Alston replied that ... what youve got to ensure in a democracy is not that you have a number of different outlets, as much as that you have a diversity of views, so people dont only get one side of the story. The new laws were designed to ensure there were separate editorial decision-making processes ... and thats entirely proper because that ensures that you are much more likely to get a different view of the world from those different mediums (Media Report 2002). Compared with other countries, Australia may be more backward in coming to terms with convergence, but changes are inevitable. These changes have implications for journalism education.
Implications for journalism education

What should universities do to prepare students for a changing work environment, including convergence? Northrup described journalism education as having a chicken and an egg relationship with the industry. Do you train journalism students for the jobs that
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exist today so that when they graduate they can be employed? Or do you train people for the skills that theyre going to need in the news organisation tomorrow so that when the newspapers come along and say we need a new generation of journalists they have people to pick from? Newspapers often did not help the situation because they criticised universities for not giving journalists the skills they needed to work in the newsroom. Industry also criticised institutions for not training the new generation of journalists:
One of the first places to start is to try to make sure that journalists get training and appreciation for the strengths, the weaknesses and the interactions of all the different media in which news can be disseminated. Most journalism programs have been set up so that students focus just on print. I think that someone coming out of journalism school needs to have a wider understanding. Even if their specialty is in writing and not Web design, theyve got to have an understanding of what the strengths and weaknesses of their particular medium is and the strengths and weaknesses of the associated media. So that when they approach a story they can approach it on a cross-media basis. So its important that journalists not be uni-media dimensional in dealing with only one particular outlet. Theyve got to understand that a story can cross media. So Id say dump the print specific and get much more cross media in the training. Expect a higher level of technical expertise of the typical journalist. Im not talking about training them how to use Microsoft Access [a database program], but I am talking about training them in how to understand information management, so that when technology evolves they have the basics to understand where its evolving. (Northrup 2000b)
As director of news for WFLA-TV in Tampa in Florida, Forrest Carr is at the vanguard of convergence journalism in the United States. He believes journalism educators need to modify their curricula to accommodate convergence:
It seems obvious to me that J-schools are going to have to change their thinking. In some state university systems [in the US], if you want to study print journalism, you go to one city, but if you want to study broadcasting, you have to go to a different campus in a different city. Students may still choose specialties but it no longer makes any sense to pretend print journalists and electronic journalists are in different professions. (Carr 2002)
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Journalism academic Professor Jay Black of the University of South Florida predicted that when students graduated they would be working in careers not yet imagined, employing skills and technology not yet invented. Dr Black believes many of the jobs now available in journalism and related media did not exist a generation ago. Indeed, some did not exist a decade ago in early 2002 we find advertisement for positions such as content editor, information architect and multimedia producer. Dr Edward De Bono, the internationally recognised thinker, suggested that entirely new professions that involved filtering information would emerge in the coming decade: In the future there will emerge a series of intermediary professions sorters, digesters, researchers that will act as a kind of reduction valve. It is no longer possible for every user to sort through all of the information they want (De Bono 1999: 58). The executive director of the Center for New Media at Columbia Universitys Graduate School of Journalism, Professor John Pavlik, maintains that most American journalism programs rested on late-nineteenth century teaching models. Their curricula were organised along early twentieth-century technological lines. Professor Pavlik called for the introduction of new, integrated curricula in which students were taught the principles, practices, values and standards of news reporting that cut across all media boundaries. Rather than learning to be newspaper, magazine, television, radio or online reporters, they should simply be taught to be journalists working in a digital age (Pavlik 1998). Writer David Shenk argues that journalists are more necessary than ever in an information-glutted world. Journalists had been constructing a quilt of community understanding since the dawn of civilisation, disseminating new information. In a world of information scarcity, the messenger-journalist performed the vital community service of acquiring and transmitting fresh data. But as information had become super-abundant over the past 50 years, this hunter-gatherer role had been rendered partially obsolete:
In a world with vastly more information than it can process, journalists are the most important processors we have. They help us filter information without spinning it in the direction of one company or another. Further,
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as society becomes splintered, it is journalists who provide the vital social glue to keep us at least partly intact as a common unit. (1997: 166-67)
Training is a key issue if the transition to convergence journalism is to succeed, and here universities can help industry. Professor James Gentry of the University of Kansas worked as a consultant for the Orlando Sentinel to guide the paper through the process. Then editor John Haile hired seven television journalists to work in the newsroom, with the intention that print staff would learn from them. He also supplied all photographers with digital video cameras as well as digital still cameras. Many journalists were given extensive training in on-air presentation skills. The newspaper also established staff-led project teams to work on the key areas of content, work-flow, technology needs and training. Randy Bennett (2000: 4) and Kerry Northrup (2000b) have highlighted the importance of journalists becoming more technology savvy because of the increasing range of tools and opportunities. Journalism programs at universities need to make students aware of technologys potential impact on their careers.
Technology as a driver
The availability of relatively cheap digital technology is one of the drivers behind the move to multiple-journalism. One of the main developments is an enhanced version of hypertext markup language HTML is often called the lingua franca of the Web known as eXtensible Markup Language. XML permits an almost universal exchange of data from different media forms, so that content written for a newspaper, for example, can be easily converted to a form suitable for a mobile phone. Reuters launched its version, Reuters NewsML, in October 2000 and it is expected to become the news industry standard. This format will allow Reuters to pioneer the packaging and distribution of multiple-media news globally. NewsML enables journalists to produce and assemble stories using video, text, graphics, pictures and audio in any language for any platform. Reuters said NewsML would cut the time needed to assemble, manage and archive news. Reuters is the largest news and television agency in the world, with almost 1960 journalists, photographers and camera operators in
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185 bureaux in 153 nations. It produces news in 24 languages (Ifra Gazette 2000: 10). Ifras industry technical standards body formally ratified version 1.0 of the NewsML standard in October 2000 at its meeting in Amsterdam. Most of the worlds major news agencies including Agence France Presse, BusinessWire, the (UK) Press Association, Reuters, UPI, and Dow Jones WSJ.com have declared their intention to use the new standard (Ifra 2000). Gabriella Franzini of Eidos Media, a publishing system consultant based in Italy, said the switch to XML had to be made transparent for journalists or it would languish:
Today current editorial systems are offering very nice WYSIWYG (what you see is what you get) editing functionalities which make journalists editing work much easier. Obviously, as soon as a journalist sees an XML editor, the first comparison is made with current systems.... This implies that XML tools, in order to be adopted by journalists, will have to show at least the same level of functionality as the proprietary editing tools, if not even more. (Franzini 2000)
Short messaging services (SMS) on mobile phones are likely to become a major distribution medium for news in the next few years. Refinements of early experiments with things like wireless application protocol (WAP) are also likely to occur. A report for the Finnish Newspaper Association noted that the rapid expansion of mobile phones and terminals made news delivery to these devices an important service. (As of late 2001, the penetration of these devices approached 70 percent in many industrial countries.) The report said a key element was machine-readable mark-up languages, like XML, which enabled automatic tailoring of the news to suit different terminals and users, and wireless application protocol (Antikainen et al 1998: 38-9). The editor of the BBCs Ceefax, Paul Brannan, predicted that all information would become mobile information. The unfolding developments would be as profound as the Industrial Revolution, he said. Did you know that digitally encrypted phones are being used for money-less transactions? In London right now its possible to point your phone at a Coke vending machine and get a drink. A crude example but it alludes to the wider possibilities, especially as broadband is taken up and audio and video become handheld possibilities (Brannan 2000).
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The most advanced examples are in Japan, where Nippon Telegraph and Telephone was the first company to launch mobile Internet access with its DoCoMo service in February 1999. News is the second most popular subject, after entertainment. DoCoMo went from zero to more than 14.6 million subscribers after only 16 months (Brannan 2000; Itai 2000: 1; Ries 2000: 25).
Conclusions
Convergence is inevitable. Many issues need to be resolved. One of the most important among these is the increased need for training at news organisations, and the related need for a change of mindset among journalists and editorial managers. Journalists also need to be willing to embrace technology rather than react to it. We can expect the evolution of new forms of journalism brought about by changing technology and changing consumer and management needs. Training and education are paramount. Despite limited natural resources and a small population, countries like Singapore and the Scandinavian nations have managed to become world leaders through investing in intellectual capital. These countries spend more of their GDP on education than most other nations. In Singapores case it is 20 percent, the highest in the world. Sweden allocates 6.8 percent of public spending, well above the OECD average of 5.1 percent. On a micro level, news organisations must be willing to spend money on training and educating their staff. Traditionally some publishers have been wary of doing so, fearing that competitors will lure away their better-educated people. But journalists are more likely to stay in a stimulating environment. It is the responsibility of newsroom managers to work to keep good people and to provide that environment. Northrup concluded that to be effective in handling cross-media news, reporters needed to be able to gather news in any format. They need training in understanding which media are most effective for which aspects of the story. They may also be expected to take a much more active role in managing news coverage from the scene, rather than passing all the decisions to newsroom-bound editors. Once the material had been assembled, news organisations needed editors
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who could think in multiple media and who could see the story as a combination of various content elements to create an integrated whole. Again, training was vital, he said, but more significantly editors needed a mindset freed from any one medium:
A true multiple-media editor will be one who recognises, for instance, that breaking news reporting is no longer a staple of printed journalism, and therefore that printed newspaper content must rise to a higher level while working in concert with its online siblings. (Northrup 2000c: 33)
At the risk of resorting to a clich, the times they are a changing. With the passage of time, the journalist of the 21st century will need more and more skills. This means that editorial staff must be willing to embrace the concept of lifelong learning. A flexible mindset, or the ability to adjust to change, will be similarly vital:
If there is one word to describe what is being required more and more in newsrooms as journalism moves into the digital age it is flexibility. In an industry in which flexibility always has been an important element for success, it now seems to be vital for survival. (Veseling 2000: 20)
Newsrooms that will thrive in the future are going to look and operate much differently compared with today. And journalists will, likewise, need to work differently. The ancient Chinese curse says: May you live in interesting times. We certainly do.
References
AAP (2000), Hilmer blasts ridiculous media regulation, The Age, 12 October: 25. Alston, Richard (2000), Why cross-media laws should go , The Age, 29 March: 15. Antikainen, Hannele, et al (1998), News content for mobile terminals, a study for the Finnish Newspaper Association, 13 November. Auletta, Ken (1998), Synergy City, (Part 1 of The state of the American newspaper) American Journalism Review, May: 18-35. Bennett, Randy (2000), Horizon watching: Seizing new opportunities, paper presented to Ifras Beyond the Printed Word conference, Amsterdam, 9-12 October. Brannan, Paul (2000), (editor of the BBCs Ceefax and Online News service) personal communication, 22 November.
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Carr, Forrest (2002), personal interview 21 March. See also Common convergence questions, <www.poynter.org/centerpiece/050102_3.htm> [access 2 May 2002]. De Bono, Edward (1999), Data digesters next: De Bono, The Australian, 23 March: 58. Finberg, Howard (2000), The Digital Futurist Consultancy <www.digitalf uturist.com>. [Finbergs paper was Classified: Cannibalism or growth impetus.] Franzini, Gabriella (2000), quoted in The Ifra Trend Report number 64, 11 October. Gentry, James (1999), The Orlando Sentinel. Newspaper of the future: Integrating print, television and Web, Making Change, a report for the American Society of Newspaper Editors, April: 3-9. Gilchrist, Michelle (2000), Media laws in a time warp, The Australian, 29 June: 4. Ifra (2000), Reuters rolls out NewsML demo, Ifra Gazette, 9 October: 10. Ifra (2001), Trends 2001: Latest trends in multiple media publishing <www.ifra.com/website/IfraSite.nsf/html/guidesandmanuals>. Itai, Shunji (2000), All WAP or what?, paper presented to Ifras Beyond the Printed Word conference, Amsterdam, 9-12 October. Lee, Martin (2001), personal interview in Hong Kong, 7 June. Lie, Rolf (2000), (editor of Norways Aftenposten) quoted in The Ifra Trend Report number 64, 11 October. Lloyd, Clem (1985), Profession: Journalist A history of the Australian Journalists Association, Sydney: Hale & Ironmonger. Loh, Peter (2000), Credibility of content guides Ming Paos move to multiple media, Newspaper Techniques, December: 46-48. Meade, Amanda (2000), item in The diary in Media lift-out, The Australian, 14 September: 2. Media Report (2002), with Mick ORegan, ABC Radio, Thursday 28 March, <www.abc.net.au/rn/talks/8.30/mediarpt/stories/s515937.htm>. Morton, John (2000), The emergence of convergence, American Journalism Review, January-February: 88. Northrup, Kerry (2000a), The redefined newsroom, Ifra 2000, Trends 2001: Latest trends in multiple media publishing: 6-9. Northrup, Kerry (2000b), (editor and executive director of Ifras Centre for Advanced News Operations) Personal interview, Melbourne, 23 July. Northrup, Kerry (2000c), New skills needed for todays multiple media stories, PANPA Bulletin, November: 32-3. Northrup, Kerry (2000d), Future newsrooms mean re-arranging the furniture, PANPA Bulletin, April: 55-6.
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Pavlik, John (1998), Summary introduction to News in the digital age: Whats next? (a transcript of the seminar held at the Centre for New Media in New York, 7 October). Also an email communication 10 May 1999. Pfeiffer, Andreas (2000), Emerging opportunities in the expanding media space <www.ifra.com/NewsFeed.nsf> [accessed 1 November 2000]. Reed, Rosslyn (1999), Celebrities and soft options: Engendering print journalism in the era of hi-tech, Australian Journalism Review, 21 (3): 81-92. Ries, Ivor (2000), DoCoMos 3G mobile mission, The Australian Financial Review, 25 November: 25. Shenk, David (1997), Data Smog: Surviving the Information Glut, Harper Edge: San Francisco. Soh, Felix (2002), personal communication, Bangkok, 21 March. Stevenson, Tom (2000), quoted in Ifras Web site <www.ifra.com/ifraV7. nsf/body_beyond>. Stone, Martha (2001), Newspapers in 2001: An industry that keeps reinventing itself , <www.innovacion.com/pdf/Informe2001_pdf/eng_ 2001intro.pdf>: 4-5. Stone, Martha (2002), Multi-media integration is here to stay, Online Newspapers and Multi-Media Newsrooms, April-June: 1. Thelen, Gil (2000), (vice president and executive editor, Tampa Tribune) personal interview, 8 June. Tribune company website (2000), <www.tribune.com/overview/index.html> [accessed 30 October 2000]. Vainio, Kari (2002), personal interview, Turku in Finland, 10 May. Vermeer, Tony (2000), (editor-in-chief of Australian Associated Press) personal interview, 25 February. Veseling, Brian (2000), Flexibility the key in the multi-media world, PANPA Bulletin, November: 20-23. World Association of Newspapers (2002), <www.wan-press.org> [22 May 2002].
Stephen Quinn is director of the Center for Media Training and Research, College of Communiction and Media Sciences, Zayed University, Dubai, UQE.
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The magic of journalism in George Johnstons fiction

David Conley
About 200 Australian journalists have written novels in the past two centuries. None has achieved wider popular acclaim than the dual Miles Franklin Award winner, George Johnston. In 1995 his novel My Brother Jack (1964) was named one of the 20th centurys twelve most influential Australian books. In 1984, it was voted, by a wide margin, the best novel published in Australia since 1945. Yet Johnstons critical recognition has been comparatively sparse and there has been no detailed examination of how his journalism influenced his fiction. This article argues that Johnstons training and experience in journalism informed and enabled his fiction, thereby helping to shape Australias national identity. Privileged by journalisms much misunderstood magic, his search for meaning in that identity helped to shape his own identity. In addressing that misunderstanding, this paper calls for a new interdisciplinary partnership between scholars in literature and journalism so that the journalistic inheritance in so many novels can be more comprehensively examined.
eorge Johnston always wanted to be an archeologist (Johnston 2000). This seems fitting because both archeology and journalism entail excavating the past to bring meaning, understanding and perspective to the present. But Johnston had an image, rather than a shovel, in hand when he began his working life in Melbourne as an apprentice lithographer. He had completed a state school education at age fifteen before joining a commercial art studio, which required him to study art at the National Gallery School. That provided reference points for a subsequent friendship with Sidney Nolan. In contributing artwork for the cover of My Brother Jack, Nolan credited Johnston with helping to inspire him to paint his signature Gallipoli series. The compatriots in art can be credited with
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pre-eminence in capturing the culturally formative myths of Anzacs and national identity; Nolan through his brush, and Johnston through his words as novelist and journalist. Although George Johnstons early talent in and exposure to art may have helped shape his approach to fiction, this article will argue that journalism and war were the greatest influences on Johnston the novelist. They shaped and sometimes misshaped his writing while contributing the themes and settings that framed his fiction. Journalism gave Johnston a front-row seat for World War II. It also served as a laboratory in which he could hone writing skills and acquire experience to feed his fiction. Indeed, the profession was like a fabulously rich uncle. In sending him to 64 countries as a war correspondent, it provided the skills, experiences, perspectives and authority that, as a primer for fiction, no other profession could equal. George Johnston tweaked a national chord by decoding Australia, in part, through his work as a journalist and his fictionalized account of it. Through My Brother Jack, fact and fiction became partners in inspiring a sense of self in the Australian character of the inter-war years. By creating an archetypal Australian, Jack Meredith, Johnston put himself in the role of Jacks brother David. My Brother Jack becomes a doppelganger called My Country, Jack, or at least what Jacks countrys once was. The Jack-David duality becomes Australias duality. Through Jack, the old Australia is personified as a working-class, knockabout suburbanite. As sentimental savage, Jacks sense of mateship and patriotism highlight the values the country once worshipped. Through narrator and journalist David Meredith, the new Australia becomes urban, white-collar and sophisticated. In the process Anzac myths are downsized, thereby gaining a dose of reality while sacrificing spiritual and moral muscle. Johnston uses David to map seminal aspects of Australias cultural evolution. In so doing, Australia could see that it was no longer Jacks country. It had become Davids. This article will not argue that journalism produces the best novelists, that it privileges creativity or that it always enables fiction. It acknowledges that journalist-novelists ranging from Ernest Hemingway to Robert Drewe and George Johnston have cautioned against lauding journalism as a would-be novelists workshop. It also will not position
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Johnston as a typical journalist. Typical journalists do not write novels. It cannot even be asserted that Johnston was typical of journalists who write novels. He did much more than that. Only 11 of his 27 books were novels. He also wrote short stories and plays for the theatre, radio and television as well as 16 non-fiction books. Johnstons pluralistic approach to writing suggests a literary impulse, an innate ability, destined for public expression without a newsroom imprimatur. But it will be argued that journalism made Johnston a better writer, and certainly a different one, than he otherwise would have been. As with every life, one event seems to lead inexorably to another. The consecutive and cumulative impacts produce results that, in hindsight, seem inevitable. So it is with Johnston. As a teenager his interest in sailing ships resulted in publication of freelance stories on the topic. This earned him a newspaper cadetship at Melbournes Argus. Because of his interest in ships, he found himself excelling at the shipping rounds. As World War II approached, that experience qualified him to write stories about the Australian navy. This in turn led to factfiction adventure books about naval campaigns and contributed to his posting as a war correspondent. It is no wonder, then, that Johnston saw a career as a full-time novelist within his grasp and approached his war-reporting duties knowing they would provide a gleaming tapestry for fiction. Journalism is embedded in Johnstons fiction and propelled his journalist-to-novelist transition. The profession enabled his approach to literature and was inseparable from it. In educating him about people, places and issues that would animate his novels, journalism worked like magic, an alchemy that has neither been understood nor adequately examined by Australias literary scholars. It paid the bills while becoming the core ingredient in the production and transmission of Johnstons fiction. In providing a forum and context for pursuing matters of public interest and conveying the findings in a consumable form, journalists have observer status for societys key institutions. For Johnston, the resultant understanding and knowledge generated and nourished themes in his fiction. In enabling his fiction journalism was the crucible for experiencing and interpreting Australia and the wider
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world to which war reporting exposed him. Those interpretations and experiences were interwoven into novels that spoke to a nation. Australia was compelled to listen. In so doing, it recognised itself much as a city can see its reflection in the daily newspaper.
Johnston: the critical and popular heritage

There is an imbalance in the critical and popular acceptance of George Johnstons fiction. Critics and scholars do not place him at the forefront of Australian novelists. His early novels are regarded as money-spinning potboilers unworthy of inclusion in the national literary canon. Indeed, most Australians had never heard of him before My Brother Jack was published in 1964. Criticst have tended to see it as autobiographical and therefore not fiction drawn primarily from imagination. Johnstons most noteworthy recognition came through Miles Franklin Awards for My Brother Jack (1964) and Clean Straw for Nothing (1969). However, Johnston is mentioned on just three pages in The Oxford Literary History of Australia (Bennett & Strauss 1998: 185, 242, 313). The books 17 scholar-contributors give Johnston less attention than any of the other six two-time Miles Franklin winners except Tim Winton, who won a third award in 2002. Eight one-time winners listed are mentioned, on average, in twice the number of pages as those on which Johnstons work is cited. His key citation is for My Brother Jack, which is recorded as one of a number of best sellers in a 1940-1965 literature survey. The novel is described as muted criticism by a younger generation of the restrictive suburban values of their parents generation. Johnstons comparative lack of critical recognition can be viewed in conjunction with the reception Arthur Upfield received in 1928 for his first novel, a thriller. Richard Nile (1998: 145) says Upfield was not considered a proper author because he wrote for the market. Upfield argued that popular fiction was the backbone of popular culture because it was unpretentious. While criticism has moved on since 1928 it may retain vestiges of the Upfield syndrome in its assessment of George Johnstons fiction,
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which commits the literary crime of thinking of readers and book sales before imaginative aerobics. Lee Brotherson (1997: 84) observes that My Brother Jack received surprisingly little critical attention given its prestigious national award and the fact that it was the most popular Australian novel of its era. In his book on Australian war correspondents, Peter Sekuless (1999: 88) says the genius and secret appeal of My Brother Jack are entwined in its span of two world wars. According to John Colmer (1989: 47), few Australian novelists besides George Johnston have given such a full and complex picture of those inter-war years. In Scott Milsons view (1999: 12) the novel is without peer as an evocation of the impact of World War II on Australia. By 1986 My Brother Jack had sold more than 300,000 copies (Kinnane 1986: viii). It was the first novel in a trilogy that includes Clean Straw for Nothing and A Cartload of Clay (1971). My Brother Jack has shown remarkable endurance. Twice it has been adapted for television, most recently during 2001 when a two-part mini-series was aired. In 1995 it was named through a readers poll in the Weekend Australian as one of the 12 most influential Australian books of the 20th century. Its company included First Stone, by Helen Garner, Voss by Patrick White, The Fortunes of Richard Mahoney by Henry Handel Richardson and My Brilliant Career by Miles Franklin (Slattery 1995: 1-2). In 1984 My Brother Jack was voted the best novel published in Australia since 1945 by a staggeringly high margin in a Great Australian Novel quest run by ABC Radio in association with the Australian Book Review (Clancy 1990: 7). Johnston finished second to Patrick White as favourite author. H.G. Kippax (1969: 18) sees My Brother Jack as one of Australias most successful novels. The Illustrated London News agrees. It describes it as one of the greatest books written this century, although the New Statesman (Bryden 1964) finds it isnt quite as coherent, or as good, as that pattern may suggest. F.H. Mares (1964) believes the novel represents a distinguished search for both national and personal identity. Susan McKernan (1989: 218-19) argues that it maps the childishness of the Australian hero while appearing to celebrate national virtues. However, she adds that although it succeeds too thoroughly in allowing
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the intellectual man to triumph over the physical one, the novel converts the intellectual man into a new kind of Australian hero. Johnstons writing ability has not been universally acclaimed. Critics frequently cite his journalistic background in unflattering terms when assessing his fiction. Keith Thomas (1964: 20) laments language misuse in My Brother Jack, describing the author as a verbose, careless writer who is largely undiscriminating in word usage. In his review of Clean Straw for Nothing, Kippax (1969: 18) finds some language too rapturous and, at times, loose and self-indulgent. He adds that while evocation of place does not meet Lawrentian standards it does reach the top flight of journalism. Like Kippax, Clement Semmler (1969: 246) is critical of prose in Clean Straw for Nothing. The novels first half is clich-ridden as if Mr Johnston could not get his creative mind properly geared clichs of phrase, of character, of incident. Yet he finds Johnston enlivens it through his sensitively professional flair which, allied with a literary creativeness, contributes to his importance as a writer no less than it did to Hemingway or has done to Graham Greene. Alan Marshall (1964: 95) says that while high literary standards guide My Brother Jack, it contains sections in which the journalist Johnston overwhelms the novelist Johnston. He has at his disposal a rich warehouse of phrases, images, useful words and tried methods polished by years of writing against the clock. Johnston cant help but pull them out of their pigeon holes when his mind flags. The Walkabout reviewer (Scrutarius 1964: 40 & 11) asserts that almost any workmanlike writer could evolve a good story like My Brother Jack from a background as rich as Johnstons. The reviewer concedes Johnston deftly draws character. In so doing he builds a humdinger, almost a great novel, if not quite. Patrick Morgan (1974: 11) finds much of My Brother Jack to be straight social reportage. He adds: Indeed, it is hardly a coincidence that Johnstons most acclaimed novel is his most nearly factual. Peter Sekuless (1999: 8) says he was a journalists novelist whose description of a leading daily newspaper in My Brother Jack represents an invaluable historic record as well as memorable prose. McKernan (1989: 220) comments that the novel is written in clear, even journalist style. But, as a social novel, she says
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its values are in accord with those of symbolic novelist Patrick White, whose novel Riders in the Chariot has striking similarities with attitudes expressed in My Brother Jack: Both novels attack Australian suburbia for its rejection of the artist and the intellectual. Both identify suburban women with some cruelty. In Johnstons novel, according to McLaren (1964: 55), Jack and David Meredith grow up in the deserts of prewar suburbia a symbol of a whole dreary middle-class culture of respectability and desperation. Given that White has been the subject of more than 1000 critical articles and reviews (Nile 2001), it may be worthwhile to consider briefly his work. It is reasonable to assume that White and Johnston were influenced during the 1940s and 1950s by what David Carter (1992: 110) calls a vast amount of signifying activity going into the business of creating something to belong to, a tradition that was always and already there. If belonging to Australia means understanding it, then perhaps the more one understands it, the more one identifies with and belongs to it. This may be a core, cumulative impact of the best of White and Johnstons fiction. According to McKernan (1989: 172), White was seeking to understand Australia through the process of writing The Tree of Man. The same can be said about Johnstons national and individual identity formation suggested in My Brother Jack. Through David Meredith, Johnston could quote himself from a safe, almost journalistic, distance. In the process, Meredith let him see Australia, and himself, from outside in. Consequently Australia saw itself from inside out, a worldview from a domestic stance through Johnstons globetrotting eyes. In seeking to create something to belong to, White and Johnston may have achieved a form of illumination for themselves and their readers. Their differing approaches to that aim are reflected in Johnstons criticism of White in an address to the Australian Society of Authors in 1968 (Johnston 1968). He said he preferred Thomas Keneally to White, who has an over-obsession with what we loosely define as style. His mention of Keneally is instructive. Of the non-journalist Miles Franklin winners, Keneally is the most journalistic in his documentary, fact-based approach to fiction. In his address, Johnston also quoted Eugene Ionesco in praise of originality: It is novelty which is the
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true sign of sincerity, which is truth. What is original is true. What resembles everything else being done is false, because convention is an impersonal falsehood. This seems ironic, given accusations that Johnston recycled clichs and journalistic language in his fiction. In helping to mythologise the military heroics of the Kokoda Trail as a Melbourne Argus war correspondent Johnston agreed that the kneedeep mud, the man-high kunai grass and muscle tearing razor-backs had become clichs: But I invented them (Hutton 1970: 6). Through My Brother Jack, Johnston also created a eulogy to the Anzacs. Whether in journalism or in fiction, his immersion in and contribution to cultural indoctrination become evident: the ways of war represent pathways to manhood and national identity. Likened to Greek gods, Australias fighting men are idealised. Johnston was not one of them because he chose to write rather than to fight. That decision haunted him to the end of his life as well as to the end of My Brother Jack when David Meredith, as the celebrity war correspondent, watched a military parade pass him by:
... and I thought of Jack ... looking just like these men, hard and strong and confident and with brown legs planted in the Seymour dust as if the whole world was his to conquer, a man fulfilled in his own rightness, and suddenly and terribly I knew that all the Jacks were marching past me, all the Jacks were marching. (1964: 342-343)
Critics note Johnstons late work demonstrates a progression in his writing to more traditional novelistic forms. In other words, the further he got from journalism the less journalistic his fiction became. Graeme Kinross-Smith (1987: 38) finds in Clean Straw for Nothing, My Brother Jacks sequel, that Johnston was more involved than ever before in the theory of the novelists craft. F.H. Mares agrees (1988: 363). Although he says it seems unlikely Johnston felt much kinship with French post-structuralist literary theories he was interested in such theories. While Mares finds My Brother Jack to be competent autobiographical fiction of a fairly conventional kind, Clean Straw for Nothing represents a much more sophisticated work In his best fiction, Johnston is both a maker and debunker of Australian myths in the social realist tradition. He superimposes his life, as experienced through journalisms prism, onto his fiction. In so
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doing he capitalises on a kind of national narcissism in which history and myth,; fiction and journalism, unite to create cultural identities. If society invents the heroes it needs, then Johnston contributed to their construction. The process privileges the merging of romance and realism, a tradition that arose during the 1940s. At its centre, says Carter (2001: 195), are true understanding of character and serious moral concern. The conflicts and symmetries between character and morality form the basis of Johnstons finest work.
Turning life into literature and journalism

Bruce Bennett and Laurie Hergenhan are noteworthy among Australian literary scholars who have examined journalisms fiction links. Bennett has taken a special interest in Robert Drewe and Hergenhan has written extensively on Marcus Clarke. Bennett (1989: 15) acknowledges that Drewes journalism had a strong narrative line. He also believes the professions motivating power, the push for truth, has influenced his fiction. Hergenhan (1972: xxiv & xxviii) recognises that Clarke, in pioneering the regular newspaper column in Australia, used journalism to build a reputation and hone his writing, thus demonstrating the literary potentialities of what was close at hand. In the US, Shelley Fisher Fishkin has written at length about novelists who served literary apprenticeships, noting that critics and scholars have neglected the journalism-fiction nexus in the work of such writers as Twain and Hemingway. According to Fishkin (1985: 3): By glossing over the continuities between the journalism and fiction of these great writers they have missed an important aspect of American literary history and biography. More recently Michael Robertson has examined Stephen Cranes journalism and the ways in which it informed his fiction. He says Crane exploited his role as reporter for mass-circulation newspapers to gather experiences that might otherwise have been inaccessible to a Methodist ministers son (1997: 179). But Robertson also observers that misunderstandings of the fact-fiction discourse of 1890s journalism have distorted readings of many of his works, adding that Cranes journalism is worthy of study on its own as literary journalism (1997: 5-6). In addition,
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doctoral dissertations overseas have examined the journalistic form and authority in the fiction of Hemingway, Zola, Twain, Dickens, Mailer, Marquez, Dreiser, Crane, Dos Passos, James, Woolfe, OBrien, Cather and Joyce. Many of these theses have been completed in recent years and demonstrate an increasing scholarly interest in journalisms fact-fiction convergences. In comparison, Australian scholars have all but ignored the phenomenon. Johnstons biographer, Garry Kinnane (1986: 57), contends that his reporting from Asia during the mid-1940s reflected what the role demanded: to convey meaning without going too far into meaning. Not only is this good reporting, but it is also a sound training for a novelist. Nadia Wheatley (1989-90: 38) argues that Johnstons journalistic training encouraged him to grab at the immediate idea or image, producing a superficial slickness. This was evident in his writing speed: For one section of a travel book, he wrote 35,000 words in 19 hours. Although Kinnane (1986: 34-35) also notes the great rapidity with which Johnston wrote as an author and as a journalist there is little recognition of journalism and fictions symbiotic nature. For instance, he finds it remarkable that Johnston wrote Grey Gladiator (1941) in just 10 days. According to Kinnane before writing his first book Johnston had had no training in war research or experience in writing anything other than short articles. Yet he agrees Johnston made effective use of description peppered with statistics, terse dialogue and rapid shifts of focus and clipped sentences. He struck the right note for the subject through intuitive flair. Such an assessment overlooks the journalistic skills that Johnston had acquired. Scholars may equally speculate on how journalist Margaret Mitchell hit the right note and brought intuitive flair to her only novel, Gone with the Wind, which remains the fastest selling book in publishing history (Tonkin 2002: 4). Mitchell had worked as a reporter and feature writer for the Atlanta Journal from 1922 to 1926, the year she began working on her Pulitzer Prize-winning novel. While quantity rather than quality dominates Johnstons journalism and fiction, there is something to be said for writing velocity. It would have pleased book publishers and newspaper editors. He completed
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The Cyprian Woman (1955) a month early, and there is no evidence of journalistic tardiness. Sekuless (1999: 8) says Johnston was the journalists novelist who let it all hang out in his writing. Journalist Johnston relied on sub-editors to refine his hurried work. The prose of novelist Johnston may not have received the same attention. Compared with book editors, sub-editors have considerable power (Sellers 1985: 1), which they often wield without reference to reporters. In fitting a story into limited space they often must cull, refine and condense it (Print Inquiry 1992: 249). In contrast, book editors operate under less daily pressure. They also have fewer concerns about length and more respect for a writers autonomy and artistic freedom. Therefore they generally are more reluctant than sub-editors to tamper with prose. Johnstons journalistic research, training and experience over the previous 11 years informed his approach to and execution of his first book-length work. It is instructive that Grey Gladiator and two subsequent books, Battle of the Seaways (1941) and Australia at War (1942), evolved from journalistic assignments. The books contributed to his posting as Australias first accredited war correspondent, a role that informed his best fiction. This journalist-novelist link is suggestive of a largely unrecognised pattern in the fiction of other such authors. It is as if journalism is the off Broadway performance that is tested for Broadway potential. For instance Dickens wrote about poverty, Twain wrote about racism and Orwell wrote about censorship as journalists before they addressed these subjects as novelists. Marcus Clarkes durable classic, His Natural Life, had journalistic antecedents: he collected much of the historical detail while on a journalistic assignment in Tasmania (Conley 2000: 66). The central events in Robert Drewes award-winning novel, Fortune, were based on incidents Drewe had written about for the Bulletin (Conley 1998: 52). Hemingway was writing about the Spanish civil war as a journalist four years before For Whom the Bell Tolls was published. Steinbecks The Grapes of Wrath was preceded by a series of articles on migrant labor camps he wrote for the San Francisco News. It is possible to exaggerate such links. According to Charlotte Alexander:
It should be emphasised that there is a vast distinction to be made between Steinbecks newspaper report of the migrants plight and his now-famous
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novel The Grapes of Wrath; there is some value in knowing, however, the actual background of experience from which the author worked on his novel. (1965: 15)
Alexander makes an important point. Despite similarities in journalism and fiction relating to research, observation, story telling, readership and themes, it is a simplistic binary to equate them in terms of cause and effect. However, this article does not support the formalist critic who separates a work from its author and readers. Literature is symbolic and metaphorical. Understanding a works antecedents and creator can take the reader and the critic closer to truths rooted in it. Cleanth Brooks (1998: 52-53) argues: Mans experience is indeed a seamless garment, no part of which can be separated from the rest. Hemingway biographer James Mellow (1994: 275-76) agrees no story abandons its author: Every nuance, prejudice, every innocent detail of a fiction bears the genetic imprint of the writer. If a writer borrows experiences, situations, uses the gossip of other peoples lives, creates characters of his own, what he does with them is his choice, reflects his character and imagination. Examining a body of work, says Brooks (1998: 52-53), does not mean cutting it loose from its author and from his life as a man, with his own particular hopes, fears, interests, conflicts, etc. Yet emphasising a work might seem to involve separating it from readers. Equally, speculation on the authors mental processes moves the critic away from the work and into the realms of psychology, personality and biography. In so doing, Brooks warns, critics should not confuse the work for the author. Hemingway, Orwell, Steinbeck, Drewe, Johnston and Clarke could have been novelists without journalism. But they were journalists and that flavours their fiction. However, trying to identify, isolate and measure the journalistic impacts in relation to other influences on their fiction is like trying to deconstruct a mudcake. It is bound to get messy. For example, it can be asserted that Hemingways experience as a Kansas City Star reporter contributed to his decision to enlist as a Red Cross ambulance driver in Italy during World War I. This, in turn, resulted in his becoming a war hero the first American to be injured in Italy despite poor eyesight having barred him from enlistment. The link is evident in the longest identifiable feature story from
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Hemingways earliest journalism. It was headlined At the end of the ambulance run and describes hospital emergency room procedures. His subsequent injuries as a wartime ambulance driver became a centerpiece of A Farewell to Arms. The novel made him famous, shaping the rest of his life and his fiction. Did the feature story inspire Hemingway to volunteer as an ambulance driver? Or was it connected to an early exposure to medicine? His father, after all, was a doctor. Or did the city editor simply assign the story to him? Whether considering the journalism-fiction nexus in Hemingways or Johnstons work, it is worth noting Christopher Benfeys caution (1994: 5-6) when assessing an authors career. In his view, it is a mistake to take the real life for granted and impose its footprints upon the imaginary life in his writings. For surely this is the wrong way around. What solidity and givenness there is in a writers life exists first in the writings. The problem is to see how the work of art shaped the writers life.
Johnston: The Verdict

Journalism shaped George Johnstons life because, for most of it, he could not make an adequate living through his fiction. He and Clift left Australia in 1951 for London where he managed the European Bureau for Australian Associated newspapers and wrote a column for the Sun in Sydney. Johnston, then 39, had written nine books, most of them non-fiction. He used his contacts at Australasian Post, of which he had been founding editor in 1946, to have the first chapter of a novel, Moon at Perigee (1948), published as a short story in the magazine. In 1954, after Johnston had completed his fourth novel, he and Clift moved to the Greek islands where they hoped to earn enough through fiction to support themselves and their children. Pressed for money, Johnston wrote the first of six crime-mystery potboilers under the name of Shane Martin. In late 1958 Johnston began an autobiographical novel set on the island of Silenos. Closer to the Sun (1960) introduced David Meredith but failed commercially. Johnston used the book, in part, to attack Clift for her affair with a Frenchman on the island. His personal
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Gallipoli had begun in Athens two years earlier when he learned of his tuberculosis. Until then he had not deliberately exposed much of himself in his writing. Like the journalist seeking disembodied objectivity, he previously focused on what he saw as his greatest prose allies: exotic settings and celebrated historical subjects. He largely had relied on the journalistic dictum: get a good story and it talk. According to Kinnane the tuberculosis finding was central to Johnstons changed attitude to writing:
To him it was a death sentence and there is nothing like a death sentence to raise a persons consciousness of how much of his life and work he has wasted. George had spent far too much time and energy on hastily written pot-boiler novels. After he was told he had the illness he scarcely wrote another word that was not in deadly earnest and how this new determination changed his writing! Suddenly there is a voice in his work a clear original voice with interesting and urgent things to said. This new spirit in his work produced the trilogy beginning with My Brother Jack. (1983: xiv)
Kinross-Smith (1987: 33-34) says a subsequent short story entitled The Verdict (Johnston 1984) finds Johnston speaking through David Meredith. It represents the first time in print that Johnston expresses deeper levels of anxiety about himself as a writer and as a man in ill health: There is first the admission that he has felt the need to write something other than journalism, pulp novels, or what at most were compelling and exotic pot-boilers. Kinross-Smith asserts that this transformation in his world-view, tone of voice and self-analysis later surface in My Brother Jack. The Verdict ends with Merediths childhood reminiscence. Though wishing he were dead, he recognises nothing has been resolved. He must begin all over again. He seeks a fresh outlook from his own trench where death has become a sudden, personal reality (1984: 172). The illness magnifies Johnstons interior life, past and present. What has always been out-most his journalism, his travels, war correspondence and chaotic marriage and social life suddenly became in-most as he searches for meaning and understanding. That search begins where he has sought and found much in life: through his writing.
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It is his role as a war correspondent that chiefly informed Johnstons views of his profession and of himself as a writer and a person. These views, given new urgency and clarity by his illness, begin to show themselves in The Far Road (1962), which is set in China during World War II. Even so, Johnston still has bills to pay. This necessity is behind an air force adventure novel, The Far Face of the Moon (1964). By late 1962 Johnston has finished the first chapter of My Brother Jack. In a letter he tells his publisher that: All I can say to you [is] that the present novel is immeasurably the best thing I have ever done, and it is certainly the novel on which I would be prepared to stake my writing future (Kinnane 1986: 216). It is during this period that he begins to think more about themes of expatriation, about what it means to be Australian. On the novels completion in 1963 plans are underway to return to Australia. After 14 years overseas, Johnston launches My Brother Jack at the Adelaide Festival in March 1964. A literature review uncovers discourse on the fact-fiction elements in My Brother Jack. In particular there is discussion about whether autobiographical approaches to fiction represent a failed imagination, a commitment to realism or a combination of both. Aspects of the novel troubled friends and relatives. Johnston found himself trapped by the journalistic presumption of fidelity to facts and truth without the countervailing license to pursue fictions higher truths. For example, he was accused of inflating his brother into a composite hero while deflating his father into a composite tyrant. Even Johnston-Clift friends become confused in making distinctions between people they knew and those depicted (Kinross-Smith 1987: 23). The instances of fiction diverging from fact are too numerous to list here. Some seem calculated to protect people close to Johnston. Others may have a legal basis, or may simply have resulted from a faulty memory in recalling incidents 30 years later. F.H. Mares (1964) says the harsh father and idealised brother can be interpreted as a method of framing and contrasting David Meredith. Indeed, Jack Johnston is not equal to his heroic fictional counterpart. Before Australia entered the war he joined the militia because a drill hall was located near where he played tennis at Brighton on Sundays. He had noticed (Eagle 1983) blokes came of there with bottles in
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their arms, half stung. That proved irresistible; restrictive hotel trading hours meant joining the militia would allow him to drink beer after tennis: We were in it about a bloody month and the war broke out, so if you had been running around in a uniform you cant sort of not join up. In the novel Jack Meredith injures his knee in training at Puckapunyal and is shattered that this negates an overseas posting. In fact Jack Johnston injured his knee showing his daughter how to high jump. He saw himself as fortunate to be posted instead to Darwin: many in his original unit were taken prisoner in Singapore. Other amendments to factual circumstances seem based on narrative or dramatic considerations, or for purposes of conflict, theme and characterisation. An indication of Johnstons attitude to the fact-fiction issue can be found in a quotation from Andre Gide that he places before Chapter 1 begins: Fiction there is and history. Certain critics of no little discernment have considered that fiction is history which might have taken place, and history fiction which has taken place. We are indeed forced to acknowledge that the novelists art often compels belief, just as reality sometimes defies it. Of Johnston, one reviewer of the novel says he cannot help speculating how far if at all he is confessing the truth (Scrutarius 1964: 39). Another asks, whether he was on a campaign of self-justification. Why did he need to rearrange the facts so much? (Australian Magazine, 1995: 10). Perhaps chastened by reaction to My Brother Jack, Johnston writes in an authors note to the sequel, Clean Straw for Nothing, that it represents a very free rendering of the truth. In the text (1969: 10) he reveals: Once youve traded in experience for the memory of experience theres no difference any longer between the lies and the actualities: you might as well have it the way you would have liked it to have been: given enough time youll come to believe genuinely that this was the way it was. The honesty in Johnstons approach is reflected in making The Fall of Man a major theme and identifying himself as the one to fall. John Colmer (1989: 32) points out that David Meredith permits Johnston to express most of the eras ideological conflicts and psychological tensions. He adds that, the autobiographical element in fiction is accompanied by an equally strong sense of the need to
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reshape the raw materials of experience into a significant pattern. The goal, therefore, is to re-create the substance of an experience so that it can become everyones. Kinanne (1986: 219) says it should be kept in mind that Johnston intended to tell the truth. In so doing he controlled and constructed his material so that it charts Merediths development and progress toward discovery and revelation of character. But it also should be borne in mind that In My Brother Jack a colleague tells Meredith (1964: 246): You know the old adage, dont get it right, get it written! Well, I think it would be a bit harsh to apply that to you, but at the same time you do, I suspect, have tendencies towards the slightly unscrupulous. It may be that the public nature of Johnstons work and profession made his novels a bigger target for critics superimposing his life and journalism over his fiction. Whether his novels present Australians as they were, as they are or as they would like to be, the recognition it stimulates indicates a level of truth not found in every novel. KinrossSmith (1987: 40) comments that, time and again in each novel, fact and fiction intersect with real people. This raises questions about reality, accuracy and accountability. In telling David Merediths story, Johnston was in essence and spirit writing about himself, and thus the more precious critics deny him some of his achievement in artistic honesty, suffering and painfully emotional self-probings the elements that make for the books fascination and depth. Journalism is not a faultless vehicle for fiction, but it is a vehicle. Elizabeth Riddell (1970: 11) highlights the difficulties in combining the two forms of expression:
In Australia, if you start out in newspapers it is very hard to stop being a journalist and become a writer. There is a fine line there, and many people cross and recross it several times. George was one of these, and aware of it. But nobody struggled harder, in his last years, to keep the writing cool and faithful to the subject and the aim.
With some reservations, it can be said that journalism benefited Johnstons innate writing abilities. Although it privileges speed and accuracy over reflection, creativity and depth, it gave him his earliest taste of writing for publication. It also encouraged him to continue doing so, both in terms of professional development and for a regular
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income. Through feedback from editors, sources and readers journalism was a vital proving ground for goal-directed prose that had to be timely and topical in satisfying a broad readership. It is not asserted, however, that readers of newspapers and readers of fiction can be conflated into a homogenous whole. But the reactions Johnstons journalism elicited from readers may have given him an advantage in fiction. It is the advantage of an actor who, based on previous performances, crafts his intonations and mannerisms for maximum effect. Whether in journalism or in fiction, Johnston accepted his writing must satisfy a paying audience. But this commitment did not always prevail. On at least three occasions he violated unwritten contractual obligations between writer and reader. In the first instance, he offered Qantas substantial positive mentions in Clean Straw for Nothing in exchange for a flight back to Australia to promote My Brother Jack (Kinnane 1986: 226). In the same text, he plagiarised from Clifts notebook observations she made during a 1952 European holiday (Kinnane 1986: 123). Thirdly, Johnston was disingenuous with readers in Clean Straw for Nothing when he failed to indicate journalism effectively rejected him rather than the other way around. He left London for Greece after being demoted. Then he could not find work in London after failing to write the money-spinning best seller for which he so hungered. Says Kinnane:
It was one thing to reject the rat-race; to be rejected by the rat-race was an entirely different matter. Johnston never made it plain in his writing that this was a factor in his abandonment of journalism. On the contrary, he always gave the impression that it was the professions shortcomings that drove him out (1986: 132).
As Johnston saw it
In his fiction, George Johnston does not pay journalism many compliments. In The Far Road (1962: 73-74) David Meredith says that growing up in obscurity turns journalists into wandering mercenaries of the Press, selling their abilities. They go where the money is good and the assignments interesting. Johnston, through Meredith, likened journalism to a form of immaturity (1962: 36): Once you had lost
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that juvenile spark you were no longer a good journalist. When he got tired of being clever he would get out, and perhaps then he would so some real writing. Later he revisits this point (1962: 169), saying a time is coming when he must quit the game and try something else, something where the values were constant and worth while. Meredith says in a later age Judas would have been a journalist (1962: 56). In Clean Straw for Nothing (1969: 122-23) Meredith complains to Cressida that anytime he tries to write about nuclear dangers they sub it down to pap or spike it altogether. When she encourages him to keep trying, he continues that were letting them turn the world into a rat-race and a jungle and nobody gives a bugger; that you try to write anything intelligent and important and they wont wear it and that the bastards are only interested in circulation. Millions of people in Europe are homeless but they do not rate a paragraph. Meanwhile, theyll give the whole front page to some trashy little film starlets views on men. There is more than a little irony in the fact that Johnston proceeds to Greece, not to set the world aright, but to write equally reader-driven pot boilers to feed his growing family. In My Brother Jack (1964: 165), Meredith speaks of the dreary routine work in collecting items for personal column use from major hotels and obtaining stock exchange and market reports, shipping lists and tide tables: All this was presumed to be part of a training in the accuracy of compiling and presenting facts. Such raw material was not gathered for shaping into a narrative format for reader consumption. However, it was part of a fact-gathering ethos that led to such writing in both journalism and fiction. Colmer (1989: 35) says of My Brother Jack: The world it creates is authentically Australian, full of closely observed and accurately rendered details of Australian urban life. Johnston had an advantage in understanding, describing and interpreting communities of all stripes in fiction because he had already done so in journalism. In this regard his experience on the shipping rounds is instructive. No other duty could have offered him a better opportunity to broaden his horizons and engender the global and national perspectives that would empower his fiction. As Sekuless points out (1999: 90), shipping rounds typically involved meeting incoming mail steamers to interview interesting passengers. Reporting
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the actual words of people who had just left Europe gave the distant but threatening events a sort of reality. In My Brother Jack, David Meredith (1964: 179-80) remarks that, before radio and submarine cables, the only way Melbourne readers got news from the rest of the world was from shipping reporters meeting ships. Although this was no longer the case in Johnstons day, the Argus was old-fashioned and maintained the tradition. According to Meredith, despite cable services and radio broadcasts, it still seemed that whatever was happening in Europe, the spiritual truth of events, I mean, could be given reality only by the fact of somebody talking about them. He would obtain a passenger list and go from cabin to cabin in search of a story. Some became angry at the intrusions but it was worth the search for some revelation or oracular presence or mystical enlightenment which, in bringing the truth from far away, might help explain the dissonance of the world. The shipping rounds exposed young Johnston to people from many cultures. In so doing it encouraged him to view Australia in an international context. It also served as a primer for the alien customs, lifestyles, languages and political systems he would confront as a war correspondent and exploit in his fiction. No university offers such a grassroots education. It enriched and informed his global perspectives and thematic approaches while he researched and wrote fiction and non-fiction in 14 years overseas. The shipping rounds also afforded greater autonomy than other duties. While superiors decided what to publish, it was largely up to Johnston to decide whom to interview and what to write about. In My Brother Jack these interviews become a creative key to a scarified world confirming his isolation and fear (Scheckter 1991: 121). Given the language barriers implicit in many of the interviews, Johnston faced the added pressure of understanding and accurately recording interviewee comments while seeking their trust. The interviews also mirrored war-reporting dilemmas. Because he could not be a direct observer of events he must describe, he relied on others experiences to build, or re-build, pictures of reality. Meredith/Johnston was intrigued by what the wharf-based interviews represented. In My Brother Jack, Meredith:
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... had to be there, right there in front of us, sitting in a tasteful cabin with the louvers faintly whistling, describing the smoke pall above the Reichstag, or the massed banners tossing on the Templehof or the endless torchlit tramplings of the Brownshirt columns ... or telling of the night-rappings, the shots in the streets, the forced arrests, the marks on the walls, the brandings, and the whispered rumours of Sachsenhausen and Buchenwald and Ravensbruck ... only then did it become part of the true and terrible dissonance of the times. (1964: 180-81)
In the process, Johnston made news value calculations. These involved questions such as: What elements and practices in other cultures would be of interest to an Australian readership? Whose stories can serve as microcosms for their nations? Even at this early stage Johnston was superimposing people over cultures and nations in order to reach an Australian audience. In so doing he demonstrated a facility for social documentation, humanising news as he would later humanise his fiction. The human interest news value is more directly associated with feature and colour writing and hence creativity than any other textual approach in journalism. It is reflected in human news linked to basic needs, such as food and shelter, and to social issues both chronic and embryonic that affect those needs. As a news value human interest can be a unifying force. In highlighting a communitys shared humanity, it embraces story telling to remind people that were all in this together.
A call to the academy

On a comparative basis, observation suggests there are a lot of lawyers who become politicians. When considering why this could be so, a political scientist might develop a cluster of questions to investigate the apparent phenomenon. What is it about the study and practice of the law that might encourage lawyers to stand for office? What is it about politics that might make lawyers particularly suited to governance? Are they any more or less effective than politicians without a legal background, and if so why might that be the case? Would it matter? Yes, if it says something about law and the political
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system and suggests how they might be taught, improved and better understood. The same sorts of questions can be asked about journalists and novelists. Would the answers matter? Yes, because they might say something about journalism and fiction and could suggest how they might be taught, improved and better understood. This could best be achieved by an interdisciplinary approach involving scholars in literature and journalism and possibly even cultural studies. Unfortunately these disciplines are not renowned for cooperating with each other. The battlegrounds have been numerous, ranging from debate over journalisms alleged position at the lower end of the cultural transmission and textual credibility scales to a journalistic view that literary theorists are a bit like the stock market its inspired by loads of speculation and rarely reflects whats happening at the corner store, which privileges that befuddled theory called real life. Even so, it is worth calling for a shared renaissance in literary and journalistic studies to identify and study common threads in various forms of writing. On both a textual and contextual basis, it may be useful for the academy to undertake a multi-disciplinary approach to examine Australias journalism and fiction synergies. Such a study might begin by identifying a cohort of journalist-novelists and novelists without journalistic experience whose writing and its influences would be examined. A theoretical framework and methodology for such an analysis might incorporate such factors as: The historical backdrop in forms of writing for journalism and fiction. The functions, values and purposes of newspapers and novels and their levels of authority and influence. Narrative and story-telling strategies and information-gathering techniques in fiction and journalism. The relationships between journalists and readers and novelists and readers. Voice, tone, point of view, dialogue, settings, themes, truthtelling, creativity, symbolism, characterisation, description
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and notions of objectivity and subjectivity in the two forms of writing. An examination of the training, education and practice of journalists and how they might privilege forms of composition. A survey of novelists, journalists and publishers to ascertain how various forms of writing and types of occupational and life experiences might inform fiction and journalism. Such an endeavour would need to identify differences between feature writing and news reporting and consider their implications. As has been widely observed, feature writing often employs literary techniques and is more closely associated with the journalist-tonovelist transition than any other journalistic form. It implies an orientation toward fiction, as was the case with novelists ranging from Tom Wolfe to Olga Masters. According to Norman Sims (1984: 3), literary journalists recognise the facts only begin to explain what is happening: The everyday stories that bring us inside the lives of our neighbours used to be found in the realm of the fiction writer, while nonfiction reporters brought us the news from far-off centers of power that hardly touched our lives. Literary journalists unite the two forms. Harry Allen applies literary analysis to journalism in teaching feature writing. In so doing, he studies the journalism of Dickens, Mailer, Twain, Crane, and Hemingway.
I learned that in good journalism the analytical reader could often discover techniques and devices normally associated with works of literature. I learned to look beneath the surface and find out why a piece of writing left me angry, or puzzled, or depressed, or happy. I discovered that these writers, these crafty journalists, were using simile and metaphor, rhyme, rhythm and repetition, parody, allegory and even symbolism. (1983: 51)
Bennett (1989: 5) has commented on the relative critical neglect of some Australian novelist-journalists. He says some university literary scholars scorn literary journalism and notes slighting references to the journalistic experience of novelists. An interdisciplinary approach, as suggested, might encourage more literary scholars to accept that journalism and literature have important roles in the cultural landscape. By applying specialist knowledge for a common purpose, they might
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discover more resonance than dissonance in the two forms of public expression.
Conclusion
Exegesis of Johnstons life and work indicates journalism provided a powerful and formative channel for public narratives. This began with reportage, unfolded further in feature writing and broadened into fiction, which gave him a freer voice for discourse on war, manhood and suburbia. The profession taught him how to write commercially and it rewarded him commercially. In his fiction, Johnston fashioned thematic tools as reader-driven news angles. He created Jack Meredith to animate those themes. Jack Meredith/Johnston served as a cultural signpost for reader identification, embodying much that David Meredith/George Johnston was not. In comparison with Jack, David Meredith is both tall poppy and black sheep, the lost son viewing himself and his nation through time, distance and journalism. He served as a model through which the author and perhaps his readers would define, and possibly discover more about, themselves, their heritage and their nation: its our country, Jack. Writing, of course, is only one element of communication: one must first have something to say. In this respect, it may be assumed training in gathering information under the pressures of getting it right and getting it fast assisted George Johnstons development. However, the cumulative positive effects of putting so many journalistic words on so much paper over so many years should not be discounted. According to Alan Wearne:
It cannot escape the reader that the main business of a writer is actual writing. No doubt it helped Johnston to arrive at writing fiction via journalism. For all his wartime adventures and the accompanying exploration of the world from Tibet to New York, deadlines had to be met. A hack-journo he may have felt he was, but such a background gave him the kind of training that helped him survive Hyrdras darkest day and build on all this when he returned to Australia ... his earlier days in journalism seemed to have injected him with the ability to keep writing. (1991: 6-7)
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Journalism privileges development of an authorial voice, a voice through which George Johnston effectively claimed the socialmessenger status of a national town crier. It gave him the institutional clout and textual confidence to address nation-building myths that seemed to pre-figure his own life. Journalism fixed a documentary stamp on his social realist fiction. It provided a contextual platform through which he converted his family into a cultural microcosm of Australia. In becoming a reporter-novelist telling the nation what he saw, heard and felt in his boyhood lounge-room, he connected with lounge-rooms where his novel was to be read. Journalism was Johnstons toolkit from which he built a magical body of literature that has had remarkable durability. The profession both enabled and nobbled his literary development and his life. But it also gave him the training, material and confidence he needed to experiment with other writing forms. The income it offered also created a dependence on journalism that may well have hindered his creative development. For example, it rewarded writing speed that flowed into and weakened his fiction, which could have been enriched by a more deliberative approach. As Johnston once conceded, he was very facile and churned out books at the drop of a semi-colon (Wheatley 2001: 25). This shows in much of his prose. The language often consists of what might be heard over a back fence. But there is another side to this. Wearne (1991: 2) points out that, the familiar can generate a certain awe. This awe is amplified when it comes in the kind of fiction Johnston wrote: Some fiction may bring out the response, isnt this wonderful, I could never have written this. But My Brother Jack belongs to an even more special category: Isnt this wonderful, I could have written this. As this remark demonstrates, Johnston was, like any good journalist, attuned to his audience in language as much as in theme. Johnstons journalism suffused his fiction. It acted as a laboratory through which he developed work habits and research and writing skills applicable and adaptable to other prose formulas. The profession also gave Johnston a crows nest from which to view Australias selfinvention and identity formation. In showing Australians an earlier version of themselves, Johnstons trilogy represents an unsurpassed literary unit of cultural transmission for that period. It perhaps can be
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seen in conjunction with Avalon, the name of his boyhood home in a flat and dreary suburb, which is mentioned in the first page of My Brother Jack. It was the mythical place where King Arthur was taken to recover from his wounds and also a real place where his mother, a nurse, assisted wounded soldiers. Johnston seems to have used his trilogy as his own Avalon to bring self-understanding to his wounds. That process ties the growth of David Meredith to Australias growth. It also helps to explain the trilogys success and endurance. Brotherson (1997: 87) notes that Meredith, as a boy, climbs onto the roof of Avalon to survey his suburb. This puts him above the house where maimed soldiers are recuperating. As an adult, he canvasses the continent from an aeroplane. Such an overview of landscapes is evocative of Australias literature as ultimately a child of the land. It also evokes what journalism provided Johnston: a good position from which to survey his surroundings and identify and recount patterns observed in the scuffles below.
References
Alexander, Charlotte (1965), John Steinbecks The Grapes of Wrath, New York: Monarch Press. Allen, Harry (1983), Methods of literary masters rub off on features class, Jounalism Educator. Spring, 38 (1): 50-51. Benfey, Christopher (1994), The Double Life of Stephen Crane, London: Vintage. Bennett, B. (1989), Literature and journalism: The fiction of Robert Drewe, Ariel 20 (3): 3-16. Bennett, Bruce & Jennifer Strauss (eds, 1998), The Oxford Literary History of Australia, Melbourne: Oxford University Press. Brooks, Cleanth (1998), The formalist critics, Julie Rivkin & Michael Ryan (eds), Literary Theory: An Anthology, Malden, Mass: Blackwell: 52-57. Brotherson, Lee (1997), Three dimensionality and My Brother Jack, Australian Literary Studies, 18 (1): 84-89. Bryden, Ronald (1964), New Statesman, January 10, 1964. Carter, David (2001), Authority and Influence: Australian Literary Criticism, 1950-2000, Delys Bird, Robert Dixon & Christopher Lee (eds), St Lucia: University of Queensland Press.
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Carter, David (1992), Before the Migrant Writer: Judah Waten and the shaping of a literary career, Striking Chords: Multicultural Literary Interpretations, Sneja Gunew & Kateryna O (eds), Longley, North Sydney: Allen & Unwin. Clancy, Laurie (1990), Classic tales of discovery, Weekend Australian, 7-8 July: 7. Colmer, John (1989), Autobiography and Fiction: The Personal Quest, South Melbourne: Oxford University Press. Conley, David (2000), Marcus Clarke: The romance of reality, Australian Studies in Journalism, 9: 51-74. Conley, David (1998), Birth of a novelist, death of a journalist, Australian Studies in Journalism, 7: 46-73. Eagle, Chester (1983), Interview with Jack and Pat Johnston about their brother George Henry Johnston, 17 March. Fishkin, Shelley (1985), From Fact to Fiction: Journalism and Imaginative Writing in America, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Hergenhan, L. (ed, 1972), A Colonial City: High and Low Life. Selected Journalism of Marcus Clarke, St Lucia: University of Queensland Press. Hutton, Geoffrey (1970), He died alive, The Age, 23 July 1970: 6. Johnston, George (1941), Grey Gladiator, Sydney: Angus & Robertson. Johnston, George (1941), Battle of the Seaways, Sydney: Angus & Robertson. Johnston, George (1942), Australia at War, Sydney: Angus & Robertson. Johnston, George (1948), Moon at Perigee, Sydney: Angus & Robertson. Johnston, George (1955), The Cyprian Woman, London: Collins. Johnston, George (1960), Closer to the Sun, London: Collins. Johnston, George (1962), The Far Road, London: Collins. Johnston, George (1964), My Brother Jack, London: Collins. Johnston, George (1968), Aspects of the Novel. Paper delivered at an Australian Society of Authors seminar. 9 February. Johnston, George (1969), Clean Straw for Nothing, London: Collins. Johnston, George (1970), My Brother Jack, English for School Certificate Series. ABC radio. 6 March. Johnston, George (1971), A Cartload of Clay, Sydney: Collins. Johnston, George (1984), The verdict, Strong-man from Piraeus and other stories, Melbourne: Nelson: 156-172. Johnston, George (2000), George Johnston, Verbatim, ABC Radio. 4 November. Kinnane, Garry (1983) Introduction, Strongman from Piraeus and Other Stories, Melbourne: Nelson: ix-xvi. Kinnane, Garry (1986), George Johnston, A Biography, Melbourne: Nelson.
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Kinross-Smith (1987), Coming late into the light ----- our brother George and the Johnston story as recent Australian history, Westerly, March, 32 (1): 21-42. Kippax, H.G. (1969), Coming to terms with self , Sydney Morning Herald, 23 August: p.18. Mares, F.H. (1964), Review, Southerly, 40 (4): 244-248. Mares, F.H. (1988), Biography and fiction: George Johnstons Meredith Trilogy and Garry Kinnanes Biography. Australian Literary Studies, 13 (3) May: 357-364. Marshall, Alan (1964), Jack of it all. Australian Book Review, 3 (5) March. McKernan, Susan (1989), A Question Of Commitment: Australian Literature in the Twenty Years After the War, Sydney: Allen & Unwin. McLaren, John (1964). The depression and beyond, Overland. 30, September: 54-55. Mellow, James (1993), Hemingway: A Life Without Consequences, London: Hodder and Stoughton. Milson, Scott (1999), Truth shot to pieces, Weekend Australian (Review), 20-21 March: 12. Morgan, Patrick (1974), Keeping it in the family, Quadrant, June: 10-20. Network Ten (2001), My Brother Jack, 4 June. Nile, Richard (2001), group email re AustLit Gateway, http:// www.austlit.edu.au, 25 October. Nile, Richard (1998), Literary democracy and the politics of reputation, The Oxford Literary History of Australia, eds: Bruce Bennett and Jennifer Strauss. Melbourne: Oxford University Press: 130-146. N.A. (1995), The Vulture, The Australian Magazine, 12-13 March: 10. Print Inquiry (1992), News and Fair Facts: The Australian Print Media Industry. Report by the House of Representatives Select Committee on the Print Media. Canberra: AGPS. Riddell, Elizabeth (1970), Writing near the brink, The Australian, 23 July: 11. Robertson, Michael (1997), Stephen Crane, Journalism, and the Making of Modern American Literature, New York: Columbia University Press. Scheckter, John (1991), Before it is too late: George Johnston and the Doppler Effect, Australian & New Zealand Studies in Canada (5). Spring: 115-130. Scrutarius, My Brother Jack, Walkabout, 30 (6), June: 39-42. Sekuless, Peter (1999), A Handful of Hacks, Sydney: Allen and Unwin. Sellers, Leslie (1985), The Simple Subs Book, Sydney: Pergamon Press. Semmler, Clement (1969), Jacks brother David, Australian Book Review 8 (11), September, 246-247. Sims, Norman (1984), The Literary Journalists, New York: Ballantine.
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Slattery, Luke (1995), The books that made us, Weekend Australian, 19-20 August: 1-2. Thomas, Keith (1964), Depression childhoods, Nation, 4 April: 20. Tonkin, Boyd (2002), The vanishing, Weekend Australian, 29-30 June: 4-5. Wearne, Alan (1991), George Johnston: A Biography: Book Discussion Notes, Melbourne: Council of Adult Education. Wheatley, Nadia (1989-90), The Mechanics of Collaboration, Australian Society, December-January: 34-39.
David Conley is a lecturer in the School of Journalism and Communication at the University of Queensland.
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First take: Photo images in early Australian print media

Philip Pars
The introduction of half-tone photo images to the pages of Australian newspapers in the late 1880s has been highlighted as the beginning of the modern photo-pictorial age of newspaper reporting. What is less known is that these half-tone images were not the only or the first method of utilising photography in the production of newspaper illustrations. In this paper I explore these earlier methods and place half-tone images in a wider context of a progression of methods for translating photo images to accommodate the printed form. Viewed in this context, halftone photo images and graphic forms of newspaper illustration are brought closer together rather than presenting as an opposition of victor and vanquished - as has been the traditional way of conceptualising the rise of half-tones in the grand age of woodblock engraving. By exploring these first press photo-images, questions of authenticity are highlighted. These may provide an historical context for current debates concerning the potential for the manipulation of press photos in the digital domain.
recent newspaper report says that a new first ever photograph had been unearthed in Paris and sold at auction for 450,000 euros ($749,000) (Sydney Morning Herald 2002: 15). This print, produced in 1825 by Joseph Nicphore Nipce, has, according to the report, forced some hasty rewriting of the history of photography. This article will examine the first photo-images to be used in Australian newspapers. Though not considered anywhere near as valuable as an original photograph by Nipce, they still are of great interest. For, with the inception of half-tone printing techniques in the 1880s, we see perhaps the first instances of photographic images being brought to a mass audience and, in addition, the establishment of a news presentation tradition that has become a dominant form in the Australian print
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media. While some authors have written of the rise of half-tones as the death of graphic forms of newspaper illustration (Longford 1973; Souter 1981), a closer examination of the introduction of halftones suggests no clear break between the two forms of illustration. Photography seems to have been in the background from the earliest days of illustrated papers, while half-tones continued to rely on the skills of artist and printer. This paper argues that half-tones and graphic forms of newspaper illustration should be seen not as oppositional but rather complementary ways of translating photo images to print. Half-tones are discussed in the context of a broader range of preceding methods of adapting photo images for the printing presses. In the second half of this paper the rate, frequency and subject matter of half-tone photo images are discussed highlighting some of the structural and stylistic limitations that determined what sort of images were seen in these late nineteenth century newspapers. In examining this material, it was noted that the newspapers of the time drew a distinction between original photographic material and the printed form. These explicit distinctions, from the earliest days of newspaper photo-images, are no doubt instructive given contemporary debates concerning digital manipulation of photo images. It is useful to begin by pointing out that photographs do not appear in newspapers even today. The image that appears has been worked on and adapted to fit the constraints of printing. These images have come to be known as half-tone images denoting that, with this technique, one colour of printers ink (black) can be made to reproduce the range of grey shades in a photograph (i.e. the half-tones) by breaking up the image into varying sizes of minute dots. As such, these images could be considered translations of a photographic image. Viewed from this perspective, the half-tone presents as one method, (albeit a popular and sophisticated one) but not the only or the first method, of translating a photo image to print. No doubt the first method of translation was that afforded by the artists hand and eye. As the reflected image of the Camera Obscura had for centuries past been a guide or trace for artists and engravers, so in the second half of the eighteenth century was the photograph used as guide and trace for the wood-block engravers of illustrated papers.
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Evidence of this can be seen in the attributions made under certain wood-block line illustrations from the late 1870s. Such an attribution appeared in the Illustrated Sydney News of 18 May 1878 (p.4) where a line wood-block portrait entitled The late Thomas Sutcliffe Mort appeared with the caption From a photograph by Mr. Freeman of George Street. The capture of the Kelly gang in 1880 provided an unrivalled opportunity for the use of photographic images as newspapers capitalised on one of the biggest news stories of Australias European history. As the Bulletin (1880: 9) reported at the time: The papers seem to have had the name of Kelly kept standing in big capitals for daily use. One of those engaged to cover this event was the notable photographer J.W.Lindt. His assistant, Herman Krutli, provided some insight into the taking and use of these photographs in his recollection of the events:
The most memorable coating of wet plates was one that I undertook the day we rigged our little tent on Glenrowan station. That was the spring of 1880, and I am sure you can guess what were the circumstances Mr Lindt had been assigned by an enterprising Melbourne newspaper to accompany the special police train expedition against the bushranger Ned Kelly. While my principal scoured around with his camera, I stood by ready to sensitise the plates. After the arrest, record photographs were duly made and used by the newspaper as a guide to their woodcut artists this, of course, was long before the days of process engraving. (Davies & Stanbury 1985: 76)
The most notable photograph, and one that appeared as a woodblock engraving in several newspapers, was one of the dead body of gang member Joe Byrne hanging from the door of the Benalla gaol (Davies & Stanbury 1985) no doubt his lack of animation would have suited the long exposure times required by wet plate photography. While this static photo-image and the resulting wood-block engravings drew much attention, they could not match the sketch illustrations, produced by artists, in one important aspect. The graphic illustrators working from memory and with varying degrees of fictional embellishment provided a sense of the movement, action and drama of the capture. While the skills of artists and engravers could with time (an expensive
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commodity in newspaper publishing) produce stunningly realistic images, the general standard of wood-block engravings to appear in newsprint did not approach the level of photographs. However, during the 1880s, innovative new methods of adapting photographic images for the newspaper presses reached Australia. While still working in the medium of the wood block, a range of processes under the umbrella title of photo-xylography a photo-chemical method of fixing the line detail of the photo-image in relief on the wood block began to be utilised (Walker 1976: 225). Though still requiring much follow up skill on the part of artist and engraver, these line-process images developed high levels of verisimilitude. A set of images that displays the level of near photo-realism that photo-xylographic processes could achieve appeared in a supplement to the Australasian of Saturday, 29 October 1887. The two-page centrespread supplement was entitled Summer excursion to New Zealand and included 12 images of natural beauty spots across New Zealand linked by a chatty, travelogue commentary. Though not attributed, this was most likely a paid promotional piece for tourist interests in New Zealand. Some evidence of the production of these images is provided (p.7) by the attribution at the end of the supplement: For Our Illustrations we are Indebted to Photographs Taken by Messrs. Burton Bros., Dunedin, and Hart Cambell and Co., Invercargill, N.Z.. The high degree of realism in the trees and foliage in the scene entitled Waterfall, Benmorecreek, Wakatipu (Figure 1) suggests a method of direct transfer from the photographic image such as that afforded by photo-xylography. Close examination of a photograph of an original edition reveals fine line work by an artist to provide sharpness and detail. In the scene entitled Mitre Peak, Milford Sound (Figure 2) one can clearly see such lining in around the mountain peak and ranges. What makes the Waterfall, Benmore-creek, Wakatipu image (Figure 1) even more noteworthy is that one can see some half-tones in the sky and cloud detail. The tell-tale crosshatched pattern of dots perhaps produced by a screening of muslin cloth over-worked by an engravers stippling tool is quite apparent. Muslin cloth was often used in the early days of half-tone screening, to break up the image
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enough to provide the grey tones (Wilkinson 1894: 63), before ruled glass screens became the standard. The subtleties of this process can be measured by comparing this sky detail (Figure 1) with that produced by standard wood engraving techniques as seen in the Mitre Peak, Milford Sound image (Figure 2). Figure 1: La Trobe Collection, State Library of Victoria.
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Figure 2: La Trobe Collection, State Library of Victoria.
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This small instance of half-tone effect is the first the author has been able to find in an Australian newspaper image and marks this woodblock engraving as an important example of a transitional stage in the adaptation of photo-images to print. The half-tone effect is, however, most certainly complete artifice for black-and-white photography in that era could not display the subtleties of sky detail unless exposed expressly for that purpose (with the consequent over-exposure of darker areas). As R.A. (Roy) Enticott (1982: 28), a retired photo-engraver, remembered of the techniques used in a slightly later period:
The photographs supplied for reproduction ... mostly were of poor quality with very little graduation in the lighter tones. The halftone etcher really was a retoucher and made considerable improvements to the plate over the copy [original work]: introducing clouds into the sky which was nearly always a flat white in the photographs, and bringing out highlights on faces, white collars, etc. to provide more contrast.
In this particular example the pattern of dots produced by a halftone screening has produced a pleasing approximation of sky detail. And this highlights an important point regarding the priorities of printing illustrations: the focus, as R.A.Enticotts remembrance attests, was on producing pleasing results rather than maintaining photographic integrity. The idea of the photographic image as an enshrined reflection of the real was not a sensibility that seemed to hold currency in the dayto-day production and consumption of newspaper images. Technical and artistic staff would use whatever combination of hands-off and hands-on techniques required be they artistic or process based to produce the most pleasing outcome. This point provides a suitable historical lens through which current debates concerning authenticity and the introduction of digitisation might be viewed. The early 1880s marked the advent in Australia of a process that allowed the more precise and efficient translation of photo images to print. This was process photo-engraving a method utilising photography to fix an image (usually in hardened gelatine) to a metal plate; there to be chemically etched into relief in readiness for printing. This process would eventually remove much of the need for traditional engraving techniques and associated labour. Then managing director of the Bulletin, W.H.Traill, was one of those responsible for bringing
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this technology to Australia (Booth 1986: 34, 36) not initially with a view to adapt photo-images for printing but rather to more quickly and expertly transfer the illustrations drawn by Livingstone Hopkins (Hop), and the Bulletins other artists, to the zinc printing plates. Before the perfection of this process, artists such as Hop had to draw their illustrations directly onto the plates in reverse for them to appear right way around after printing (Booth 1986: 36) a no doubt difficult and time-consuming endeavour. Now, with the aid of photography, a negative image could be fixed directly to the metal printing plate. It was this process photo-engraving method that would prove to be the essential foundation for the printing of half-tone screened photo images. Having outlined the main early and transitional methods of translating photo images we now come to the most sophisticated (and enduring) form of translation: the half-tone image a process, with refinements, that is still relied upon to provide realistic translations of photo images in print. The photographic pioneer Fox Talbot is credited with patenting the first rudimentary method of breaking up the halftones in a photograph in 1852 (Wilkinson 1894: 63). According to one source (Latimer 1957: A42), the first half-tone image to appear in a newspaper was featured in 1869 in the Canadian Illustrated News by a lithographic process. The first process-engraving versions are credited to the New York Daily Graphic in 1880 (of shanties in Central Park) and the London Daily Graphic on 6 September 1884 (Walker 1976: 228). Just over 312 years later the first half-tones appeared in Australian newspapers. Davies and Stanbury (1985: 90) make passing reference to the inception of half-tone images in Australia, stating that the Town and Country Journal [and] other illustrated periodicals experimented with photographs using half-tone screens in 1888. While the well known Town and Country Journal published its first photo-image rendered in half-tone on 7 July 1888, the first Australian publication to reproduce a photograph by this method was the lesser known Melbourne journal, Table Talk, which featured a portrait of the visiting phrenologist and temperance lecturer, Miss Jessie Allen Fowler, in its 6 January ,1888, issue.2 The image and accompanying story could best be described
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as a paid info-mercial a genre much in use today but with a long pedigree, it seems. After extolling the special talents and experience of this young woman, readers were informed (Table Talk, 6 January 1888: 7) that:
Miss Fowlers knowledge of the science of phrenology is complete, [and] has been testified to by a number of public men who have called upon her at her consultation rooms, 35 Collins-street East, and submitted themselves to examination. Her reading of character is invariably accurate, and anyone who doubts the truth of the science which she has made her special study, has but to submit himself or herself to Miss Fowler for a few minutes to be satisfied that it can be thoroughly relied upon.
Figure 3: La Trobe Collection, State Library of Victoria.
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Examining the image closely, one can see the traces of the diagonal ruled screen used to produce this half-tone image. The inscription Meisenbach, (appearing in the lower right) in the style of an artists signature, undoubtedly refers to the photographer who composed the original portrait photo this visually overt authorship of photographs was common in the nineteenth century but fell out of practice in the 20th century. Other weekly illustrated papers to include half-tone photo-images in the early months of 1888 included the Bulletin which commenced with a portrait of a society dame, Mrs Gordon-Baillie and followed with a series of page 7 girls for a number of issues and the Illustrated Sydney News which featured a photo-image of the Sydney Hospital in the March 13 1888 issue.3 Figure 4: La Trobe Collection, State Library of Victoria.
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It is noteworthy that Table Talk, established by Maurice Brodzky on 26 June 1885 and published until 1939, should be the first to feature a half-tone photo image because it did not publish another until 1896 in an advertisement for the Ozone hotel, Warrnambool. It would not be until 1899 that Table Talk featured another photo-image in a news story. The obvious question is: having been the first to master the technological leap of half-tone screening, why did Table Talk not continue to feature half-tones in the intervening period? Part of the answer would lie in the fact that the staff of Table Talk (or their printers) probably never mastered the technology of half-tone screening themselves. Rather, this first half-tone photo image was most likely struck from an imported ready-made printing plate. No doubt this block would have accompanied the visiting artiste in her travels through Europe and the antipodes and seen service promoting upcoming engagements. These early photo images appearing in Table Talk and the Bulletin support the notion that half-tone printing plates were as portable and transferable as the photographs from which they were rendered. When these images were shown to Roger Butler, an authority on printing and engraving from the National Gallery of Australia, he offered the opinion that the Table Talk block was probably produced overseas. Faint scratch marks on the printed page and ink impressions of mounting nails suggested that this etched printing block was portable and had seen much service. The attribution Meisenbach on the Jessie Allen Fowler portrait was not recognisable to Butler as the name of a known Australian photographer or engraver of the time. One early locally produced half-tone block featured in the Illustrated Sydney News on 26 July 1888. In the bottom corner of the picture of the amateur cycling champion of NSW was the inscription: Electric Photo Engrave a reference to one of the major engraving firms operating in Sydney at the time. According to Willis (1988: 104), the profession of photo-journalist was one that did not develop in Australia until the early years of the 20th century. Correspondingly, it seems that the range of photographic images available to appear as half-tones in the illustrated papers in these
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early years was limited by the prior existence of suitable images. Except for the type of scenic view photograph, (as exemplified by the images from the Australasian discussed above) which would appear as woodblock engravings, we invariably see studio portrait shots in the pages of the newspapers in these first years of half-tone photo-images. This is not surprising given that photography largely developed as a commercial practice in the controllable environment of the studio in response to the demand for portraiture (Willis 1988). One can generalise by observing that within this commercial milieu the potential subjects of portrait photography were largely restricted to the positioned, powerful, moneyed and the note-worthies and notorious of society. Hence, these first half-tone images feature such subjects as collages of members of parliament, portraits of sporting heroes, office bearers of the Masonic lodge and bride and groom in society weddings. In a seemingly fortuitous circumstance, portrait photographs were available for the key identities read victim and accused in a murder case reported in the Town and Country Journal on 11 August 1888. In what must rank as the first instance in Australia of press crime reportage including accompanying photographic images, the Journal reported the titillating details of a wife (Mrs Louisa Collins) accused of murdering two husbands, with the body of the first exhumed for forensic investigation after the death of the second one year later. This story would provide many column inches of copy during the following year as Collins sat three trials and spurred public debate and petitions for clemency before being hanged on 8 January 1889 (Davison et al 1987: 376-72). Gavin Souter (1981: 113) comments that the first half-tone image to appear in Fairfaxs Sydney Mail (15 September 1888) was of a railway accident at Young an image that would contradict the generalisation constructed in the paragraph above. However, when one examines this image a case can be made to argue that it was really a group portrait the three managers of the railway are posed in front of (and obscuring) the derailed steam engine. However, by the early 1890s outdoor views, such as those taken for the Sydney firm Charles Kerry and company, were beginning to appear in half-tone form in the larger, weekly, illustrated papers no doubt facilitated by the spread of the new dry
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plate technologies. Popular subjects included crowd scenes at major horse racing carnivals, agricultural shows, yachting scenes on Sydney Harbour, views of important civic buildings and city street-scapes. One should not assume that the arrival of half-tone photo engraving meant the death of graphic forms of illustration. The numbers of halftone images to appear in newspapers was small even in the weekly, illustrated papers. The artists line drawing and the more elaborate wood block engraving remained the dominant forms of illustration until the Boer War saw a multitude of associated images portraits of soldiers killed in action, parades, etc. make the half-tone a frequent and regular form of newspaper illustration. During the first decades of half-tone publishing, many newspapers and journals merely dabbled in the publishing of these new images occasionally featuring a halftone then ignoring them for months or, as in the case of Table Talk, years. In addition, there was a lag of over a decade before the daily newspapers began to feature half-tone images regularly. The Melbourne Age, sticking resolutely to its serious news genre, ignored half-tones altogether until the late 1920s nearly 40 years after the first half-tone appeared in Table Talk. A pair of half-tone photo images appearing in the Daily Telegraph (1903: 7) are worthy of a final comment photographic images of the bride and groom, appearing aside a story about a society wedding, were captioned and attributed to two photographic houses of Sydney: Mr. T.H. Kelly of Sydney (From a photograph by Freeman and Co. Sydney) and Mrs Kelly (NEE Miss Knight-Mollison, the well-known Actress) (From a photograph by Talma, Sydney). It is interesting to note that the attributions for these half-tone reproductions, like wood-block engravings before them, make a clear distinction between the reproduced image and the original note the phrase From a photograph. As halftone images became a regular feature of newspapers this attribution no longer appeared. In contemporary times, one doesnt often draw the distinction between a half-tone photographic image and the original photograph they seem interchangeable. Provenance is now further blurred by the increasing range of translating and copying technologies. It is instructive that such a clear distinction was made in the early years of the reproduction of photographic images.
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This brief survey has outlined the various ways photographic images were first used and translated in the Australian print media and highlighted the introduction of half-tone images. That the halftone method of translation survives today, over a century later, is testimony to its sophistication and acceptance. However, it is important to remember that it is still only, like the other methods detailed, a worked translation of a photo image just as a photograph itself can be considered a translation of reality. In a way, there is evidence in the attributions made on these early images that the editors of nineteenthcentury newspapers had a more precise appreciation of the types of images they were dealing with an appreciation that has dulled and threatens to disappear with the familiarity of a century and more of constant use and exposure. As we return to that worlds first photo used to introduce this piece, it is interesting to note that the photo in question was not of a captured and frozen moment of reality. Rather, it was a photograph of a faded pen and ink drawing of a boy and horse (Sydney Morning Herald 2002: 15) a copy and translation of another form of copy and translation.
References
The Australasian (1887), Summer excursion to New Zealand, 29 October: 6, 7. The Bulletin (1880), untitled, 3 July: 9. The Bulletin (1888), Mrs. Gordon-Baillie, 17 March: 12. Booth, Lyall (1986), Pioneers of process engraving in Australia, The Australian Printing Historical Society Journal, 1.1: 34-37. Butler, Roger (2001), interview, Canberra, 24 August. Daily Telegraph (1903), Mr. T.H. Kelly of and Mrs. Kelly (NEE Miss KnightMollison, the well-known Actress), 2 September: 7. Davies, Alan & Peter Stanbury (1985), The Mechanical Eye in Australia Photography 1841 1900, Melbourne: Oxford University Press. Davison, Graeme, J.W. McCarty & Ailsa McLeary (eds) (1987), Australians 1888, Sydney: Fairfax, Syme & Weldon Associates. Enticott, R.A. (1982), Impressions of the early days of photo-engraving and photo-lithography, in Printing and Allied Trades Employers Federation of Australia PATEFA Victorian Region, One Hundred Years: Profile
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1982, Melbourne, Printing and Allied Trades Employers Federation of Australia. Illustrated Sydney News (1878), The late Thomas Sutcliffe Mort, 18 May: 4. Illustrated Sydney News (1888), 13 March, no title: 6. Illustrated Sydney News (1888), Mr. C.R.Wood (Amateur Champion of NSW), 26 July: 12. Latimer, H.C. (1957), History of the lithographic industry, in Patricia Donnelly (ed) 75 Years of Lithography, Lithographers Journal, Part II, (September), 18-A51. Longford, Elizabeth (1973), Foreword, in Leonard De Vries & Ilonka Van Amstel (eds), History as Hot News, New York: St. Martins Press. Souter, Gavin (1981), Company of Heralds, Melbourne: Melbourne University Press. Sydney Morning Herald (2002), First photos horsepower pulls in $749,000, 23-24 March: 15. Table Talk (1888), Miss Jessie Allen Fowler, 6 January: 7. Table Talk (1896), The Ozone hotel, Warrnambool, 31 January: 7. Table Talk (1899), Mrs. Fraser, 29 September: 19. Town and Country Journal (1888), Mrs. Louisa Collins, 11 August: 279. Walker, R. B. (1976), The Newspaper Press in New South Wales, 1803-1920, Sydney: Sydney University Press. Wilkinson, W.T. (1894), Photo-Engraving, Photo-Litho, Collotype and Photogravure, London: Morland, Judd & Co. Willis, Anne-Marie (1988), Picturing Australia: A History of Photography, Sydney: Angus & Robertson Publishers.
This article has been adapted from research material gathered in pursuance of my Doctoral thesis. I am indebted to the assistance of staff at the State Libraries of New South Wales and Victoria and the National Library of Australia.
Endnotes
1 The Bulletin of July 3, 1880 (p. 9), carried three such wood-block engravings. 2 An extensive survey of Australian print media publications at the Mitchell and National libraries has identified this image as the earliest half-tone to be published in the Australian print media. I have issued a call through the Australian Newspaper History Group Newsletter asking others if they
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know of any obscure, earlier example. At the time of writing no one has identified an earlier example. 3 This image was identified by Dr Warwick Mules, Central Queensland University.
Philip Pars is a PhD student at Griffith University, Brisbane.
News map gaps: Regional news coverage in the city

Anne Tannock
Why isnt my town on the map? (Keillor 1985: 90) The lament of residents of the mythical Lake Wobegon, when 50 square miles of central Minnesota were mistakenly omitted by government surveyors .
This content analysis of statewide television and radio news reveals a number of Lake Wobegons missing from Queenslands broadcast news map. Distance from a newsroom (not from the capital) appears to be a major factor contributing to the invisibility of these cities and towns. The absence of local news services also impedes a regions chances of statewide coverage. Based on this study the hidden impact of local news closures could be a Lake Wobegon fate for regional Australia on the state and national news maps.
egional Australia lost eight local television news services last year (Brook 2001) and proposed new media ownership rules have raised bipartisan fears of further local news losses and increased syndication from the city. What happens when a regional area loses or has never had its own local television news? Do statewide news services compensate for the absence of local coverage? This study suggests they do not. This investigation found that while two major television networks in Queensland devoted between 15 to 23 percent of their news coverage to regional areas a few select regions were favoured. Instead of compensating for a lack of local news services, the statewide television news services reinforced the inequities by covering the regions that were served by strong, diverse local news media. Comparatively large regional areas without local television news received less attention on the statewide services rather than more.Despite the comparative ease of radio coverage the same reporting pattern was evident for ABC radio
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news in Queensland. Regions served by ABC regional radio were also the places covered by the statewide news bulletins. Research by Larson (1982), Breen (1996) and Harmon (1998) found that Australia was a blind spot for the US television networks which rarely sent crews to Australia to cover news. Australian news is gathered from wire services and the video of others and enters a highly competitive gate-keeping process where many Australia stories arent on the agenda or available easily (Harmon). A similar news selection process appears to create several blind spots on Queenslands news map.
Surf s up
Content analysis of ABC TV and Channel 9 nightly Queensland news bulletins during February 2002 found the Gold Coast was the most favoured region (Table 3). The Gold Coast also received the most regional news coverage on ABC radios statewide 7.45am bulletins during March 2002 (Table 4). In the television news study the Gold Coast was closely followed by another sexy growth area the Sunshine Coast. The two coasts were regional news hot spots for ABC TV and Channel 9 television news. The style of coverage provided to the coasts was also different from that received by the majority of regional Queensland centres. Most regional news is crime-based spot news (Table 5). But this is not the case for the Gold and Sunshine Coasts which receive a more balanced coverage (Table 6).
Regional news hot spot

The Gold Coast is now home to more than 418,000 (Census 2001) and has recorded a significantly faster growth rate than any other Queensland city. The regions population is expected to be just under one million by 2016 (State of the Regions 2001, 2001). In an era of regional news closures the Gold Coast is the states exception with
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Public Broadcasting Limiteds introduction of a regional television news bulletin in 1995. The area is serviced by three ABC radio services, two commercial radio stations, four community radio stations, two national television stations ABC and SBS, community TV service CTV31 and six commercial television stations BTQ 52, QTQ58, NRN55, NEN64, TVQ46 and NBN67 (Australian Broadcasting Authority, 2002) and a thriving daily newspaper. Research by Larson (1982), Breen (1996) and Harmon (1998) found that Australia was a blind spot for the US television networks which rarely sent crews to Australia to cover news. Australian news is gathered from wire services and the video of others and enters a highly competitive gate-keeping process where many Australia stories arent on the agenda or available easily (Harmon: 82). A similar news creation and selection process appears to cause several blind spots on Queenslands news map. The findings from this content analysis of Queensland TV news suggests coverage of regional issues is dictated by the operational structure, rather than by the intrinsic news value of events throughout the state.
News from the regions: Does it matter?

Griffin (1999) says local place reporting is becoming more important as image and identity are becoming essential for a regions economic growth and ultimate survival. He writes : The few commentators who have considered the role of place in journalism... have pointed to how the mere naming of a place can generate a host of images, meanings and ideologies. Griffin argues that local issues, activities and identities are assuming greater significance even within the global news environment. And that journalists should become more involved in the reporting and representation of place as a localising phenomemon in which media interact with their local communities. The Australian Broadcasting Authoritys recent investigation into the adequacy of regional TV news found there was significant community concern about declining levels of locally produced
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news and information. And the federal governments official policy indicates a sympathy for the retention of existing levels of regional news programming. The government recognizes public concern about declining levels of local and regional news and information programs on both television and radio. Local services are important for developing community identity and ensuring that important information is relayed in a timely fashion. (Hansard: Broadcasting Services Act Amendment [media ownership] Bill 2002, 2002) Brand and Pearson (2001) note concerns about the declining diversity of regional news coverage in areas of relatively high populations and the lack of research in the area. Local communities have an affinity with their local TV news service and with the TV news service they receive even if it does not adequately cover the local community. Tuchman (1978) provides the example of the New Jersey community that forced greater TV coverage of local issues by threatening the television stations licences. The New Jersey mayor brought financial pressure to bear for the commercial television organisations to change what Tuchman and Fishman (1980) call the news services geographic territoriality. Tuchman says deciding where to look for news is the most important factor impacting on how reporters are assigned. Journalists then are dispersed to cover specific organisations and topics within the nominated territory. The selection of the news territory has a major influence on the final news agenda. This study questions the equity of the geographic territoriality of two metropolitan TV news organisations the Australian Broadcasting Corporation and the Nine Network.
Measuring regional coverage

While this is primarily a study of the where of news it also investigates the what of regional news stories and attempts to answer the question of how regional Queensland is made into news for statewide consumption. National Nine News was selected as it is the news medium of choice
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for the majority of Australians (ABA 2001). The national broadcaster was chosen because of its reputation for credibility and presentation of better, more issue-based news (Turner 1996). The study involved a content analysis of ABC TV and the Nine Networks Queensland nightly news bulletins during February 2002. More than 120 non-metropolitan television news stories were classified by region of origin and subject category (crime/court, accident/emergency, new venture/ initiative/awards, major event/ promo, economic/social issue or bizarre/novelty). Television news content was also coded as either positive or negative. For the purposes of this study the positive stories were defined as good news. For example the positive stories included the entire new venture/initiative/awards category. Negative stories were defined as bad news and included the two categories of crime/court and accident/emergency. The stories were coded on content only. The categorisation did not consider audience reaction and whether the news story resulted in a positive or negative perception of the region of origin. For example the Childers backpacker hostel fire was a bad news story even though the coverage may have resulted in audience sympathy and empathy for the towns residents. A second part of the study was to establish a link between the coverage content and news gathering methods. The news production process consists of two levels creation and selection. If TV news is created (Fishman 1980) at a local level it is then available to be selected by other news organisations. The selection of news stories from established regional sources becomes routine. In comparison the creation of news, by the capital city news crews, is more time-consuming, usually more expensive and only instigated for a high priority, newsworthy event usually bad news. The routine stories from the regular source (local TV news source, locally-based crew) need not be of the same level of newsworthiness and often include good news. The region, which has local newsrooms creating news, has a much greater chance of balanced coverage by state and national news programs.
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Statewide television coverage

Regional news stories received an average 18.8 percent of the television news coverage (excluding sport) on the two Brisbane-based television news bulletins. Channel 9 news devoted 22.7 percent of its news stories to regional areas while on ABC television news, regional stories represented only 15 percent of news content (Table 1). The ABC ran 53 regional stories in 353 news stories and Channel 9 broadcast 69 regional stories in 303 news stories. Of the regional stories 27.2 percent (ABC) and 26 percent (Channel 9) were about the Gold Coast followed by 23.6 percent (ABC) and 24.6 percent (Channel 9) about the Sunshine Coast. More than 50 percent of Queensland regional news coverage was devoted to the two coasts on both networks during February 2002. The third most popular regional centre on both networks in February was Childers. However due to the dominance of one major news event the figures are not considered a valid indication of the general level of news coverage of the Central Queensland town. All the Childers news stories related to the backpacker hostel fire in June 2000. The murder trial began in Brisbanes Supreme Court on February 18, 2002 and eight stories on ABC and Channel 9 covered the court case and included file footage from the Childers fire. The ninth story was run the week prior to the trial when demolition of the hostel started. Coverage on the two networks was almost identical.
News map gaps Table 1: Number of television news stories during February 2002 (regions/cities covered by both news organisations).
City/region Gold Coast Sunshine Coast Childers * Whitsundays Toowoomba Cairns Gympie Logan Stanthorpe Bundaberg Amberley Ipswich ABC - 7pm news 13 13 9 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 Channel 9 - 6pm news 18 17 9 5 3 3 3 3 1 1 1 1
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* The nine stories by each network were coverage of the Childers backpacker fire aftermath. Murder trial began 18/2/02. NB: Some stories included more than one region. These stories were included in each regions news story tally.
Table 2: Number of news stories from other Queensland regions/ cities covered by either ABC television news or Channel 9 news during February 2002.
City/region Townsvillle Rockhampton South west Queensland Warwick Boonah Lockyer Valley Brisbane Valley Bribie Island ABC - 7pm news nil 2 2 nil 1 nil nil 1 Channel 9 - 6pm news 2 nil nil 2 nil 1 1 nil
Tables 1 and 2 show inequality of recognition of various regions. It is a shared bias. The two news operations presented very similar coverage of regional news.
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Regional news: Its a crime

How are the regional areas of Queensland covered by the Brisbane-based television news operations? The main category for regional news stories was crime and court stories. Of the ABCs 53 regional news stories 18 or 33.9 percent were court or crime stories. Similarly on Channel 9 the major news category for regional stories was court/crime with 28 stories or 40.5 percent of the 69 regional news stories in this category. Table 3 shows that following court and crime stories the news categories from highest ranking to lowest were accident and emergency stories, new venture/intiative and award stories, major event or promotion, bizarre or novelty stories and finally economic or social issues. Table 3: Regional news coverage classification.
News category Court/crime ABC news: number of regional stories 18 ABC news: % of regional stories 33.9% Channel 9 news: number of regional stories 28 (1 story also included in accident/ emergency) 26 (2 stories also categorised as novelty) 8 Channel 9 news: % of regional stories 40.5%
Accident/ emergency New venture /initiative/ awards Major event/ promo* Bizarre/ novelty Economic/ social
14 11 (1 story also included in social category) 7 (1 story also categorised as novelty) 2 3
26.4% 20.7%
37.6% 11.5%
13.2% 3.7% 5.6%
5 4 1
7.2% 5.8% 1.5%
* CHOGM preview stories dominated this category.
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Surf s up
ABC TV and Channel 9 Queensland news bulletins during February 2002 favoured the Gold Coast in its regional coverage (Table 1). The Gold and Sunshine Coasts were regional news hot spots for both networks. The two coastal regions received more coverage and a different style of coverage in comparison to the majority of regional Queensland (Table 4). The Gold and Sunshine Coasts not only received more coverage but the news stories included a greater number of positives stories (Tables 5 and 6).
Table 4: News coverage categories for the coasts during February 2002.
News category ABC Gold Coast coverage 3 3 7 Channel 9 Gold Coast coverage 5 6 6 ABC Sunshine Coast coverage 1 3 2 6* 1 1 Channel 9 Sunshine Coast coverage 5 4 3 4* 1
Crime/court Accident/ emergency New venture /initiative/awards Major event/ promo Bizarre/novelty Economic/social
* The Sunshine Coasts selection as the venue for CHOGM dominated the regions television news coverage during February 2002.
The Gold and Sunshine Coasts monopolise the positive regional coverage with the two regions receiving 81.8 percent of the new venture/ initiatives/awards category on ABC television news and 100 percent of the Channel 9 coverage in this category.
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Tables 5 and 6 show the Gold and Sunshine Coasts produced more positive than negative stories.
Table 5: Classification of Gold Coast television news stories

Positive Two new legal brothels (ABC) Cycle safety summit (ABC) New art gallery exhibition (ABC) Sunday trading to start (ABC) Bravery award for local men (ABC) Release of rescued dolphin (ABC) Cycle safety summit (9) New seahorse breeding business (9) Two new legal brothels (9) New Hear and Say centre (9) Cycle safety summit 2 (9) Bravery awards (9) Toddler saved from pit bull by cat (9) Two-year old saved from house fire (9) Missing woman found safe near Hinze Dam (9) Vaccination time for tiger cub at Dreamworld (9) Negative Two teenagers charged with arson (ABC) Murder suicide (ABC) Business fraud (ABC) Three men injured in boating accident (ABC) Motorbike rider falls over cliff (ABC) Police critical of cyclists on the motorway (ABC) Three men injured in boating accident (9) More charges against fatality driver (9) Resident fined for building in National Park (9) Police object to cyclists on motorway (9) Murder suicide (9) Couple lose court action against state (9) Firefighter loses house to fire (9) Two teenagers charged with arson (9)
News map gaps Table 6: Classification of Sunshine Coast television news coverage during February 2002.
Positive CHOGM preparations (ABC) CHOGM preparations (ABC) Sunday trading to start (ABC) Bravery awards to locals (ABC) Snappy couple (crocodiles) have a new home at the Australian woolsheds (ABC) CHOGM security (ABC) CHOGM security (ABC) CHOGM (ABC) CHOGM (ABC) Wiggles team up with Steve Irwin- the crocodile hunter (9) Kangaroo on menu for CHOGM (9) Bravery awards (9) CHOGM security (9) CHOGM security (9) School introduces plastic to promote healthy eating (9) CHOGM ready (9)
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Negative Double shooting at Eumundi (ABC) Shark attack at Sunshine Beach (ABC) Teenager injured at Moffat Heads (ABC) CHOGM navy officers disciplined over sex romp (ABC) Beaches closed due to stingers (9) Greens claim pelicans mutilated (9) Man struck by lightning (9) Police detain woman after car chase (9) Double shooting near Noosa (9) Go-kart track sued by paraplegic (9) Woman loses case against go-kart track (9) Student killed on highway (9) 16-year-old hurt in Moffat Heads fall (9)
Coverage for the rest of regional Queensland was different. The regional centres of Stanthorpe and Boonah received only positive coverage (Table 9). Stanthorpes three news stories related to the state cabinet meeting in the city. The promotional news story for the local Apple and Grape festival on ABC TV was run in the leave them laughing final slot because of the marketing ploy of placing Premier Peter Beattie and local National Party member Lawrence Springborg in barrels competing in a grape crushing contest. The Premiers presence for the state cabinet meeting made the novel promotional activity possible. The one Boonah story was about a local man receiving a bravery award.
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Toowoomba received equal positive and negative coverage. Channel 9s positive coverage consisted of two bizarre/novelty stories. A toddler was rescued after getting her finger caught in the bath plughole and an escaped steer was recaptured after a chase through city streets. Both events involved footage provided by a Toowoomba-based crew. If the extensive coverage of the Governor-Generals handling of the child sexual abuse cases at the Toowoomba Preparatory school and its ramifications had been included in the local news story tally the Toowoomba coverage would have included three positive and 24 negative stories. These stories were not included in the Toowoomba category as the stories included a brief passing mention to the Toowoomba school or usually just a brief shot of the schools front gates. The focus of the stories was the Governor-Generals refusal to resign rather than the events at the school. The ABCs positive story from Toowoomba was one of the few regional stories that covered a local social issue; in this case, the impact of drug addiction in the community and local attempts to overcome the problems. The only other regional social issue stories were also carried on the ABC news and were produced by the Rockhamptonbased crew. One story covered the economic and social impacts on the city of the meat works closure and the other dealt with the effects of a tick chemical ban on the local rural industry. The one economic/social issue regional story covered by Channel 9 was the impact of the rising land valuations in southeast Queensland. This story was not assigned to a region as it covered mainly Brisbane and included a brief mention of neighbouring councils.
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Table 7: Number of positive and negative news stories during February 2002 on ABC TV and Channel 9 in regions other than the Gold and Sunshine Coasts.
Region Childers Whitsundays Toowoomba Cairns Gympie Logan Stanthorpe Bundaberg Amberley Ipswich Townsville Rockhampton Southwest Queensland Warwick Boonah Lockyer Valley Brisbane Valley Bribie island 1 award 1 accident/emergency 1 accident/emergency 1 accident/emergency 1 new venture 1 promo 3 promo 2 crime/court 1 accident/emergency 2 accident/emergency 2 accident/emergency 2 accident/emergency 1 accident/emergency 3 various 2 bizarre/novelty Positive stories / major category Negative stories / major category 18 crime/court 8 accident/emergency 3 various 4 accident/emergency 5 crime/court 5 crime/court
Gold Coast media

The Gold Coast has a plethora of local news media. The area is the states exception when it comes to cutbacks in regional TV news with Public Broadcasting Limiteds introduction of a regional television news bulletin in 1995. There are three ABC radio services, two commercial radio stations, four community radio stations, two national television stations ABC and SBS, community TV service CTV31 and six commercial television stations BTQ 52, QTQ58, NRN55, NEN64,
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TVQ46 and NBN67 (Australian Broadcasting Authority, 2002) and a thriving daily newspaper. The Gold Coast Bulletin is among just five regional dailies in Queensland that made circulation gains in the decade to 2000. In the 90s the Gold Coast Bulletins circulation jumped more than 20 percent (Kirkpatrick 2000). Going against a trend of declining circulation for regional dailies the Gold Coast daily in 2000 had a higher circulation than two metropolitan dailies, the Canberra Times and the Northern Territory News. The number of media outlets keeps on growing. In August 2002 the Hot Tomato company bid $26 million for a new commercial FM radio licence to serve the Gold Coast and the ABA made licences available for three new community radio services(ABA 2002). No other region in the state is served by such a diversity of local media.
Regional news blind spots

A map of regional news coverage by both television networks would show a concentration in the southeast coastal areas and coverage scattered along the coastal strip to Cairns, with isolated spots west of the Darling Downs and Granite belt. Most of regional Queensland has slipped through the ABC and Channel 9 Brisbane television newsrooms nets. Pastoral and agricultural issues were not covered at all on the commercial Channel 9 news. Channel 9 did not cover any stories from west of Toowoomba. ABC television ran two stories from southwestern Queensland. The rabbit eradication strategy story was based in St George and a fatal ultra-light accident in Goondiwindi was a read story. In the states north the inland was invisible. No stories originated west of the coastal centres of Cairns and Townsville. Cairns received three stories from each network while Townsville had two stories on Channel 9.
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The ABCs acting general manager has asked the federal government for an additional $2 million for a television news operation based in Townsville (Leech 2001). However during the month of February 2002 there were no local issues from Townsville included in the ABC statewide television bulletin. Inland and remote Queensland isnt the only blind spot. The cities that circle Brisbane received minimal coverage. The cities of Logan, Ipswich and Redcliffe do not have their own ABC regional newsrooms or local commercial television stations. Redcliffe city (51,096 pop Census 2001) was not mentioned in the February television news bulletins. Ipswich city (128,658 pop Census 2001) was the home to two negative stories. Each news bulletin covered the milk tanker crash that disrupted south-east Queenslands rail system. Logan city(169,167 pop Census 2001) attracted five negative crime and police stories. The cities of Logan, Ipswich and Redcliffe were either invisible or the site of bad news on the two news services. These cities are all closer to the Brisbane newsrooms than the Gold or Sunshine Coasts but they do not possess local TV newsrooms. Yet the comparatively small city of Toowoomba (88,284 pop Census 2001) at a greater distance from the capital received greater exposure because of the presence of local television news operations providing visually entertaining local news stories. These regional cities on the capitals outer rim have a combined population of 348,921 (Census 2001) and coupled with their neighbouring shires of Caboolture (113,163), Pine Rivers (120,015), Esk (14,354), Gatton (15,528), Boonah (8,260), Laidley (12,936), Beaudesert (53,686) and Redland (118,408) the arc stretching from Logan and Redlands in the south east through Ipswich to the west and north east to Redcliffe and Caboolture has a population of 805,271 almost double that of the Gold Coast (418,491). Yet statewide news coverage, by the two television news services in this study, has a coastal bias. The outer rim area that houses the states third and fourth largest
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cities (Logan and Ipswich) misses out on local TV news programming and also statewide news coverage. The area appears to suffer because of its proximity to Brisbane. It is too close for the establishment of regional newsrooms and yet too far from the Brisbane newsrooms for routine coverage.
Why coverage differs

Why do some regions gain more statewide coverage than others? Conley says as a general rule, newsworthiness diminishes with distance (1997). Tuchman says there is a reluctance to take the news mirror further than a 10 kilometre radius outside the newsroom for fear the mirror will be broken (1978). The distance to many Queensland regional areas from Brisbanebased news organisations is a considerable barrier to equitable coverage. News organisations have attempted to overcome this problem by placing journalists at major centres throughout the state. This has led to the news from the pre-selected areas being favoured and inequitable coverage for several regions. Regional news coverage in statewide bulletins appears to be also influenced by a number of factors: 1. Ease of access to stories from a regional office, affiliated newsroom or stringer service. The availability of stories from these sources cuts the cost of longdistance coverage. News organisations are also more likely to use stories from their internal staff than external sources. For example Channel 9 has a ready supply of news stories prepared for its Gold Coast television news bulletin. It also can access news stories from its affiliated regional WIN newsrooms in Toowoomba, Rockhampton, Townsville and Cairns. News producers have a positive incentive to take news stories, at least nonmandatory ones from some cities rather than others (Epstein 1973) the base city and those with network newsrooms.
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2. A belief in the intrinsic news value of some areas over others. News decision-makers believe that certain locations hold interest for viewers. The Gold and Sunshine Coasts are the holiday and weekend destinations of many southeast Queenslanders. The regions have a combined population of almost one million people and the areas gain relatively clear reception of the Brisbane-based television signals. The news producers appear to believe the two coastal regions have a big appeal factor for the nightly television news audience. And as a central measure of success is securing large audiences, even for the ABC (Tiffen 1989), the news producers are attempting to increase their audience in these population growth areas. 3. Media competition if one news organisation is covering the story then others believe it should be covered. Stories that will never be missed are not covered to save cost. Instead of blanketing the world by their independent efforts, the news media and the news services leave the same sorts of hole in the news net, holes justified by a professionally shared notion of news (Tuchman 1978). Almost identical news selection reinforces their news value justification (Altheide 1976). Where one news organisation has an office or reporter another will usually follow. Then the news organisation is predisposed to use local news from that area.
Conclusion
This study raises the question whether the level and style of coverage on statewide media can be used as measure of the state of a regions own media community. Should the quest for comprehensive, proportional, balanced coverage focus on revitalising local journalism? New South Wales independent federal member Peter Andren blames aggregation for capital city based programs increasingly replacing local content, with regional stations becoming slaves delivering network programs (Leech 2001).
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According to the findings of this study capital city based television news programs do not adequately compensate for decreasing local news services. Inland and remote Queensland centres receive very little coverage on the statewide bulletins which devote the majority of the regional coverage to the sexy coastal growth areas in the south-east corner. These centres, such as the Gold Coast, often have thriving local news communities. The existence of local television news coverage of an event enhances the chances of inclusion in a statewide television bulletin. This can result in duplication of the news presented to the local community. For example some news stories run on the 5.30pm Channel 9 Gold Coast bulletin are rerun in the statewide bulletin at 6pm. Some areas get a double dose while others get nothing. Criteria for inclusion in a statewide television news bulletin appears to include proximity to the news headquarters, in this case, in Brisbane, the presence of an affiliated local television news operation, the networks own bulletin or locally based news crew and a significant population base. Queenslands Gold and Sunshine Coasts are now home to more than 660,000 people, comprising 243,000(Sunshine Coast) and 418,000 (Gold Coast). But the rest of the state houses the bulk of the states regional population. The majority (2.7 million) of the states 3.6 million population live outside of Brisbane, which has a population of 899,604 (Census 2001). More than two million people live in Queensland regions other than the Gold and Sunshine Coasts. On a proportional basis the residents in several major regional centres could call for more equitable respresentation on their statewide news bulletins. As Kovach and Rosenstiel argue : If we think of journalism as social cartography, the map should include news of all our communities, not
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just those with attractive demographics or strong appeal to advertisers. To do otherwise is to create maps with whole areas missing. (2001) To be continued: In the next episode of Are you being served by your TV news?
References
Australian Broadcasting Authority (2002), News releases <www.aba.gov.au/ abanews/news_releases/2001/80nro1.htm> [accessed 18 July 2002]. Australian Bureau of Statistics (2002), Census 2001: Local Government Area populations for each State and Territory <www.aus.gov.au/Austats> [accessed 18 July 2002]. Brand, J. & M. Pearson (2001), The newsroom vs. the lounge roommmm: Journalists and audiences views on news, Australian Journalism Review, 23 (2): 63-89. Breen, M. (1996), The image of Australia in US television news, 1986 1995, Australian Studies in Journalism, 5: 43-60. Brook, S. (2001), Bleak landscape regional news blues, The Australian, 29 September: 1. Conley, D. (1997), The Daily Miracle: an introduction to journalism, Melbourne: Oxford University Press. Cottle, S. (1993), TV News, Urban Conflict and the Inner City, Leicester: Leicester University Press. Council, L. C. (2002), About Logan City <www.logan.qld.gov.au/aboutlc/ factfig1.htm> [accessed 17 april 2002. Epstein, E. J. (1973), News from Nowhere: Television and the News, New York: Random House. Fishman, M. (1980), Manufacturing the News, Austin and London: University of Texas Press. Harmon, M. D. (1998), Coverage of Australia by CNN World Report and US television network news, Australian Studies in Journalism, 7: 74-83. Keillor, G. (1985), Lake Wobegon Days, New York: Viking Penguin Inc. Kirkpatrick, R. (2000), Chronic circulation decline: regional dailies succumb to metropolitan virus, paper presented at the Journalism Education Association conference, Mooloolaba. Kovach, B. & T. Rosenstiel (2001), The Elements of Journalism: What Newspeople Should Know and the Public Should Expect, New York: Crown Publishers.
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Leech, G. (2001), Regional news for just $2m: ABC plea, The Australian, 26 September 2002: 3. State of the Regions 2001 (2001), Canberra: National Economics, Australian Local Government Association. Tiffen, R. (1989), News and Power, Sydney: Allen & Unwin. Tuchman, G. (1978), Making the News: A Study in the Construction of Reality, New York: McMillan publishing. Turner, G. (1996), Maintaining the news, Culture and Policy, 7 (3): 127164.
Anne Tannock is a lecturer in the School of Journalism and Communication, the University of Queensland.
People like us versus Statistical representations of readers

Jacqui Ewart & Kevin Tickle
This paper examines an under-researched issue, that of regional journalists ideas of readership. It looks at the journalists constructions of readership in light of statistical data which profile newspaper readers in a regional area. The paper investigates the journalists constructions of readership and then compares these to pictures of readership which emerged from a survey undertaken through an independent surveying body. It does this in an attempt to provide hard data rather than supposition about one facet of the reader-journalist relationship. The similarities and contradictions between the sets of data are explored. In doing so this paper concludes that while there is some relationship between the two pictures of readership which emerge from the data, some groups remain overlooked by both approaches. Therefore, journalists need to ensure their conception of readership includes more than the narrow ideas they currently have or those presented by the survey information.
ournalists are thought typically to know very little about their audiences (Green 1999; Ewart 1997; Schudson 1996). In Australia the picture of readers painted by newspaper journalists appears to be a limited one (Ewart 2000; 1997; Green 1999). Significantly, there is no available Australian research that examines the correlation between newspaper journalists ideas about their readers and statistical profiles of the latter group. Although this is partially explained (Green 1999) by the difficulty journalists have in accessing and taking up market research, anecdotal evidence (Ewart & Tickle 2002) suggests regional journalists have limited if any access to such information. It is little wonder then that journalists are forced to devise their own images and ideas about the readership. At issue is the question of the degree to which the pictures of readers created by journalists reflect
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the average newspaper reader. Schudson (1996) suggests the challenge is to find out how journalists construct images of readers. However, few Australian researchers have examined the way journalists in an Australian regional newsroom develop their ideas about readers. In particular, there is no existing Australian research that explores the extent to which journalists constructions of readership reflect market research or other available statistical data. This may be explained by the high cost of this kind of research. Such studies are necessary to ensure that assumptions about the relationship between journalists ideas about readers and demographic profiles of the latter group are based on hard data, not supposition as currently appears to be the case. As well, media organisations are reluctant to provide outsiders with access to their market research. Because the existing literature suggests that journalists know little about their audiences (Green 1999; Ewart 1997), it would be easy to assume that some journalists paint an unrepresentative picture of readers. Furthermore, assumptions about journalists knowledge of readers may be based on geography for example regional journalists could be thought to have a better idea of their readership than their metropolitan counterparts. However, the point is that such statements are based on supposition, not hard data. While research into audiences is starting to emerge in Australia (Balnaves, ORegan & Sternberg 2002; Green 2002), the aforementioned issues have yet to be explored. In an attempt to address the paucity of research in this area, this paper explores the correlations between journalists constructions of readership and statistical profiles of the same, generated from data gathered as part of a survey of newspaper readers in Central Queensland. The first data are drawn from interviews with 29 Central Queensland journalists working at three newspapers, the Morning Bulletin (Rockhampton), the Gladstone Observer (Gladstone) and the Bundaberg News-Mail (Bundaberg). These newspapers are owned by Australian Provincial Newspapers. The interviews were undertaken during 1996, 1998 and 1999 respectively. As well, the data are taken from informal discussions held during training workshops in 1999, 2000 and 2001, for journalists from these newspapers. The statistical data about newspaper reading were provided by a project undertaken in 2001 which produced profiles of newspaper readers in the Central Queensland area. The first approach provides insights into the way
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journalists at the three newspapers picture their readers. The second approach supplies data about newspaper readers across a number of categories including: gender, age, employment, socio-economic status, frequency of newspaper reading, educational levels, political allegiances and religious affiliations. The two sets of data provide comparisons between the journalists ideas and statistical profiles of readership. This paper attempts to answer the question: To what extent do Central Queensland journalists ideas of newspaper readers reflect statistical profiles of the same readers? We ask these questions because there is no existing research is this area. We suggest possible reasons for the surprising number of similarities between the two sets of data. Despite the parallels between the statistical profiles and journalists pictures of readers, evidence emerges from this paper that a number of groups are not accounted for in either version of readership. Future research into readership, especially data which are to be fed back to newsrooms, needs to take account of this.
Methodologies
The interviews were guided by semi-structured questions, which enabled exploration of journalists ideas about their readers (Fontana & Frey 1994). As well, this approach provided journalists with the opportunity to identify issues and elaborate on points raised in the interviews. Time spent with journalists varied from 30 minutes to an hour. Most interviews were held in the journalists workplaces, although in a number of cases journalists specifically requested that they be interviewed away from the office and arrangements were made to do so. Because I worked as a journalist for more than 10 years, I possess an understanding of journalistic culture, the jargon they use and their culture. Fontana and Frey (1994) call this insider status and suggest it provides valuable insights into the different ways interviewees have of saying things and the cultural manifestations of the interviewee. However, this also meant that when talking to the journalists I had to ensure I did not become a participant in the research by commenting on their responses to questions. Interviews with journalists were undertaken at the Morning Bulletin in 1996, the Bundaberg News-Mail in 1998, and the Gladstone Observer in 1999. Follow up discussions
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with some of these journalists were held at training workshops in 1999, 2000 and 2001. Readership was among the issues addressed by these workshops. While many of those interviewed participated in the workshops, other journalists from these three newspapers also attended. This added to the general impressions of readership gained from journalists at each newspaper. Data used to develop the statistical profiles of Central Queensland newspaper readers were gathered through the Central Queensland Social Survey (November 2000). This annual omnibus-style survey takes in a region from Mackay in the north, to Bundaberg in the south, and west to the Queensland border. Data were categorised according to the centre from which the survey responses emanated. The sample of 1237 people was taken from a telephone database. One resident aged over 18 years from each household was interviewed in a phone survey of up to 30 minutes. The survey, by the Central Queensland University Population Research Laboratory (CQUPRL), included (Mummery & Schofield 2001: 5): 1. A standardized introduction; 2. questions which reflected the specific research interests of University researchers participating in the study; and 3. demographic questions. The data presented in this paper were gathered via a series of questions about newspaper reading habits. These questions were cross-tabulated with demographic data provided by the survey. The CQUPRL used a computer-assisted telephone interviewing system to collect the data between 10 November 2000 and 26 November 2000 (Mummery & Schofield 2000: 6). The data were cleaned and analysed using the computer program SPSS.
The Data: Interviews and Statistical Profiles

Interviews: The Morning Bulletin Journalists at the Morning Bulletin indicated they had limited access to readership profiles or statistical data about the readership. Their ideas about their readers were drawn from their colleagues, friends and the newspaper editor. All journalists described their readers as being representative of the wider Rockhampton/Central Queensland community. They thought most people in this group were Anglo-Celtic
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and male. They described the majority of readers as having a limited education, for example high-school level or below. Most readers were believed to be middle-aged, or older, with youth not considered as an audience of the newspaper. The journalists thought most of the readers belonged to the Anglican or Catholic faith. They felt the majority of employment in the area was industry-related and, because of the prominence of blue-collar type jobs, believed most readers earned a low annual income. They described readers as being regulars or as reading the newspaper every day. The journalists said there was probably limited readership by the community of state and national newspapers such as The Courier-Mail and The Australian. They indicated the majority of readers voted Labor because of the significant blue-collar workforce living in the region. Their picture of readers was summed up by one journalist who said:
Readers are middle-aged or at least over 25 years-of-age. [They are] Rockhampton people reading a provincial newspaper that appeals to local people. [They are] very mono-cultural, white Anglo-Saxon Australians. [There is a] mix of blue and white collar workers who buy it for specific sections, for example the race guide or hatches, matches and dispatches. [Readers] with a basic high-school education. A mix of clerical and trades qualified people, [who are] middle class.
A common description of the newspapers readers was that they were hard-working, down-to-earth, rural types who exhibited care and concern for others. Only one journalist interviewed indicated it was difficult to categorise readers or define a typical reader. He believed that was why regional newspapers had experienced difficulties with circulation in the past decade or so. He explained:
Newspapers globally, they are having trouble keeping in contact with people in the community that they are serving. Dont really have an image in mind of who the readers are. Basically there is a broad and diverse community which we are trying to serve.
The majority of journalists interviewed had a clear idea of who the readers were, although they had limited access to any data from which to formulate these ideas.
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Statistical Profiles: The Morning Bulletin The data1 gathered indicated that 50.6 percent of those people surveyed who read the Morning Bulletin were males, the other 49.4 percent were females. About half (51.1 percent) of male readers, read this newspaper every day, while slightly fewer females read it that frequently (50.6 percent). Of the remaining males who read the newspaper, 25 percent read it 3-5 days a week, and 23.9 percent read it 1-2 days per week. Of the female readers who identified that they read the newspaper, 23.3 percent read it 3-5 days a week, and 26.2 percent on 1-2 days a week. Of those people who nominated the Morning Bulletin as the paper they had read in the past seven days 23.5 percent were in the 18-34 age group, 48.9 percent in the 35-54 year age group, and 27.6 percent were aged 55 and over. Of those surveyed who read this newspaper 24.4 percent nominated Roman Catholic as their religion, 15.5 percent were Church of England, 10.3 percent identified as Anglican, 10.3 percent as Uniting Church and 10.3 percent had no religion. Almost half (48.4 percent) of this newspapers readers completed secondary school, while 9.9 percent possessed a primary school education, 16.7 percent had a TAFE level education and 23.6 percent a university education. More than 60 percent (60.6 percent) of those who read the Morning Bulletin had a paid job in the past week, while 38.8 percent did not have paid employment during that time. Annual income levels included: 31.6 percent of readers who earned less than $20,799 a year, 19.6 percent earned between $20,8000 and $36,399 annually, 11.5 percent earned between $36,400 and $51,999; 9.4 percent earned between $52,000 and $129,999, with 0.6 percent earning more than 130,000 annually. Just under 7 percent (6.9 percent) of these readers identified that they had no income, while 10.9 percent did not know how much they earned. Of the Morning Bulletin readers, 34.5 percent said they intended to vote Labor in the 2001 State (Queensland) election, while 10.9 percent intended voting Liberal; 7.8 percent National; 1.1 percent Democrat; 2.3 percent One Nation; and 6 percent Independent. Of this group of readers 27.6 percent did not know how they would vote and 6 percent did not respond to the question.
People like us Interviews: The Bundaberg News-Mail
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Journalists interviewed at the Bundaberg News-Mail described readers as middle-income earners, and as being average members of the public. Most journalists thought the readers were Anglo-Celtic, with incomes in the higher range. One journalist indicated there was a significant population of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders in the area. However, this did not influence the way she wrote as she felt she had to cater for everyone rather than a specific group. Another journalist described the typical reader as being someone who was interested in their community and region. She did not want to generalise, but said: They [the readers] are people across the board, the general public. I presume [readers are] young people right through to old people. Another journalist explained the area had a high unemployment rate, but also a significant number of families with blue-collar-type jobs. Although she thought there were some young readers, she believed most were in the middle to elderly age group. Her comments were reflective of the picture other journalists had of the readers:
Bundaberg has a high unemployment rate and a large number of elderly people. So, the reader is most likely to be unemployed or elderly. We have many people who earn middle of the range incomes, families, and some young readers. Primarily they are the middle to elderly age groups. Most are from Anglo-Celtic backgrounds.
The journalists thought those who read the newspaper probably did so on a daily basis. They described the majority of readers as having a high-school education level. Most journalists thought the religious background of their readers was Anglican or Catholic. They saw their readers as conservative both politically and morally. They believed the audience was a mix of agricultural workers and retired people. One journalist explained: [Readers] are ordinary people working people, working persons. The paper is attractive to these kinds of people, as opposed to being a thinking persons paper. Another journalist said housewives and farmers made up the bulk of readers. One of his colleagues explained how he pictured the readers:
The readership pretty closely mirrors Bundaberg [demographically]. We have a higher number of older readers, rather than younger ones. [Readers are] Those on higher incomes rather than lower. Those with a higher level
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of education are in greater proportion than in the general population but not in a overly dramatic way. Bundaberg has an Aboriginal population and migrant population, but they are just part of the community.
Most of the journalists interviewed at this newspaper said they had never been shown any market research. The then editor said market research done by newspapers including the Bundaberg News-Mail focussed on advertising rather than editorial issues. He was it had been eight or nine years since the newspaper did an editorial-based market research project. Statistical Profiles: The Bundaberg News-Mail Of those surveyed who identified the Bundaberg News-Mail as the newspaper they had read in the past week, 55 percent were male and 45 percent were female. Of the males 49.1 percent read it every day, 20 percent read it 3-5 days a week, and 30.9 percent read it 1-2 days a week. Of the females who read this newspaper 51.1 percent read it every day; 26.7 percent read it 3-5 days a week; and 22.2 percent read it 1-2 days per week. Of the readers, 23.8 percent were aged 1834 years, 44.6 percent were in the 35-54 year age group, and 31.6 percent were aged 55 or above. Religious affiliations amongst readers included 14.9 percent who were Roman Catholic, 17.8 percent who were Anglican; 6.9 percent who identified as Church of England; 5.9 percent were Presbyterian; 9.9 percent were Uniting Church, and 21.8 percent indicated they did not have a religion. The majority (53.4 percent) of readers had a secondary school level education, while 11.9 percent were educated to primary school level, 21.8 percent to TAFE level and 11.9 percent had a university education. Of these readers 56.4 percent had a paid job in the past week, while 43.6 percent did not have paid employment. Almost two-thirds of the readers earned below $36,400. This included 38.4 percent who earned $20,799 or less and 26.3 percent whose annual income was between $20,800 and 36,399. Only 4 percent of the Bundaberg News-Mail readers surveyed earned between $36,400 and 51,999, with 3 percent earning between $52,000 and $129,999. Only 1 percent earned more than $130,000 a year, while 8.1 percent identified their income as nil. Of this group 10.1 percent did not know how much they earned and 9.1 percent did not answer the question. When surveyed about their voting intentions in the 2001
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State (Queensland) election, 32 percent of the readers of this newspaper said they would vote Labor. Nine percent indicated they intended to vote Liberal; 16 percent National; 1 percent Democrat; 7 percent One Nation; and 3 percent Independent. A significant percentage, 27 percent, of readers of this newspaper who were surveyed did not know for whom they would vote, while 3 percent did not respond to the question. Interviews: The Gladstone Observer Journalists at the Gladstone Observer described readers as being younger than those located in Rockhampton, with the average reader being aged 30-35 years. They believed their readers either worked in one of Gladstones industries or were housewives. Because of the citys industrial base, readers were thought to be relatively affluent, with at least a mid-range income level. As well, the journalists thought there was a high level of readership amongst unemployed people, but they believed there was a high employment rate in the city. The journalists believed the typical reader did not have a university education and was from a European (Anglo-Celtic) background culturally. They did not nominate a particular religion as being common to readers. One journalist explained how he pictured the reader:
The average reader is someone who would not be overly wealthy or overly poor, just average in income. I dont think they are in a particular job, but [in relation to] age I would say a lot of elderly people would read it and a range of other ages. Probably [readers are] mostly people who have not done university, those without a university education. They are mostly from European backgrounds.
Another journalist gave his version of readership:

For instance in Gladstone, I think it is a working town and it has a certain socio-economic blueprint which is very healthy. It has good employment, it is an industrial town but at the same time it has one of the highest sporting participation rates in Australia.
Most journalists said they got their ideas about readers from market research or others in the newsroom. Although most had not had access to market research, they were told about the findings of this kind of research by others in the organisation.
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Statistical profiles: The Gladstone Observer The survey data gathered indicated 43.1 percent of those who nominated the Gladstone Observer as the newspaper they had read in the past seven days were male and 56.9 percent were female. Of the male readers, 48.4 percent read this newspaper every day, 22.6 percent read it 3-5 days a week, and the remaining 29 percent read it 1-2 days a week. Amongst female readers of the Gladstone Observer, 31.7 percent read it daily, 36.6 percent read it on 3 to 5 days a week and 29 percent read it 1-2 days a week. The majority of readers (58.9 percent) were in the 35-54 year age group, with 22 percent in the 18-34 year age group, and 19.2 percent were aged 55 or over. Readers religious affiliations included 16.7 percent who identified as Roman Catholic, 12.5 percent Presbyterian; 9.7 percent belonged to the Church of England; 8.3 percent were Anglican; 16.7 percent had no religion; and those belonging to the Uniting Church accounted for 8.3 percent of this group. Most (57.8 percent) readers of the Gladstone Observer had a secondary school education, with 2.8 percent possessing a primary school level education, 15.5 percent a TAFE qualification and 23.9 percent a university education. More than two thirds (69 percent) of those surveyed who read this newspaper had a paid job in the week before the survey, while 31 percent did not have paid employment. A quarter of this group earned less than $20,799, 13.9 percent earned from $20,800 to $36,399, 9.7 percent earned between $36,400 and $51,999, 13.9 percent earned from $52,000 to $129,999, 1.4 percent earned $130,000 or more, 11.1 percent had no income; 13.9 percent did not know how much they earned; and 11.1 percent did not respond to the question. When questioned about voting intentions at the State (Queensland) election 32.4 percent said they intended to vote Labor, 4.2 percent indicated they would vote Liberal, and 7 percent identified they would vote for the National Party. Of this group 1.4 percent intended to vote for the Democrats, 1.4 percent for One Nation, and 8.5 percent for Independent candidates. A significant percentage of those surveyed who read this newspaper (29.6 percent) indicated they did not know who they would vote for in the State election, and 14.1 percent did not respond to the question.
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Discussion
The pictures of readers which emerge from both the interview data and, to a lesser extent, the survey data, are that of the majority of readers. In relation to the statistical profiles of readers it is important to recognise that such depictions are only thumb-nail sketches (Goot 2001: 120). The pictures provided by journalists are also only outlines. Goot (2001: 120-121) explains that statistical profiles are problematic because: It is not only market researchers or journalists who imagine that a complex set of survey data can be made instantly meaningful by being summarised in this way; academics sometimes fall for the idea as well. His point is an important one, especially given that survey data such as those discussed here can be and are used by newspaper management to exclude, as well as include, different groups in the concept of readership. Newspapers have done this in the past (Clark quoted in Goot 2001: 125-126) and will continue to do so, especially in cases where they lack the ability to translate data adequately or pass such information onto journalists (Green 1999). By doing so they risk alienating those who are not included in such pictures of readership. The authors of this paper recognise the danger in creating archetypal pictures of readers from statistical data such as those discussed in this paper. The data gathered through the interviews with journalists highlight that those working in newsrooms create standard pictures of readers. This paper identifies significant similarities between the journalists pictures of readers and the profiles drawn from the survey data. Similarities emerged across a number of areas. At the Morning Bulletin journalists had a similar picture of readers as that provided by the survey data in relation to readers education levels, religion and ages. The journalists believed most readers would have an education level of high school or below, and the data reflected this to an extent, showing that this applied to more than half of the readers although a significant percentage of readers (40 percent) had a TAFE or university education. The journalists thought the readers would generally belong to the Anglican or Catholic faiths, and the statistics showed that around 60 percent of readers identified as belonging to one of these religions.
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Most of those interviewed believed readers would be middle aged or older, and this belief was reflected by the statistical data which showed that 76.5 percent of readers were aged over 35 years. Some differences emerged between the journalists ideas of readers and the statistical data, most notably in the area of voting intentions in the State election. While the journalists thought the readers voted Labor, the data showed this was the case in only one-third of those surveyed. Those interviewed described readers as being overwhelmingly male, but the statistics showed an almost even split between males and females in relation to the gender of readers.
Bundaberg News-Mail
At the Bundaberg News-Mail the journalists interviewed indicated most readers were middle aged or older and the statistical data revealed that more than 75 percent of readers fell into this category. The journalists thought there was a high level of unemployment amongst their readers, which was also reflected by the statistical data. As well, they believed that many readers would belong to either the Anglican or Catholic faith. This was also reflected by the statistical profiles of
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readers, although there was also a significant proportion of readers who did not have a religion. Journalists at the Bundaberg News-Mail thought most readers would read the newspaper every day, however statistics indicated that this was the case with only half of the readers. As well, those interviewed described the readers as politically conservative, but the data indicated 25 percent voted for either the Nationals or Liberals, while almost a third (32 percent) intended to vote Labor. While journalists believed the readers earned mid-range to higher incomes, the figures indicated that two-thirds earned less than $36,400.
Bundaberg News-Mail
Journalists at the Gladstone Observer assumed that there was a high employment rate amongst their readers, and this was, to an extent, reflected by the statistical data which showed two-thirds of readers had a paid job in the week prior to the survey. Journalists believed most readers did not possess a university education and the statistical data reflected this idea. While those interviewed thought most people who read the newspaper would do so every day, the statistics showed this was not correct. The journalists described most readers as being between 30 and 35 years of age, but the profile developed from statistical data
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Bundaberg News-Mail
showed that only 22 percent were younger than 35 years of age. They identified income levels as being middle of the range, but the statistical data showed one-quarter of readers earned less than $20,799 and onequarter earned more than $36,400. The similarities between the two sets of data for each newspaper are somewhat surprising given research which indicates journalists know little about their readers (Green 1999; Ewart 1997; Schudson 1996). This gives rise to the question of why similarities exist between the journalistically and statistically derived pictures. In exploring this question, it is possible to draw on some existing literature in speculating why commonalities exist between the two sets of data. Ericson, Baranek and Chan (1989) suggest that journalists develop their ideas about readers through a kind of osmosis. In examining the construction of the pubic by regional journalists, Ewart (2000: 4) describes how this occurs: Repeated daily intensive exposure to the opinions of editors, senior newsroom staff and colleagues, as well as family and friends, formed a picture of readers, which they then reproduced in interviews. As well as being influenced by those around them journalist draw on
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Bundaberg News-Mail
the characteristics of their near associates, colleagues and friends in creating pictures of readers. Additional research in this area would reveal the extent of similarities between those on whom journalists rely in formulating their ideas of readers and the statistical profiles of newspaper readers. As well, journalists draw from their lived world and experiences in developing mental models of readers (McNair 1998; Ewart 1997; Gans 1979; Tuchman 1978). For example, the journalists interviewed described readers as being the people they saw every day, in particular those they witnessed reading or buying the newspaper. In describing readers in this way, journalists create a presumed readership which is not based on anything more than the experiences of the journalists (Ewart 2000). Another factor which may impact on the way journalists describe readers is that they work in environments which are likely to cause them to lose touch with the needs and wants of their audiences (Green 1999: 32). Journalists ideas about readers may mirror the profiles of readers provided by the statistical data because of their reliance on near associates, family and friends who may share some, if not most, of the characteristics of the
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archetypal reader. Therefore, in some ways, it is not surprising that the journalists pictures of readers are similar to the profiles provided by the statistical analysis. In most cases the journalists interviewed had never had access to market research undertaken by or for their newspapers. Of the two editors interviewed (both of whom had been reporters shortly before taking up their positions as editors), one indicated that his most recent exposure to any extensive readership data had been eight or nine years prior to the interview. He was critical about what he described as a tendency amongst newspapers to instigate advertising-related surveys. He said surveys which were based on readership issues, and which did not encompass advertising or circulation, were sorely needed by many regional newspapers. This editor also highlighted the issue of the lack of communication of the results of such surveys. Henningham (1998) and Green (1999) also identified that journalists in newsrooms around Australia experience low levels of exposure to market research. Not only are regional newspapers slow to instigate market research which focuses solely on readership-related issues, but evidence would
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also suggest they are reticent to support, financially at least, research in 2 this area . In 2001 one of the authors of this paper approached a regional newspaper to investigate the possibility of a jointly funded research project examining issues of readership. The editorial management of the newspaper declined the opportunity. Several weeks after that approach, the same newspaper contracted Central Queensland Universitys Population Research Laboratory to undertake paid market research. That research focussed mainly on advertising and circulation issues3. Another important point to emerge from these two sets of data is that a variety of groups can be, and often are, overlooked by journalists and by statistical profiles of average readers. In the Central Queensland region those overlooked include the unemployed, Indigenous Australians, ethnic communities, and those on low income such as pensioners, to name a few. Conclusion This paper set out to make a contribution to the body of literature
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and research surrounding newspaper readership issues in Australia. Its aim was to undertake a basic exploration of regional newspaper journalists ideas of readers and statistical profiles of the same. It did so because readership research in Australia has, to date, neglected this topic and thus any connection or disconnection between journalists ideas of readers and demographic profiles of readers, has been purely speculative. The ideas the journalists involved in this study had about readers were, in some cases, similar to the statistical profiles of readers provided by the survey data. While existing research provides some indication of why this may be the case, additional investigation with both journalists and their near associates as well as readers may shed further light on this area. While current literature indicates journalists are increasingly disconnected from their readers and communities (Green 1999; Rosen 1999a, 1999b; Nye 1997) it is possible that the regional journalists interviewed for this paper are more closely connected to their communities than was previously thought to be the case (Ewart 1997). Further investigations in this area might explore the educational and cultural backgrounds of regional journalists to determine whether they are similar to that of the readers. Another factor which might explain the correlation between the journalists descriptions of readers and the statistical profiles is that the members of regional communities might have more success in making themselves known to journalists working on local newspapers. For example readers may be more likely to have direct contact with, or know someone who is friends with, a journalist. Finally, what emerges from this paper is that there are gaps in both the composites of readers as provided by journalists at the three newspapers, and the statistical profiles. This is important for newspaper management in ensuring they take account of more than just the average reader when considering the content and direction of their publications. Journalists would do well to remember that readers come in all shapes, sizes and colours, and relying on stereotypical images of readers will not help the journalists attempts to connect with and reflect the community. Importantly, the key to retaining and building up readership may lie beyond the majority. Significantly, this paper has provided data which can be used in future explorations of readership.
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1. All data in the survey were derived from a question about which newspaper those surveyed had read in the past seven days. 2. The data referred to here have, to date, not been given to, or discussed with, journalists or editorial management at any newspaper. 3. Parts of this research were funded by Central Queensland Universitys Social Science Research Centre. References
Balnaves, Mark, Tom ORegan & Jason Sternberg (eds, 2002), Mobilising the Audience, St Lucia: University of Queensland Press. Ericson, Richard, Patricia Baranek & Janet Chan (1989), Negotiating control: A study of news sources, Milton Keynes: Open University Press. Ewart, Jacqui & Kevin Tickle (2002), Reviewing the readership: Profiles of Central Queensland newspaper readers, Media International Australia, February, 102: 126-146. Ewart, Jacqui (2000), Capturing the heart of the region how regional media define a community, Transformations (Online), 1: htttp:// www.cqu.edu.au/transformations [Access September 5, 2000] Ewart, Jacqui (1997), The Scabsuckers: regional journalists representation of Indigenous Australians, Asia Pacific Media Educator, 3, July-December: 108-117. Fontana, Andrea & J. Frey (1994), Interviewing: The art of science, in N. Denzin & Y. Lincoln (eds), Handbook of qualitative research, California: Sage. Gans, Herbert (1979), Deciding whats news: A study of evening news, nightly news, Newsweek and Time, New York: Vintage Books. Goot, Murray (2001), The identikit fallacy... or the problem with Phil and Jenny, Australian Journalism Review, 23 (2:): 119-128. Green, Kerry (2002), Mobilising readers: newspapers, copy-tasters and readerships, in Mark Balnaves, Tom ORegan & Jason Sternberg (eds), Mobilising the Audience, St Lucia: University of Queensland Press. Green, Kerry (1999), How newsroom failures limit readership gains, Australian Studies in Journalism, 8: 18-36. Henningham, John (1998), Ideological differences between Australian journalists and their public, Harvard International Journal of Politics/ Press, 3(1): 92-101. McNair, Brian (1998), The Sociology of Journalism, London: Arnold.
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Mummery, Kerry & Grant Schofield (2000), Central Queensland social survey 2000: Sampling report, Centre for Social Science Research, Rockhampton: Central Queensland University. Nye, Joseph S. Jr (1997), The media and declining confidence in government, Journal of Press and Politics, 2(3): 4-9. Rosen, Jay (1999a), The action of the Idea: Public journalism in built form, in T. Glasser (ed), The idea of public journalism, New York: The Guildford Press. Rosen, Jay (1999b), What are journalists for?, London: Yale University Press. Schudson, Michael (1996), The sociology of news production revisited, in James Curran & Michael Gurevitch (eds), Mass Media and Society, 2nd edition, UK: Edward Arnold. Tuchman, Gaye (1978), Making news: A study in the construction of reality, New York: The Free Press.
Dr Jacqui Ewart is a senior lecturer in journalism at Central Queensland University. Associate Professor Kevin Tickle is Associate Dean, Teaching and Learning, at Central Queensland University.
Habits die hard: War journalism and organisational practices

Beate Josephi
The war against terrorism in Afghanistan produced a brief revival of the New World Order and was, as far as media dramaturgy was concerned, in some ways a replay of the Gulf War. This paper intends to show that in moments of crisis the media rely on the strength of their organisational practices and live off existing journalistic practices and routines. Using newsroom visits on 12 and 13 September at Norways Aftenposten, and newspaper copy of The Straits Times, the Norwegian daily Aftenposten and The International Herald Tribune of 12 to 14 September as examples, The author will argue that in crises, such as the World Trade Centre attack, journalists rely more than ever on their routines. In the country involved in the crisis, the propaganda function of the media comes to the fore, while in the countries further removed from the scene a more considered reporting can be found.
othing can beat a prime-time war (Nohrsted & Ottosen 2001: 269) any study of television ratings during the Gulf War will confirm this. These ratings were not equalled until almost a decade later 11 September 2001. Not only did people crowd in front of TV but newspaper sales rose dramatically. In Australia, the sales for The Sydney Morning Herald were up by 44 percent on Wednesday, 12 September, and by 35 percent on Thursday, 13 September. Other publications are claiming first-day-ofthe-crisis increase as high as 45 percent of their normal circulation, with substantial additional sales also being achieved on the following highinterest days (Beverley 2001: 7). This trend could be observed around the globe. The average daily circulation of The New York Times for the
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whole month of September went up by 130,000 (Edmonds 2001). The street sales of the Norwegian daily Aftenposten, which comprise only 7-8 percent of the total sales, rose by 40 percent (Gjetvik 2002). These sales figures reflect the public demand for information, news and pictures. The media did their best to give the public what it wanted. In the case of the days following 11 September this meant depending on geographical location and ensuing timelines working around the clock. As Nohrsted & Ottosen have observed (2001: 269), this reduces the time for consideration and editing to almost nothing. So what happens in such a moment? Where does this leave objective and reflective journalism in the time of conflict and crisis? Whose realities are reported on issues relating to terrorism, conflict and diversity? This paper tries to explore these questions by considering the importance of newsroom routine in such situations, and the rules imposed by crisis journalism. Of particular significance for the latter is the tendency to disband reflection and criticism out of partisan and patriotic loyalty (Curran 1996: 87). By coincidence I had pre-arranged newsroom visits for 12 to 14 September at Norways national paper, Aftenposten. Though my research was not primarily intent on observing a newspaper at a time of heightened world tension, the situation of course impacted on, and found its way into, the interviews I conducted, and I will draw on these. However, equally if not more telling about the presses dealing with the terror attack is their papers copy. Here I do not restrict myself to Aftenposten, but will illustrate its approach by comparing it to the copy of two other papers the Straits Times and the International Herald Tribune. The copy of these papers will be measured against the hypotheses Nohrsted & Ottosen drew as a conclusion of their study of international media during the Gulf War. These were that, first, if the homeland of the media is involved in the conflict, news reporting is expected to function as a propaganda channel of the nation state. Second, the greater the distance between the recognised leading superpower and the receiving country, the more important
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is that countrys media as a cushion between national policy and propaganda from the superpower.
Habits
It has long been recognised that news is a construct (Tuchmann 1979; Gans 1979; Schudson 1996; Berkowitz 1997). Berkowitz (1997: xii) described news as being the product of practicalities and constraints of the process by which it is created. Economic and political systems, and social and cultural beliefs combine to create a press system which exerts its influence on the news product it produces. The role played by individual agency that is, journalists has been seen as contracting for some time (Reese 1997; Weaver & Wilhoit 1996; Reese 2000). Routines whether as behaviour on the newsfloor or in dealings with sources or newsmakers are quickly absorbed by young journalists when they enter the newsroom (Schudson 1996: 149; Josephi 2001a: 193). Though newsroom routines have often been portrayed as a restrictive force to the autonomy of the journalist, and as a major agent for keeping the status quo, from a pragmatic point of view they are a necessity. This comes particularly to the fore in moments of crisis. Beverley, when writing about Australian papers rising to the challenge of covering the worst event of our times, quotes the production editor of Melbournes The Age waxing lyrical:
This is what newspapers are about. Everyone knew his or her job. The fantastic co-operation, skill and dedication of the people involved in putting the newspaper together, printing and inserting it and finally dispatching it during the crisis. This is one of the things we all do best and, on this occasion, it was nothing short of inspirational. (Beverley 2001: 5)
The east coast of Australia had one of the most difficult production schedules time-wise, and mostly used the wrap-around concept to already set papers. The bigger metropolitan papers replated heavily and continually throughout the night, upgrading the first sketchy reports and adding a greater range of frightening images (Beverley 2001: 6). The mood was not quite so upbeat at Aftenposten on
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12 September. While timelines were kinder to European papers, Norwegian newspapers had the heaviest newsday imaginable. Only two days earlier, on 10 September, Norways federal election had returned an inconclusive result that opened the option of three kinds of coalitions with three possible prime ministers. So at Aftenposten, which has a great depth of staff and employs a large number of journalists, there was no sense of panic, only of sadness and dismay. The deputy editor in Arts (Kultur) mentioned that at this sections morning conference topics were sought that were more appropriate to the events in New York than the review of a light-hearted show. Or at the morning conference in the National News section (Innenriks) a list of possible sources on bin Laden, terrorism and potential Al-Qaida connections in Norway were drawn up. Tove Bjorgaas, a young journalist in the Business section, had friends working as brokers in the World Trade Towers and was asked urgently to prepare an article on the broking firms housed in the WTC and their employees fate. A graphic artist was already working at the briefing box. The work was routine; the subject matter was not. The scenes at newspapers around the world, in all likelihood, were very similar. The articles had to be produced quickly, image selection had to be made under the pressure of competing television footage, resulting in some quality newspapers printing more graphic pictures than normally. In Australia, it was the Financial Review that chose to go out on a limb with its page one picture choice on 14 September. It printed a colour shot of a tower victim hurtling towards the ground. Beverley (2001: 8) adds, Protest letters it printed next day left little doubt just what an insensitive decision it had made. The same picture appeared in Aftenposten on page 3 on the day after, 12 September. As the deputy editor in Kultur said:
There was quite a long discussion yesterday, which continued at the editorial meeting this morning, around the picture of the guy who jumped from the World Trade Centre. Should we have printed something else? Most people have probably seen various pictures even, though, to serve it to the readers for breakfast is quite powerful. (Gray, 12/9/01)
The events in New York were clearly taxing ethical decision-making by confronting staff with choices that went beyond routine. The routine
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that could be depended on was primarily production, backed up by an efficiently operating newsroom. The nature of newsroom practices has been variously studied (Schudson 1996; Reese 1997; Tuchmann 1979; Sigal 1973). While little attention so far has been paid to relations within the newsroom, such as journalist-editor or journalist-supervisor, the relationship between journalist and sources, or newsmakers, have been extensively looked at (Tiffen 1989; Erikson, Baranek & Chan 1989; Schudson 1996; Graber, McQuail & Norris 1998). This research extends to the news value attributed to the various sources. The results of these studies show that Journalists at mainstream publications everywhere accommodate to the political culture in which they operate (Schudson 1996: 149). The journalist who in whichever country does not follow these rules is in grave danger of being marginalised because, as Golding and Murdock (1996: 23) put it, the state is not only a regulator of communications institutions. It is itself a communicator of enormous power. This remark can be extended to the wider political-legal system and the business sector. This has been described as defining implicitly the role of the journalist as a subaltern one of mediating authoritatively sourced information (Curran 1996: 100), or the journalist-source relation as a relatively closed information circuit (Bennett 2000: 211). Of course, there are differences between various national media systems as to the degree to which political coverage has a critical edge. But, as Bennett (p. 211) writes about the United States, [p]erhaps the most enduring concern about this media system is that relatively little independent check is provided by the press on the good judgement or the representative quality of official views and actions. This deliberate dependency on authoritative voices becomes even more emphasised in times of crisis and turns into an involuntary, but seemingly inescapable, dependency on official channels in war journalism. Though President Bush declared war on terrorism immediately after the 11 September attacks, this is and was no traditional war. All the same, the media products emanating in the days after 11 September can be compared to war journalism, especially when considering that the implementation of propaganda strategies has
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reached the stage of contingent applications that do not differentiate much between wartime and peacetime (Nohrsted & Ottosen 2001: 20). The most recent example is the Gulf War, extensively studied by Nohrsted & Ottosen and other contributors for their 2001 volume, Journalism and the New World Order. During the Gulf War, audiences around the world watched events mostly in real time, providing them with a close connection to the action. However, the presentation by the media and the reaction of the audience depended on the home-nations involvement. While the United States media, especially CNN, were subsumed into being propaganda channels for their country, the media in the Scandinavian countries acted as a cushion between national policy and propaganda from the superpower. All the same, in places connected but not directly involved in the conflict, the recontextualisation of the propaganda within the respective national political and cultural discourse made the propaganda efficient over the entire world (Nohrsted & Ottosen 2001: 247). Understandably, these findings left Nohrsted and Ottosen sceptical about the independent functioning of the media in reporting a war. One of the reasons though not an excuse for the medias behaviour Nohrsted and Ottosen found in the dramaturgy of war. Because of the fleeting instant now being perceived as the main event, war journalism almost by necessity is the victim of propaganda and military scenarios (Nohrsted & Ottosen 2001: 268). Another reason lies in journalism itself. Journalism dramatises news reporting, values conflict highly and keeps to a narrative structure. A war delivers on all these aspects. And so did 11 September. Television offered constant footage. But as the newspaper circulation figures worldwide prove, people wanted more than pictures. They wanted analysis and a lasting record of events to hold in their hands and keep for posterity (Beverley 2001: 5). The newspapers, of course, knew that the drama was the attraction, and they tried to supply it. Aftenposten economics writer Sigurd Bjornsted who, after a distinguished career in the public service, changed recently to journalism in mid-life, still finds journalisms need to dramatise its most alienating aspect. He wanted to give a dispassionate account of the effects of the
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11 September events on the economy. But this was hard to do when the front page of the main competitor screamed US economy put back by 10 years (Bjornsted, 13.9.01). Due to the journalists high degree of autonomy at Aftenposten, Bjornsted could write a less dramatic commentary, with the sub-headline reading The dramatic pictures from Manhattan should not be translated into economic prognosis (Aftenposten, 14/9/01: 26). The articles main headline, Lessons from the Gulf War, can also be applied to this study. As far as war journalism is concerned, have lessons been learned and have the ethical standards of war journalism improved?
September 11
In comparing the copies of 12, 13 and 14 September of The Straits Times, Aftenposten and The International Herald Tribune, one observation can be made immediately: overall, there is greater similarity of coverage between The Straits Times and Aftenposten than there is between either of these and The International Herald Tribune. The Straits Times and Aftenposten are national dailies of two countries though in very different geographical location with a certain distance from the event. Both countries, coincidentally, have similar-size populations, between 4 million and 4.5 million. Both papers are broadsheets and both, on 12 and 13 September, gave their front pages extensively over to photos from the World Trade Centre disaster. While Aftenpostens headline on 12 September is Terror war against the USA, on 13 September it already reads, America the day after. Aftenposten had six more hours than The Straits Times to decide on its copy. The Straits Times has markedly differing early and late editions on 12 September, especially regarding picture content. Both papers sought out eyewitness reports by their own citizens, and both papers were concerned about the safety of Norwegians and Singaporeans respectively. Some editorial decisions were made easy in that the attack on the World Trade Centre answered every news value in the book: negativity, unpredictability, elite nation, world-wide impact, unprecedented scale, conflict. The news value of proximity was being taken care of by reporting on nationals at the scene, and also by both
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papers paying much attention on the effects the attacks would have on their own and their regions economy. But what about passing on Americas instant call for reprisals? According to Nohrsted and Ottosens hypotheses, the propaganda disseminated by the leading superpower involved in the conflict, under certain conditions, will be relayed by the media in other countries in such a way that one could speak of the formation of a pseudo-global opinion. However, the greater the distance between national policy and propaganda from the superpower, the less the media will function as a propaganda channel for the superpower (Nohrsted & Ottosen 2001: 250). In both Norway and Singapore there was no strong national statement subsequent to the 11 September attack. Norway, as mentioned earlier, was as it were between governments. Regarding Singapore, PM Goh Chok Tong was on a private visit in Perth, from where he sent a letter of condolence to President Bush, expressing his shock and deep sadness about the tragic loss of lives and concluding, We join you and others in strongly condemning these acts of terrorism. This, together with a similarly worded statement from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, appeared on the front page on 12 September (Straits Times, 12/9/01:1). According to Nohrsted and Ottosen, it depends on how deeply the national government is involved in the conflict and how strongly its policy is articulated as to how much power the media will be able to exert on opinion (Nohrsted & Ottosen 2001: 249). In the case of both Norway and Singapore, it can be said that in the days immediately following 11 September there was something of a policy vacuum, into which the newspapers stepped. They did so in a considerate fashion but in different ways, influenced by differing journalistic traditions. Bennetts dictum (2000: 211) about the relatively closed information circuit in the United States can be applied to much of the press in the Anglo-American tradition. Translated into the structure of articles, this means frequent direct quotes from government and other officials. Singaporean journalism stands very much in that tradition of privileging the source, or newsmaker. In fact, most of the 12-14 September news reports in The Straits Times do just that. They bring
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short quotes from leaders around the world, with particular emphasis on Asian leaders. It cannot be said that any preference was given to American pronouncements apart from the page one headline on 12 September, which read, Terrorist chaos: US vows revenge (Straits Times, 12/9/01:1). On 12 September, in the absence of a strongly worded government statement, the paper quoted a wide variety of newsmakers, such as the principal consultant at the regional research group Strategic Intelligence or the director of the Malaysian Strategic Research Centre, as well as numerous economic analysts. The fact that the 11 September attacks had the potential of inciting racial and religious violence was watched with particular concern in Singapore. The Straits Timess editorial on 13 September is titled, Act with Caution (Straits Times, 13/9/01:20). While the paper expressly concurs with President Bushs statement that the US will not distinguish between the terrorists and those who harbour them, it also sees that a word of caution is in order:
If indeed it transpires that Osamas group, or some other Middle Eastern group, is responsible, the world should not regard them as Muslims, whatever they might call themselves. Nobody, not least the citizens in multi-racial, multi-religious societies, should stereotype any race or religion because of the heinous acts of a few evil individuals. (Straits Times, 12/9/01:1)
These sentiments were soon afterwards backed up in an extensive interview with deputy PM, BG Lee Hsien Loong. The Straits Times, fully aware of the lack of Singapores strategic depth and the resultant fragility of its relations with its Muslim neighbours, has long advised its foreign desk to treat articles on Indonesia and, though not to the same degree, articles on Malaysia as a sensitive matter (Josephi 2001b). It was this concern that made the journalists and editors at The Straits Times less than enthusiastic in picking up on the Bush administrations rhetoric. Articles such as Bush administration faces critical test by chief regional correspondent Lee Kim Chew and Wary Asians by Theresa Tan testify to this. In fact, it can be said that the paper distanced itself from a transnational opinion formation process as early as 15 September.
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Aftenposten follows a different journalistic tradition. The information circuits are not as tight as in the Anglo-American press, which is exemplified by the fact that Norwegian journalism does not use direct quotes. Nor do Aftenposten reporters, on the whole, attend press conferences. The Norwegian freedom-of-information legislation permits journalists access to the documents on the basis of which government statements are made. These statements are then evaluated against the documentation. Also, as in many European countries, high value is placed on commentary and analysis. Aftenposten contains many such analytical articles, by-lined and accompanied by a small portrait shot, usually written by its senior journalists or section editors. Aftenpostens editorial on 12 September is an extended contemplation of the sudden and surprising exposure of the United States vulnerability. It contains no mention of any retaliatory action and analyses the change purely in American terms, saying that whatever President Bush does now, he will have the support of the American people. With one strike the terrorists turned the political climate (Aftenposten, 12/9/01:17). Right next to the editorial is a long article by foreign editor Nils Morten Udgaard, which declared in its blurb that a bloody dagger has been thrust into the heart of American finance and defence and recommends, Only closer cooperation across borders and religious divides can fight terrorism (Aftenposten, 12/9/01:17). Like The Straits Times, Aftenposten wanted to see religious barriers brought down, not drawn up. Some of the headlines still reflect the drama, such as Tove Bjorgaass article on the fate of the broker firms employees. She is unlikely to have chosen her own headline which reads The USA loses its finest financial brains (Aftenposten, 13/9/01: 44). Sigurd Bjornstad, though, as mentioned earlier, was free to call his column Lessons from the Gulf War, with the subtitle The dramatic pictures from Manhattan should not be translated into economic prognosis (Aftenposten, 14/ 9/01:26). Neither the reporters at The Straits Times nor the journalists at Aftenposten were swept away by American calls of revenge. Norway had been much involved in Middle Eastern affairs, helping to bring about the Oslo accord which is now all but unattainable. Its affinity and acquaintance with the Palestinian situation widely seen as the
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source nourishing Muslim discontent and also Al-Qaida provided the cushion between perceived national sentiment and the superpowers pronouncements. America had no such cushion. It was the target of the attack, and American newspapers front pages reflect this (www.september11news. com). The papers that make up The International Herald Tribune The New York Times and The Washington Post showed more restraint in their headlines than did others papers. All the same, The International Herald Tribunes headline on 14 September proclaims, Bush Vows to Lead World to Victory, and carries a large photo of Mr Bush touring the damaged Pentagon. The article, by-lined Brian Knowlton, International Herald Tribune, begins with the sentences:
President George W. Bush pledged Thursday to lead the world to victory over terrorism in an effort that the Pentagons No. 2 official said would be a sustained military campaign rather than a single dramatic action. With the toll of dead and missing nearing 5,000 after Tuesdays attacks in New York and Washington, Mr. Bush, with moist eyes, said that while I weep and mourn for America, he was receiving universal approval from leaders abroad for a war against terrorism. (IHT, 14/9/01: 1)
The other officials quoted in the article are presidential spokesman Ari Fleischer and Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz, who said that, the US response would first aim at smashing those behind the attacks on Tuesday and then continue with a global assault against terrorism in general (IHT, 14/9/01: 1). The article goes on detailing the international support received. If it was not clear earlier of which language The Straits Times and Aftenposten could have availed themselves, then these quotes make it abundantly clear. Though it has to be said that most of the copy contains factual reporting, the editorials, one taken from The Washington Post and one taken from The New York Times, reflect much the same language. Titled America at War, the Post editorial praises President George W. Bush for his policy outline:
These are the right foundations for what should be the national security policy of an America at war. The policy must have the aim of decisive victory over an aggressor that has attacked the country And it must hold countries around the world accountable. Cooperation in the war
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effort must be an absolute requirement for friendly relations with the United States. A rejection of such cooperation, or support of terrorists, should define an adversary of America and bring about serious political, economic or military consequences (IHT, 14/9/01: 12).
Jrgen Habermas, when being awarded one of Germanys highest honours, the Peace Prize of the German Booktrade exactly a month after the attacks, remarked on the fact that the attacks had brought back the language of retribution, full of biblical allusions, to describe the apocalyptic event (Habermas 2001: 9). The American newspapers passed on this rhetoric of eye for an eye unfiltered. In their copy, to paraphrase Curran (1996: 87), any inclination for criticism was blunted by partisan and patriotic loyalty. The ethical concerns voiced in The International Herald Tribune, interestingly, focused on the very photo that caused long discussions at Aftenposten, incurred reader dismay at The Australian Financial Review, and was never printed in The Straits Times. Under the title of Excess of Grisly Images Means Tough Choices for the Media, the article in The International Herald Tribune reports on how this photo, provided by AP, prompted many angry reader reactions. But, according to the editor of The Denver Post, it was printed because it revealed the terrible truth of the attack, intentionally or unintentionally fuelling the cries for revenge (IHT, 14/9/01: 2).
Conclusion
This paper set out to measure Nohrsted and Ottosens hypotheses that first, if the homeland of the media is involved in the conflict, news reporting is expected to function as a propaganda channel of the nation state. Second, the greater the distance between the recognised leading superpower and the receiving country, the more important is that countrys media as a cushion between national policy and propaganda from the superpower. A close reading of the copies of The Straits Times, Aftenposten and The International Herald Tribune in the days immediately following 11 September show that the same paradigm could be observed in the early stages of the war against terror. While the dramatic events were more a test for the presses
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production side, the editorial staff in countries more distant from the conflict could be relied on to follow their routines. At The Straits Times this meant never losing sight of the national agenda of multi-racial, multi-religious harmony. At Aftenposten, the measured approach by its columnists show the awareness of a more multi-faceted and plural reality than the US. Their deliberations were far removed from the Old Testament concept of justice fuelling official US language. In the US, even its most highly regarded papers suspended critical judgment and became a direct conduit of official views and actions. Clearly, the moment of being swept up in ones own countrys dramatic events is the least likely to ensure reflective journalistic practices. Postscript The Bali bomb blast, while being Australias largest peacetime tragedy, is not comparable with the events of 11 September or the Gulf War. In its extent and unfolding its closest comparison is the PAN AM Lockerbie bombing. It was an attack that did not happen on home soil but, like Lockerbie, struck a foreign location and its people, who were as innocent as the targeted victims. While the identity of the attackers is still unclear, the Australian government can only demand that the perpetrators be eventually brought to justice. The press duly echoes this call. Though likely to be part of a larger pattern of terror attacks, the Bali bomb blast did not have a lasting impact on the news discourses of other nations. Its greatest effect, of course, was felt in Australia where newspaper circulation again briefly peaked and special wrap-around editions were devoted to the crisis for a whole week. However, in the absence of a distinct enemy, it was not able to force a transnational opinion formation process beyond the, now customary, global statements of the need to sustain the fight against terror.
References
Beverley, Jack (2001), Papers rise to the challenge of covering the worst event in our times, PANPA Bulletin, October 2001: 5-8. Bennett, W. Lance (2000), Media power in the United States, in James Curran & Myung-Jin Park (2000), De-Westernizing Media Studies, London: Routledge: 202-220.
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Berkowitz, Dan (ed, 1997), Social Meaning of News, Thousand Oaks, Ca: Sage Publications. Curran, James (1996), Mass media and democracy revisited, In James Curran & Michael Gurevitch (eds) (1996), Mass Media and Society, London: Arnold, 81-119. Curran, James & Michael Gurevitch (eds, 1996), Mass Media and Society, London: Arnold. Curran, James & Myung-Jin Park (eds, 2000), De-Westernizing Media Studies, London: Routledge. Edmonds, Rick (2001), Newspapers after 11 September: Can the gains be sustained? <www.poynter.org/terrorism/edmonds1.htm> [accessed 15 April 2002]. Ericson, Richard, Patricia Baranek & Janet Chan (1989), Negotiating Control: A Study of News Sources, Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Gans, Herbert (1979), Deciding Whats News, New York: Pantheon Books. Gjetvik, Anne Lise (2002), <anne.lise.gjetvik@aftenposten.no> Information Manager, Aftenposten, email to author <b.josephi@ecu.edu.au> 17. April. Golding, Peter & Graham Murdock (1996), Culture, communications, and political economy, in James Curran & Michael Gurevitch (eds, 1996), Mass Media and Society, London: Arnold, 11-30. Graber, Doris, Denis McQuail & Pippa Norris (eds, 1998), The Politics of News The News of Politics, Washington DC: C[ongressional] Q[uarterly] Press. Habermas, Jrgen (2001), Glauben und Wissen, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 15 October: 9. Josephi, Beate (2001a), Entering the newsroom: What rite of passage?, Communications 26 (2001) 2:181-195. Josephi, Beate (2001b), On the cusp of global and local: Young journalists at The Straits Times, Paper presented at the IAMCR Conference, Budapest, September 2001. N.A. (2001), <http://www.september11news.com/WorldNewspapers_ USAMontage.jpg> [Accessed 16 April 2002]. Nohrsted, Stig (2001), US dominance in the Gulf War? Propaganda Relations between news discourses in US and European media, in Stig Nohrsted & Rune Ottosen (eds, 2001), Journalism and the New World Order, Gteborg: Nordicom, 175-216. Nohrsted, Stig & Rune Ottosen (eds, 2001), Journalism and the New World Order, Gteborg: Nordicom. Reese, Stephen (1997), The news paradigm and the ideology of objectivity: A socialist at the Wall Street Journal, in Dan Berkowitz (1997), Social Meaning of News, Thousand Oaks, Ca: Sage Publications, 420-440.
Habits die hard
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Reese, Stephen (2000), Understanding the global journalist: A hierarchy of influences approach, Paper presented the IAMCR Conference, Singapore, July. Schudson, Michael (1996), The sociology of news production revisited, In James Curran & Michael Gurevitch (eds, 1996), Mass Media and Society, London: Arnold, 141-159. Sigal, Leon V. (1973), Reporters and Officials the Organization and Politics of Newsmaking, Lexington, Mss.: D.H. Heath & Company. Tiffen, Rodney (1989), News & Power, Sydney: Allen & Unwin. Tuchman, Gaye (1979), Making News: A Study in the Construction of Reality, New York: The Free Press. Weaver, David & G. Cleveland Wilhoit (1996), The American Journalist in the 1990s: U.S. News People at the End of an Era, Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers.
Dr Josephi is journalism co-ordinator for the School of Communications and Multimedia, Edith Cowan University.
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Press and Protest: The Springbok tour of 1971

Denis Cryle
This analysis will focus on the Australians newspaper coverage of the South African Springboks tumultuous five-week rugby union visit to Australia in 1971. It argues that, in the years preceding the tour, the Australian, under the astute editorship of Adrian Deamer (1968-71), developed a reputation as a progressive paper, a reputation confirmed by Mungo MacCallum in his recent recollections of post-war journalism and politics (2001). Based on primary sources and interviews, as well as on relevant issues of the Australian itself, this article will argue that its critical coverage of the tour helped to trigger dramatic changes at the newspaper itself and anticipated subsequent managerial intervention during 1974-75, when Australian journalists went on strike over political interference with their reporting. With the fall of the Whitlam government, an event which its proprietor Rupert Murdoch had helped to precipitate (Menadue 1999: 117ff ), the liberal reputation of the Australian collapsed. But the seeds of this political shift can be traced back to the Springbok tour and to Adrian Deamers abrupt departure as its editor. It will be shown that, having taken a strong editorial position against the tour, Deamers Australian maintained its critical stance until the final leg in Queensland, when Deamer was abruptly replaced as editor. By late 1971, the removal of Deamer had ongoing repercussions for the Australian significantly muting the Australians voice as an opponent of Vietnam and a prominent critic of conservative coalition policies.
n view of Rupert Murdochs subsequent support for Malcolm Fraser and Thatcherite right-wing economics in the 1980s, it is easy to forget the liberal origins of the Australian during the 1960s, including its opposition to the Vietnam War and to institutionalised racism both in Australia and overseas. In describing the upsurge of
Press and protest: The Springbok tour of 1971
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protest movements at this time, Horne (1980) considers them to be symptomatic of a growing disenchantment with existing institutions including the established media. Among the older generation, Adrian Deamer was better equipped than most journalists to understand and articulate the new reformist mood. In general terms the onset of organised protest created dilemmas for the media. Should it be reported in the brief factual style which continued to characterise most of the established press? Should it be sensationalised, following the tabloids and television? Or should it opt for consciousness raising when covering events of the magnitude of the Vietnam War. Without sacrificing accuracy or integrity, Deamer incorporated elements of the latter, an unusual step in a daily newspaper. In so doing, he showed himself to be a progressive editor ahead of the industry, but the costs were high and the politics of the Springbok tour were, in his own words, to prove my death knell (1993: 56). During the 1960s the Australian and Deamer, in particular, responded to this journalistic challenge by recruiting young talented writers, female and male, and by encouraging feature writing and in-depth reporting in a way which few of his competitors were, as yet, prepared to emulate (Cryle 2000). Tim Dare, who joined the Australian in November 1969 after working for the Sydney Morning Herald, recalled:
Deamer is remembered because he took responsible broadsheet journalism to new heights. The metropolitan press had gone on too long simply reporting straight news and throwing in a features page and an Op-ed page each day, always subject to heavy editing or even censoring if a reporter or feature writer ignored the bounds, sometimes unknown, usually unspoken, of the papers mould and the proprietors whim. Weighed down by this, journalists had long been used to self-censoring. (Dare 2001)
The political implications of Deamers expansive editorship style were being felt well before the onset of the Springbok controversy. Along with the best editors of his generation, Graham Perkin and David Bowman, Deamer recognised the ongoing implications of television for print reporting and newspapers, in particular its unrivalled capacity for actuality. He gauged that the appropriate response to this challenge was
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for the newspaper to strive for depth and analysis rather than emulate the liveness and immediacy of the new medium. It was a significant achievement that Deamer moved the Australian in a new direction but still more impressive that he was able to do so at a time when the Australian was facing an uncertain future. With circulation below 100,000 copies daily when he joined as associate editor, it was scarcely a paying concern. Deamer was able to take its circulation well above the 100,000 threshold by appealing to a young educated readership, interested in social and political change (Menadue 1999: 110). Foremost on the agenda was the Vietnam War, a catalyst for university protest and ultimately for the anti-war moratoria of 1970-71 when unprecedented numbers of protesters took to the streets in opposition to the War and its continuing escalation. Thus, a new reading public had become polarised around issues of race and international relations well before controversy erupted over the Springbok rugby union tour of Australia and the political law and order campaign which accompanied it. By this time, the Australian had developed a reputation for small l liberalism on a range of social and political matters. Deamer confirmed that his proprietor, Rupert Murdoch, did not prevent the Australian running anti-Vietnam stories (Deamer 1993: 63). Indeed Douglas Brass, Murdochs mentor and a shareholder in the early Australian, was forthright in his editorial opposition to the war (MacCallum 2001: 109). The Australians coverage of the first moratorium in May 1970 confirms a number of these trends. In addition to anti-Vietnam cartoons and columns by Bruce Petty and Bob Duffield respectively, the Australian opposed American escalation of the war into Cambodia and came down on the side of protest:
The Australian supports the dual objectives of the Vietnam moratorium: the withdrawal of foreign troops including Australian troops from Vietnam and the end of conscription. The reasons for this support have been stated in these columns many times. (8 May 1970: 8)
In his Outlook column, Duffield as foreign affairs writer took his analysis of the issues still further by offering a personal viewpoint. He explained his growing opposition to the war over time based upon his regular coverage and visits to Vietnam. For Duffield, the massacre
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of Vietnam civilians at My Lai had been a turning point. However he stopped short of participating in the moratorium, following the stubbornly old-fashioned and idealistic viewpoint that the function of the Fourth Estate is not to participate but to report faithfully and comment independently on what the participants are doing (9 May 1970: 7). Like his editor, Duffield, took the view that the journalist was a loner rather than a joiner, albeit sympathetic to the view that the world is changing and we must change with it. In contrast with traditional objective reportage, Duffields personalised comments captured the dilemma of press coverage at the time of burgeoning anti-war protest. A second moratorium in July 1971 was less extensively covered in the Australian than the Springbok tour of the same month. Unlike the moratorium, organised to take place on a single day across the country, the Springbok tour and accompanying protests lasted for five full weeks starting in Perth in the last week of June, and continuing across Australia throughout July when the tour climaxed with the declaration of the state of emergency in Queensland. While important stories on Vietnam and the America-China rapprochement made headline news during the same period, political coverage of the tour came to dominate the Australians national news, with front page stories devoted to it appearing on no fewer than seventeen occasions. More often than not, front-page coverage comprised not one but several accounts, many of which were accompanied by photographs of police and protesters. In retrospect, Deamer was in no doubt that the Springbok tour sounded my death knell as editor of the Australian. The earliest pressure on him, however, came not from Murdoch and managers but from his own staff. At the outset of the tour, he received a number of deputations from Australian journalists, urging him not to report the tour as a way of protesting against it (Deamer 1993: 57). However, Deamer resisted this request and instead, took the initiative, despatching Tim Dare from the papers Melbourne office to cover the tour nationally. Dare recalls:
I was the Melbourne bureaus leading news reporter and general feature writer, and Sydney was no longer automatic first choice for interstate jobs. I had covered a lot of demonstrations during the Vietnam War, and also
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knew the Springboks were to arrive that night by air from South Africa. I had to drive back to Elwood, pack, make the four and a half hour flight, and get and file the story. The time gap would help as Perth is usually at least two hours behind Sydney, and I might get there before the close of businessThe tour was on alright. I would cover it from Perth to Brisbane, via Adelaide, Melbourne, Sydney, Canberra and Orange. The tour got large coverage not only in the Australian but in all major newspapers, and I wrote features on the run. (Dare 2001)
On 25 June 1971, the Australian began its coverage with the dramatic headline Unionists warn McMahon over the Prime Ministers offer of the RAAF to fly the Springboks around the country after unions imposed a transport ban. Alongside a photo of the South African players and ACTU President, Bob Hawke, who was visiting Western Australia to negotiate with local unionists, the Australian printed a front page editorial entitled Cynical misuse of RAAF by McMahon. Written by Dominic Nagle at Deamers request, it attacked the Prime Ministers offer of the RAAF as the most cynical exercise in the misuse of public resources for private political gain (25 June: 1). After denouncing the offer as divisive and damaging to national unity, the same editorial concluded forcefully that a man so reckless for so cynical a reason is not fit to lead the government of this country. Nagle recalled prior to publication that Deamer picked over the editorial like a holy writ and was pretty tough about what went in (Nagle 2002). Aware of its potential seriousness, Deamer informed his new editor-in-chief Tom Fitzgerald of its content. Fitzgerald, formerly the Sydney Morning Heralds leading economics writer and editor of Nation, had been recently recruited to the Australian with encouragement from Deamer. Yet he was to play an ambivalent role in the dismissal which followed only weeks later; for Fitzgerald was one of a number of senior News executives who failed to inform Deamer of Murdochs intentions. A prominent journalist himself, Fitzgerald was not involved personally in the move against Deamer. Rather, it was triggered by complaints outside the newspaper, in all probability from within the ranks of the ruling Coalition. Prime Minister McMahon himself was a well-known lobbyist of the media. In Sydney, he relied on his old school ties with Sir Frank
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Packer, as the Daily Telegraph owner until the latter sold the Telegraphs to Murdoch in 1972 (Griffin-Foley 2000: 311-313), thereby depriving him of much needed media support. During 1969, it was Gorton in the Cabinet, rather than McMahon, who assisted Murdoch in clearing his bid for the British tabloid News of the World (Hancock 2002). Moreover, the Sunday Australian was serialising Gortons memoirs at the time of the tour, suggesting that he remained closer to Murdoch than his successor and political rival. In mid-1971, Murdoch, as yet unsure of a Whitlam victory, was reluctant to antagonise McMahon or the Coalition (Nagle 2002). Still overseas, Murdoch did not respond immediately. Neither Nagle nor Deamer received direct communications from their proprietor over the front page anti-McMahon leader. As early as late 1970, clear signs were emerging that Murdoch was having serious reservations about the direction in which Deamer was taking the Australian. He complained that his editor no longer contacted him and successfully demanded the removal of forthright columnists like Mungo MacCallum and Ray Taylor (Deamer 1993: 55). MacCallum, reporting from the Canberra gallery, received a phone call from Deamer in late 1970 advising him that his editor could no longer protect him and that his own situation was becoming precarious (McCallum 2000). Deamer had resolutely resisted sudden changes to the paper and was prepared to fight Murdochs steady stream of demands (Ramsey 2001). Thus far he had survived on the strength of the Australians improved circulation and performance. In this respect, he appeared to be in a stronger position than his predecessor, Max Newton, who had suffered for an outspoken editorial on state aid (McConnell 1966: 16-17). It was not altogether surprising however, that Murdoch would seize on the front page anti-McMahon editorial as evidence that Deamer had gone too far. As Nagles testimony confirms, Deamer was aware that he was on sensitive ground in opposing the Springbok tour. Issues of apartheid and race were bound up with the emergence of Aboriginal grievances, both before and subsequent to the historic 1967 referendum. Indeed it was becoming virtually impossible to separate international and national concerns over the mistreatment of indigenous peoples. The Australian had not merely supported a Yes vote for Aboriginal
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citizenship rights at the 1967 referendum; Deamer took the innovative step of employing John Nufong, the first Aboriginal journalist to write for a daily newspaper. At the risk of antagonising his own management at a time when News Limited was investing in mining, the Australian continued to run Aboriginal stories during 1970-71, amplifying television coverage by the ABCs Four Corners. During the Springbok tour, the Australian continued to publish letters by Charles Perkins (22 July: 8) and Wattie Creek residents (8 July: 9) in relation to apartheid and the Gove land claim. Two Australian columnists who wrote on Aboriginal issues at the time were Peter Hastings (6 May 1970: 12) and Bob Duffield. In his Outlook column, Duffield linked the Springbok tour directly to Aboriginal recognition, concluding soberly:
Violence. Oh yes there will be violence. Some of it alas may be started by hotheads among the anti-apartheid people, but most of it will be inflicted on the protesters by organised thugs or shorthaired ex-college boys. (26 June 1970: 9)
Duffields comments proved to be accurate, given the confrontations which developed not only between police and demonstrators but between rugby union supporters and demonstrators. But by the time the tour reached Queensland, the last scheduled leg and scene of ongoing tour violence, the Australians voice was abruptly muted and Deamer sacked. A tour correspondent for the London Times, Stewart Harris who was himself arrested by police at an Adelaide game, made a number of important observations about press coverage of the protests. His Political Football (1972), written during and immediately after the tour, documents not only unprovoked violence by rugby supporters with the collusion of the police, but also the reluctance of state-based dailies like the Adelaide Advertiser to cover the anti-apartheid cause in any depth. At Adelaide, the second capital city visited by the touring Springboks:
The Adelaide Advertiser had been notified of the (anti-apartheid) meeting. However it was not reported and this was typical of a lack of interest by the
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Australian press, with very honourable exceptions, in the anti-apartheid movement, its rationale and its leaders. (Harris 1962: 68)
An exception was the Australians profile of the British protest organiser, Peter Hain, who arrived in Brisbane in late June to take part in the national campaign. State-based dailies, including the West Australian (26 June: 8) and the Adelaide Advertiser (24 June: 1) preferred to report the politics of the tour in conventional party terms as a test of power between McMahon and the Coalition, on one hand, and Bob Hawke, President of the ACTU, and the unions on the other. In general, newspaper neglect of the Australian-based anti-apartheid and Aboriginal leaders, confirmed the limits of conventional daily reporting. The inclusion of features critical of the South African regime and its racist politics did however provide some balance, without directly implicating the Prime Minister or the Coalition (Harris 1972: 244). Regardless of management concerns about the papers anti-tour stance, Tim ttDare continued to cover the games in each capital city, providing front-page reports of clashes and arrests by police. After Stewart Harris was charged at the Adelaide game, however, the task of journalists reporting the tour became more difficult. Police assaults on its own reporters in Victoria appeared prominently in the Age, as four separate stories grouped together on a single page with photos of the journalists involved (Age, 5 July: 4). Subsequently five Melbourne journalists lodged a formal complaint of assault against Victorian police over their handling of the Melbourne demonstrations on the 3 and 4 July. Outside the Melbourne ground, the Australian documented cases of unwarranted aggression by special squad and Victorian mounted police against demonstrators in its headline story Police arrest 200 in Springbok riot (4 July: 1). Harris later considered that Dare and Zachariah had if anything understated the situation. Certainly Victorian police employed sterner methods than their Adelaide counterparts, while under less pressure. Press photographers and television camera crews were coming under increased scrutiny with attempts to intimidate and ban them from games in Sydney. Complementing the graphic television reports was intensive newspaper photographic coverage, including front-page photos accompanying the Australians headlines
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and articles. Most of the pictures, initially of police and demonstrators, or of police guarding rugby grounds, guaranteed the tour a prominent place in the minds of readers, and invariably polarised an already shocked nation. Letters and reports to the Australian (8 July: 5; 28 July, p.8) confirmed the dismay of readers at the apartheid-like atmosphere which had come to prevail. Tim Dare brought the volatility of the protests to the attention of Deamer who, from his countenance, took my comment seriously (Dare, 2001). The Australian responded editorially to the new turn of events by arguing for a boycott of the game rather than violent protest (9 July: 9). Taking a middle line, the same newspaper distanced itself from Peter Hains remarks about the concentration camp conditions of the Melbourne game (8 July: 5), but still reserved its sharpest criticism for the McMahon government. Anticipating the Queensland leg and the politics of confrontation, an editorial of 9 July observed:
It may be true that this violence is electorally useful to the Government. But it has caused such tension in our community that the Government would be grossly deficient in leadership, if it did not use its influence to stop this tour which should never have taken place. (p.9)
Although not in all probability from Deamers pen, this editorial, published a fortnight after the front page criticism of McMahon, confirms that Deamer had not altered his original assessment of the tour as a serious miscalculation. If management were seeking to mute the paper by osmosis, then it was not yet apparent in relation to the tour. The forthrightness of the Australian can be measured against the coverage of state-based dailies, including the Age, which, while critical of the ARU (Australian Rugby Union), and of local politicians and the police, were much less reluctant to blame the Coalition at federal level or criticise a media sensitive Prime Minister. At the same time as management were preparing to move against him, journalists on Deamers paper were becoming, if anything, more militant in opposition to the tour. The non-joiner view, articulated by Duffield on behalf of journalists during the second Vietnam moratorium was becoming less tenable. Dominic Nagle, for example, while holding a moderate editorial line, did not hesitate to join anti-Springbok demonstrations outside their hotel when the tour reached Sydney. There was no doubt
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that the severity of the Melbourne events alienated sections of the media and some Australian journalists felt that their paper had taken a step back editorially, after its hard-hitting initial comments (Nagle 2002). If journalists and the AJA were critical of police tactics, the Australian, under Deamers watchful eye, maintained close yet balanced coverage of events throughout most of July. Coverage of demonstrations shifted to the actions of police who were forced to defend a wire-topped picket fence at the Randwick end of the Sydney Cricket Ground against local protesters. Dare, in his report of 14 July, considered that it was the police rather than demonstrators who stole the initiative on this occasion by acting in a restrained if assertive manner, arresting 142 people. Don Whitington, penning a co-feature in the same issue, contrasted the effective small group tactics employed by students in Hong Kong to those of their Australian counterparts. By this time, influential sections of the Sydney media were coming out against the protesters. According to Stewart Harris (1972: 99-100), the Sydney Morning Herald, on the morning of the Springbok New South Wales match, and only three days after joining with the Australian in condemning the tour, attacked the demonstrators as louts and peddlers of hatred and violence. In a torrid battle involving Sydney demonstrators and 500 police, 42 were arrested including members of an ABC film team. Police were now acting on their threat to ban press and film camera crews from spectator areas (Harris 1972: 101). Protest organiser Peter Hain, on the eve of returning to the United Kingdom (Australian 8 July: 5), expressed confidence that protests during the tour had effectively prevented any likelihood of a Springbok cricket tour of Australia later in the year. Yet neither protesters nor the press were prepared for the potential escalation in violence on the final tour leg, when Queensland Premier, Joh Bjelke-Petersen, opportunistically declared a state of emergency in preparation for the Springboks arrival. In the same week as the focus moved to Canberra and Queensland, international stories like Nixons ground- breaking visit to China competed with the tour for front-page space. While the Age printed tour commentary by international correspondents like Harris, the Australian published a similar but more restrained letter by Ernest Shirley, overseas reporter for the South African and New
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York press. Shirley, though less outspoken than Harris, addressed the international ramifications of the tour, including its law and order politics, and acknowledged the full glare of publicity given to the violent protests nation wide (16 July: 9). Editorial reaction by state-based dailies to Queensland political extremism tended to confirm Shirleys observations about law and order and the intense media publicity which it generated. The Adelaide Advertiser, which had previously attacked union bans on the Springboks, now described the Queensland Premiers move as a gross overreaction, adding that:
Abroad it could be construed as a hysterical and improper exhibition in favour of ambassadors of apartheid. (15 July: 2)
By contrast, the West Australian took comfort in the success achieved by the Bjelke-Petersen government in two by-elections and the relative calm imposed at the Brisbane Exhibition Ground match, to assert that:
They (Queenslanders) are fed up with the disgraceful demonstrations against the Springboks. Their tolerance will be further strained by the general strike in Queensland, and the commandeering by students by the Queensland Student Union complex, both directly related to the Springbok tour. (22 July: 6)
If the state-based dailies were leaning towards the Heralds harder line on protest, the Australian saw in Queensland developments a vindication of its earlier front-page editorial attacking McMahon for fomenting national divisiveness. Its editorial, Dangerous Folly in Queensland (14 July: 10) made explicit the link between these two political moves and opposed the Queensland government decision on civil libertarian grounds. But the consistency of the Australians stance in the face of internal and external pressures was, if anything, to prove Deamers undoing. Murdoch seized upon the front page editorial of 25 June as the worst thing that happened to the Australian since Max Newton wrote a story that there should not be school aid for Catholic Schools right back in 1964 (Deamer 1993: 59). The exact circumstances of Deamers dismissal, after a face-to-face confrontation with his proprietor,
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constitute a story in themselves, but it is clear from subsequent changes that the Australians insistent probing of social and racial issues, culminating in its criticism of the tour and McMahon, was a major contributing factor. Given that the offending editorial was written at the outset of the tour, almost a month prior to his replacement, it is remarkable that Deamer held such a consistent editorial line in face of growing pressure from News executives and from his own journalists. Ultimately however, he paid a price for his independence and, after declining Murdochs unusually generous offer of another position with the organisation, left full-time journalism thereafter. On the 24 July, with the Queensland leg of the tour still to be played, the Australian announced major internal changes. Bruce Rothwell, an Australian-born journalist with experience in the United Kingdom, became the Australians editor-in-chief having been editor of the Sunday Australian, while Owen Thomson, Deamers deputy, replaced him as editor (24 July: 1). Rothwell, who had emerged as a rival to Deamer in his role as Sunday Australian editor, played an influential role in moving the Australian away from the political centre, where Deamer had positioned it, towards the right of the political spectrum. Tim Dare, the Australians Springbok reporter, remembered that staff resented his (Rothwells) intrusion and that he was politically well right of centre (2001). In his new executive role, Rothwell sat in on news conferences and responded negatively to Aboriginal stories and social issues. Bob Duffield later informed Nagle of a managerial directive issued after Deamers sacking not to print a black face on page one again (Nagle 2002). When staff wrote in protest to their proprietor about the tactics of Rothwell and Chris Forsyth, Owen Thomson, the new Australian editor who was fishing with Murdoch in southern New South Wales, reported back that: Murdoch tore the letter up after reading it and cast it into the water
(Dare 2001).
Although James Hall, Thomsons immediate editorial successor in 1973, restored morale on the Australian subsequently, it was significant that Rothwell, intensely suspicious of colleagues and indifferent to its younger readership, returned to the paper in 1982, confirming in the
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process that, while he may have alienated some staff, he had not lost the confidence of Murdoch or of News management. By the last week of July, the effects of editorial changes at the Australian were apparent on its coverage of the Springbok tour. Following the news of Deamers departure, Tim Dare, still reporting on Queensland, recalled:
I spoke with Thomson who non-committally pulled me off the Rugby tour, despite my protesting that having gone this long, I should finish it. He did not comment on coverage, but told me to go back to the Melbourne bureau where I was based at the time. (Dare 2001)
Dares recollection of the volte face under Deamers successor confirms that coverage of the Springbok tour and accompanying social issues had become a thorn in the side of News management. The wrapup feature of the tour which Dare had been assigned was duly filed but never published and the Australian ran no report from Toowoomba where demonstrators became the butt of violence, this time by rugby supporters. Symptomatic of the change in editorial attitude was Hugh Lunns front-page article on the Brisbane game in the 26 July. Headed Protest goes to the dogs, it tended to trivialise the protest and celebrate the triumph of law and order, observing that: A tiny brown dog no bigger that a football caused the only interruption at the Springboks match against Queensland yesterday (26 July 1971: 1) The change in the Australians coverage of the tour did not go unnoticed among contemporaries. Stewart Harris, overviewing media coverage, considered that the Springboks would leave behind them an Australia which isnt like the one they found in Perth on June 26, adding that the police have often failed to be impartial and two newspapers, the Sydney Morning Herald and the Australian, have suddenly veered hard right (Harris 1972: 47). In case of the Herald and its proprietor Sir Warwick Fairfax, interference appeared less dramatic; its editorial line continued to evince a mutual dislike of the brutalities on both sides (5 July 1971: 4). By contrast, the impact of Murdoch and Rothwell on the Australian was much more evident, given its staunch liberalism under Deamer. Harriss main criticism of the Australian was that it failed to report the Toowoomba leg of the Queensland tour which saw violence perpetrated against demonstrators by union
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supporters with the collusion of police. So disturbed was Harris about the incident that he began his book Political Football, with a graphic account of the bashing of a demonstrator and his own futile inquires to have the well-known Toowoomba identity responsible brought to account (1972: 15-21). While the Australian forced Dare to abandon Toowoomba coverage, the Herald did print a report of events but one which, in Harriss view, completely failed to make clear that the assault on the demonstrator had been physically unprovoked, that the police had seen it and that police had done nothing (1972: 23). Prior to this, the Australian, under Deamer, covered the Brisbane police charge on demonstrators at the Tower Mill Hotel housing the Springboks, when police seemed to lose their self control and simply charged at demonstrators in a steeply sloped grass park, hitting young women and men indiscriminately the facts and events were there before reporters eyes, who saw it from their windows and ran across Wickham Terrace and into the park to observe the violence as it was taking place (Dare, 8 May 2001). The paper had also anticipated events like the Toowoomba bashing before Deamer departed. As late as 23 July, a letter to the Australian by Aboriginal activist, Charles Perkins, warned of strong arm groups who were intent on doing physical damage to anyone who dared challenge apartheid or the playing of Rugby Union (23 July 1971: 8). That the Australian published Harriss letter of protest over Toowoomba coverage, unlike the Sydney Morning Herald, suggested that the paper, under Deamers successors could not completely ignore protest and protesters. Yet the mantle of liberalism, hard won by Deamer and his staff, would be steadily discarded in favour of Melbourne competitors like Graham Perkins Age. Stewart Harris, for example, singled out the Ages correspondent, Ken Hooper, for praise over his report of the Toowoomba incident (1972: 23-24) and addressed most of his tour correspondence to that paper. This was no doubt due in part to the role played by the Age in publicising his own arrest and that of AJA members on staff who had been manhandled in Melbourne. Like the Australian, the Age had been critical of McMahons action in invoking the aid of the RAAF, and of police tactics at Melbourne games (2 July: 9). But it preferred diplomacy to confrontation in refusing
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to single out the Prime Minister as the Australian was to do and in offering the Coalition alternative courses of action (Age, 14 July: 8). In time, the star of Perkin would rise at the expense of Deamer and his talented young staff, although supporters felt that the Australian editor had had to demonstrate greater courage in his dealings with newspaper management (MacCallum 2000). Despite his praise of the Age, Harris remained generally dissatisfied with daily press coverage of the tour. In his view, even the more consistent and accurate reportage of the Age, Australian, Canberra Times and Financial Review, failed to give sufficient attention to the anti-apartheid leaders and their views. An unwillingness to make the radical point of view respectable ensured the ascendancy of political reaction and the law and order lobby. With respect to Murdochs intervention and Deamers departure, Harris attributed both political and economic motives to the Australian proprietor. Moreover, he interprets Murdochs response as tantamount to support for the Prime Minister, Billy McMahon. In hindsight, this appears unlikely, even in mid 1971, some eighteen months before Whitlam and the ALP swept him from power. McMahon was certainly sensitive to media criticism but Murdoch had been a Gorton ally rather than a McMahon supporter from the late 1960s. McMahons lack of faith in Murdoch, after Packer sold his Telegraph to News Limited in early 1972, was patent according to Bridget Griffen-Foley (2000: 311313). Moreover, the 1972 election campaign in which the Australian pursued McMahon mercilessly confirms that Murdoch did not hold the Prime Minister in high regard (MacCallum 2001: 222). Rather, it was Gorton who had assisted Murdoch in getting his purchase of News of the World through Cabinet; it was also Gortons reminiscences which the Sunday Australian had undertaken to serialise at the time of the Springbok tour. Given the leadership sensitivity within the Coalition and Gortons fall from grace by the time of the tour, he would not, in all probability, have intervened directly on McMahons behalf. Yet McMahons sensitivity to mounting negative publicity in the media was such that direct pressure from the Prime Minister and representatives of the South African government, now actively writing in the press, was likely to be real and sustained. Moreover, the following election was still far enough away for Murdoch to want to cultivate both sides
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of the spectrum, with a view to favourable consideration of his West Australian mining investments (Nagle 2002). By 1971, Murdoch was also concerned about the onset of the recession and the impact it would have on his newspapers. But any short-term decline in the Australians circulation after the Poseidon boom was more than offset by the generally positive trend under Deamer. In conclusion, the Springbok tour can be seen as the climax of growing differences between the owner and editor over the direction of the paper. In the view of Deamer and his associate editor, Alan Ramsey, the Australian, as the countrys only national daily, should play a central role in reporting national politics and scrutinising the tired brand of leadership which characterised the post-Menzies coalition. Under Deamer, the Australian brought Aboriginal issues to national attention and helped increase pressure for federal intervention by criticising the conservative state-based bureaucracies which still controlled Aboriginal affairs. In this respect, the paper, under Deamers editorship, may have done its job too well. Most of the state-based dailies either supported the anti-unionism of the Coalition or, in the case of more liberal papers like the Age, focussed on local coverage rather than openly criticising the Coalition or its federal leader. Murdoch had previously intervened to tone-down criticism by the Australian of senior Canberra politicians particular, including Gortons leadership. The anti-McMahon editorial, however pertinent and carefully worded, became, in retrospect, the trigger for the disintegration of a notable post-war newspaper combination and for the premature decline of the Australians liberal reputation.
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References
Cryle, Denis (2000), Addressing the Nation: Adrian Deamer and the Australian newspaper, University of Canberra, Australian Communication Lives seminar, unpublished. Dare, Tim (2001), Interview with the author, 8 May. Deamer, Adrian (1993), Interview with Stewart Harris, Canberra: National Library. Griffen-Foley, Bridget (2002), Sir Frank Packer: The Young Master, Sydney: Harper Collins. Hancock, Ian (2002), Sir John Gorton: He Did It His Way, Sydney: Hodder Headline Australia. Harris, Stewart (1972), Political Football: The Springbok Tour of 1971, Melbourne: Gold Star. Horne, Donald (1980), Time of Hope, Australia 1966-72, Sydney: Angus and Robertson. MacCallum, Mungo (2000), Interview with the author, 16 August. MacCallum, Mungo (2001), Mungo: The Man Who Laughs, Sydney: Duffy and Snellgrove. McConnell, Alan (1966), Anatomy of the Australian, Dissent, Winter: 13-18. Menadue, John (1999), Things You Learn Along the Way, Melbourne: Lovell. Nagle, Dominic (2002), Interview with the author, 14 February.
Dr Cryle is Associate Professor in the Faculty of Informatics and Communication at Central Queensland University, Rockhampton.
Australian Studies Book Reviewsin Journalism 10-11: 2001-02, pp.223-241 223
Book reviews
Global communication: Theories, stakeholders, and trends
Thomas L. McPhail Boston: Allyn and Bacon. (2002). xvi+272pp.
cPhail says this book provides the most powerful explanation of the contemporary phenomenon of global communication (p. 245) through the dual theoretical prisms of electronic colonialism and world-system perspectives (p. 243). He contends that the theories of modernisation, dependency, and cultural imperialism have fallen by the wayside because of their failure to match reality. McPhail, a professor of communication at the University of Missouri at St. Louis, was also the author of the 1986 book Electronic Colonialism. Thus, his desire to tie his pet concept with the more established world-system approach is understandable. McPhail defines electronic colonialism as the peripheral countries dependence on the core countries for the software, engineers, technicians, and related information protocols that to varying degrees help alter domestic cultures, habits, values, and the socialisation process itself (McPhail:14). In the context of this definition, however, his choice of the word colonialism is misleading. Said (1993) makes a distinction between imperialism and colonialism: imperialism is the practice, the theory, and the attitudes of a dominating metropolitan center ruling a distant territory (Said: 9); colonialism is the implanting of settlements on distant territory, a consequence of imperialism (Said: 9). Wallerstein developed a Eurocentric world system theory in 1974. Although other scholars Frank and Chase-Dunn, among others have produced different versions of this theory, McPhail appears to have chosen the original model that saw the world in terms of a core-semiperiphery-periphery structure. The core comprised the few winners of the competition for ceaseless capital accumulation in the
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world economy. However, because McPhail has merely used the bare bones of the theory with hardly any attention to its flesh (essential concepts such as primary and secondary exploitation inherent in the world capitalist economy, world order and world polity associated with the interstate system, as well as global trends and cycles), his claim to have done the most powerful explanation of the contemporary phenomenon of global communication rings hollow. Neither McPhail nor the seven reviewers of his manuscript have detected obvious errors that will deter teachers from adopting it as a textbook. In the first chapter (p. 17), McPhail says 30+ countries constitute the core zone: the United States, Canada, Japan, the European Union, Australia, New Zealand, and Israel. Then, he goes on to say that 20+ countries constitute the semiperiphery: Austria, Denmark, Finland, Sweden, Switzerland, Hungary, Poland, Russia, Slovenia, Malta, Egypt, China, Singapore, South Korea, India, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Venezuela, and others. The error is in listing the first four countries, which are EU members, in the semiperiphery as well. Other questions: Why is Switzerland in the semiperiphery and Israel in the core? What criteria did McPhail use to categorise these two hierarchies? Because the three structural hierarchies are central to McPhails analysis, he should have researched the available literature on the three hierarchies (e.g., Boswell & Chase-Dunn, 2000; Gunaratne, 2001) more thoroughly. McPhail makes no distinction between international communication (the title of the first chapter) and global communication (the title of the book). He makes no mention of the book on the same subject area that immediately preceded his, viz., Thussu (2000). Even though he refers to the work of Smythe and Frederick (p. 38), his bibliography has no place for them or for international communication luminary Merrill and world-system- theory revisionist Frank. He misidentifies Peter Golding as Golden (p. 159, note 2). He claims that the Nonaligned Movement planned to set up a wire service, Inter Press Services, which would begin as a pool of contributing government information services (p. 180) thereby confusing IPS with the Nonaligned News Agencies Pool. He makes no technical distinction among countries, nations, and territories when he refers to over 200 nations (p. 118) or some
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210 countries (p. 126) whereas the United Nations comprises 189 member countries excluding Switzerland, Taiwan, and the Holy See. He takes liberties with geography when he refers to Asia, India, and the Middle East (p. 85) as if these are mutually exclusive. He also takes liberties with language with the indiscriminate use of spokespersons and spokespeople (p. 129). The book gives the impression of a work written in a hurry. The author has inserted last-minute revisions without necessarily altering the text of the original manuscript. The result is confusion. Example 1: Figure 3.1 ranks the global media leaders differently from the revised text that appears immediately below the figure (p. 48). Thus, the reader has to guess the second-rank holder (Viacom or Disney?) and the fourth-rank holder (News Corp. or Bertelsmann?). The subsequent discussion sticks to the ranks in the figure (pp. 56, 58). Example 2: In an updated paragraph at the end of the discussion on CNN (p. 131), McPhail points out CNNs loss of market share to FOX News and other cable news services following the merger with AOL/Time Warner. An earlier paragraph, on the contrary, asserts, Even with rivals such as MSNBC and FOX News, CNN has managed to maintain its solid firstplace position (p. 124). Example 3: Writing about the International Telecommunication Union, McPhail asserts that ITU appears to be a potential big loser if large organisations such as Comsat and Intelsat are privatized (p. 214). The if becomes a fact in a sentence, which mentions that Lockheed Martin acquired Comsat in 2000 and Intelsat itself was privatised in 2001, inserted after the next paragraph. Why wasnt the if sentence edited to fit the fact? Example 4: McPhail draws attention to Western medias opposition to Article 12 of the draft mass-media declaration that UNESCO took up at its 1976 General Assembly in Nairobi (pp. 181-182). Article 12 required that national governments take responsibility for all media systems. Then, he jumps into the future the British control of the national press during the Falkland invasion of 1982 to explain the past, viz., the Western medias opposition to the declaration. McPhail does not use the world-system approach to its fullest potential to analyse systematically the global, regional, and national media. His is more a journalistic approach that uses the WST
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framework in a superficial manner. For example, the chapter on the role of global advertising provides a plethora of details pertaining to the top 10 global agencies with little attention to unfolding their operation through the applications of the powerful concepts associated with the world system approach. Thus, his work pales in contrast to that of Anderson (1984) who used Galtungs structural theory of imperialism to analyse the role of advertising in Asia. Andersons book fails to get into McPhails bibliography. McPhails chapter on the Internet has much to be desired. He claims that since 1995, when the National Science Foundation gave up control of the Internet, no one organization, government, or corporation owns the Internet (p. 222). He fails to document the evolution of the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers, and the subsequent institutionalisation of the Internet. Mueller (2002) has documented the taming of the Internet through a name-space regime agreed on by ICANN, the World Intellectual Property Organization, and the US Commerce Department. I am reluctant to recommend Global Communication as a suitable textbook until the author and the publisher produce an intellectually stimulating, better-edited, error-free edition. References
Anderson, M.H. (1984), Madison Avenue in Asia: Politics and transnational advertising, Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses. Boswell, T. & C. Chase-Dunn (2000), The spiral of capitalism and socialism, Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner. Gunaratne, S.A. (2001), Prospects and limitations of world system theory for media analysis: The case of the Middle East and North Africa, Gazette, 63, 121-148. Mueller, M.L. (2002), Ruling the root: Internet governance and the taming of cyberspace, Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. Said, E.W. (1993), Culture and imperialism, New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Thussu, D.K. (2000), International communication: Continuity and change, London: Arnold.
Shelton A. Gunaratne Minnesota State University, Moorhead
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Interviewing
Gail Sedorkin & Judy McGregor Sydney: Allen & Unwin, Australia, 184 pp.
his compact volume slips neatly into the bookshelf amid bulkier texts of a more general nature. And that is the strength of this publication. It is the quintessential catch-all of journalism interviewing with tips, techniques and tales covering all interviewing forms in one easy-to-read volume. Interviewing, as the unpretentious title suggests, is very much a how to guide to the art. It does not disguise the fact that much of the material it presents is familiar to practitioners and teachers of journalism who have read similar material in one text or another or, having done similar things themselves, have come to acknowledge that this is how things are done. All the familiar stuff is there: research, interview types, developing background knowledge, open and closed questions, the constraints of time and a range of other daily concerns. So this book is not about telling experienced people what is new apart from, of course, recounting tales from some of Australias finest to replace those relevant, though more distant, United States examples who people the pages of texts such as Biagi (1986). The time and effort in gathering this information will stand the work in good stead, since this leavening material is spliced between the nuts and bolts information, which somehow seems more stark and less real when presented in isolation. It also adds that reassuring touch where the masters of the form reveal that they too once grappled with the very complexities that beginners reading this text will be seeking to unravel. If I might suggest improvements: perhaps a little on why the interviewers chosen are good at what they do and an outline of the distinguishing features of their particular style; some attempt perhaps to answer that perennial student question Who do you think is a good interviewer? and the supplementary What is it that makes them good? Perhaps, however, that leads to another topic best left for another day.
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The move from matters of concept and content in relating the interviewing art to a discussion of the contribution of the books layout and design, opens new areas for commendation. No section is long, each is clearly marked, and the essence of each chapter is highlighted through the use of borders, which causes the content to leap out of the page at the reader. This is ideal for nervous undergraduates seeking to quickly orient to the best interview approach as the crucial moment draws near. Equally ideally, the book does not limit itself to the process of the interview itself. It starts its exposition well before the first question is asked. Various sections work through all those things that might frustrate attempts even to contact the person with whom the interviewer wishes to speak. The tips for getting around the gatekeepers bear repetition and are neatly presented here for those times when journalism students simply run out of inspiration. In conclusion, this book is a welcome addition to the journalism booklist, as much for what it signals as for what it achieves. I see this as a potential first step that provides the bedrock for a more thoroughgoing research project based on journalism interviewing. For something so central to the journalists identity, the theory and practice of the interview has spent too much time as an addendum to other discussions, rather than a topic in its own right. I hope this book represents the beginning of work that brings the interview into the limelight. Interviewing is well worth the asking price and should feature on the frequently used shelf of teachers and exponents of this journalism form. References
Biagi, S. (1986), Interviews That Work: A Practical Guide for Journalists, Wadsworth Publishing Company, California.
Leo Bowman Queensland University of Technology
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Understanding Journalism (1)

Lynette Sheridan Burns London: SAGE Publications, 2002, 186 pp.
hether you are a journalist, journalism academic or a journalism student, understanding journalism can be as simple as colouring in by numbers except someone keeps lobbing in fractions and equations. When understanding journalism comes in book form, comprehending this routinely maligned and profoundly misunderstood profession represents more than a modest challenge. Is journalism, indeed, a profession, craft or trade? Are journalists born or made? In fact, what is a journalist and journalism? Can someone understand journalism in a lecture theatre any more than an athlete can learn about competitive sport on the practice pitch? Such questions are raised and admirably answered in a valuable addition to Australias growing canon of homespun journalism textbooks. Understanding Journalism, by Lynette Sheridan Burns, is a practically based book that aims to guide neophytes as well as working journalists through journalisms fundamental work practices. It is particularly adept at examining the processes and frameworks through which journalists confront and resolve daily problems. The early pages set forth theoretical underpinnings for media practices and policies. These are canvassed in sections on newsgathering, news values, news and feature writing, interviewing and editing as well as on training systems and journalism education. Burns does not profess to detail the how to of the profession. Rather, she seeks to emphasise journalisms thinking processes, or the why and why not of the journalisms daily ruminations. In the preface Burns observes that there is a difference between knowledge and understanding. This is an especially germane distinction for beginners who are told how things are done, but not why. The author enumerates the difficulties facing market-driven journalism and its conflicting pressures and influences. In that regard,
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there are some quibbles. Chief among them is that some students may get the impression journalists approach their tasks with the owners financial well being in mind. Burns says that while it is the journalists role to inform society, it is their job to increase the profits of his or her employer. Although this may be an owners view, and surely is not Burnss view, it most assuredly is not the view of most working journalists. In any case, the distinctions are not clearly drawn and will leave some readers confused. In the same vein, Burns also references herself, twice, as observing that, for journalists, every decision is at once a professional decision, a commercial decision and an ethical decision. Does this tell students that journalists routinely consider whether a story will upset advertisers? Or does a commercial decision mean some, or many, journalists see readers as little more than potential customers for advertisers? This apparent conflation of readers and public interests and advertisers and corporate interests without effective church and state backgrounding is jarring. The author also quotes without comment theorist John Hartleys curious contention that journalism education seeks to produce architects while turning out real-estate salesmen. The architect works in the best interest of the client while the property hawker is interested only in a sale. One wonders what students will make of this observation by someone with as much experience in journalism as this reviewer has in cultural theory. Discussion of media markets would be better informed by recognition of the impacts of increasing ownership concentrations and market fragmentation. Also, Burns builds a case that journalism supports societys dominant groups and the status quo at the expense of minority audiences and cultural evolution. Few would argue that the media avidly or frequently take on the big end of town. But the text does not recognise that the media frequently are criticised for giving inordinate time and space to noisy minorities at the silent majoritys expense. Equally, there is no acknowledgement that societys corporate and governmental interests regularly complain about media attacks, or that more Walkley Awards have been won for reporting on indigenous issues than on any other topic.
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Burns is to be applauded for dedicating significant space to ethical journalism. Several pages are devoted to a fictional privacy-versuspublic-interest dilemma in which a mayors wife is found guilty of shoplifting. The magistrate records no conviction after accepting she was recovering from a nervous breakdown and was heavily medicated at the time. Burns says the book may pose questions that give rise to other questions not considered. This is one of them. In a lengthy discussion about whether a court reporter should write a story about the case, there is no recognition that court reporters should be watchdogs of the justice system. When that system finds someone guilty but chooses not to record it, does the public have a right to know? Should the public, not the reporter, determine whether the magistrates ruling was appropriate, regardless of whether the defendant is prominent or will be upset by the court story? Given the suspicion that tends to surround court decisions not to record convictions, especially those involving police and lawyers, some editors may expect all such cases to be reported. Although Burns excels in discussing various ethical dilemmas and commercial considerations that journalists face, there is scope to outline the free-speech limitations imposed by courts and parliaments. For Australian students, understanding journalism cannot occur without an appreciation of the oppressive environment in which journalists operate. Understanding journalism also cannot occur without awareness of an industrial and legal climate that victimises journalists who strive to remain ethical and idealistic while meeting mortgage commitments. One wonders how many journalism academics have resigned or been sacked in defending their principles, or did so as journalists. Admittedly, such concerns are easily recorded but not so easily paralleled by solutions. They also are outweighed by the books many strengths. The tensions between corporate profit and public service are, of course, an integral part of the system. If that system is to evolve, however glacially, towards a more enlightened and better-informed society, the inspiration is more likely to come from journalists and educators like Burns rather than from politicians, judges or media barons. Understanding Journalism includes common-sense navigational
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devices to assist those seeking to negotiate journalisms inherently tricky terrain. In so doing, Burns presents an effective counterpoint to practitioners who insist reflection is the preserve of academics who have not been in a newsroom since the typewriter was king. The author is convincing in remarking that, despite unforgiving deadline pressures, it is possible to think and do at the same time: Instead of relying on theoretical knowledge to explain everything, the reflective practitioner is constantly testing ideas against practical experience. Instead of making problems fit existing categories, the reflective practitioners constructs the categories that will enable him or her to find a suitable response. Journalists are in the explaining business but, as many cadets have discovered, their tongues tend to knot when it comes to their own craft. In that respect, Understanding Journalism represents a lifejacket for the sink-or-swim newsroom. David Conley University of Queensland
Understanding Journalism (2)

Lynette Sheridan Burns London: SAGE Publications, 2002, 186 pp.
ynette Sheridan Burns embarked on an ambitious task when she set out to explain to novices entering the profession how to understand journalism. After all, as she freely admits, few journalists can articulate what it is they do. It is a continuing irony that journalists, the professional disseminators of society, find it difficult to put into words the intellectual processes they use when they work (p. 5). It is further complicated by the fact that journalism takes many guises and is constantly undergoing change. The advent of the Internet and self-publishing has meant that defining journalists is more complicated than ever.
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Sheridan Burns argues that while there may not be one journalism, there is a common way in which all journalists approach their work regardless of the medium or the type of story. It may be argued, she says, that while a court story may illustrate different priorities to community news, the thinking processes are the same. (p.13) Thus Understanding Journalism is really about understanding journalists and how they think. It is about trying to convey the sorts of conversations journalists have with themselves when deciding how to gather and disseminate news. Sheridan Burns argues that it is a combination of active decision-making and critical reflection that is the most important thing a journalist needs. There are some who take the position that these things can not be taught. The book acknowledges this position. For generations of journalists, the only desirable way to learn the craft was on the job by trial and error. There was a widespread belief that journalists were born not made, that the package of skills required to be a journalist was a gift, an intrinsic ability. (p.5) Not surprisingly, Sheridan Burns, a journalism educator for the past 10 years and now Associate Professor of Journalism at the University of Western Sydney, disputes this view. But she does acknowledge that the changing nature of the media environment challenges the way journalism is taught. The changing and changeable nature of media practice is such that it makes no sense to teach it as a set of skills, because the required skills are changing all the time. It is through identifying and internalising the underlying processes used in decision making that professional knowledge is realized in action. (p.13) Her book is aimed at students of journalism as well as those within the profession without formal training or those who want to do what they do better. It approaches the task of understanding journalism in two parts. The first section, From Knowing How to Being Able, is largely theoretical looking at how professional journalists develop their skills and understanding. Part two, Journalism in Action, looks at the things journalists do identifying news, evaluating information and sources, writing and editing news. Each chapter begins with a news scenario which is a useful link to
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start students thinking clearly about how the theory might be applied in a real-work situation. Breaking down the task to diagram form to clearly show the decision and action path also increases understanding of the process in action. The further action sections at the end of each chapter set sensible, relevant tasks which could easily be applied in a journalism classroom setting. If there is a criticism it is that the book tries to do too much. Understanding Journalism means understanding the many and varied tasks that journalists do. In a 186-page text that means that a topic such as sub-editing, which is a whole text in itself, is covered in 20 pages. Although this could be perceived as a weakness, it is equally valid to rate it as a strength as it ensures the books usefulness across a wide number of subjects within a standard journalism school curriculum. It is also true that skills such as sub-editing need to be mastered to some degree as soon as a student starts writing and are not just tasks undertaken by advanced-level students. Likewise, ethical decisions need to be made at every level and concepts such as style and language need to be taken on board from the beginning, not as an add-on. As well as her academic and freelance roles, Sheridan Burns has been actively involved with Response Ability, the student journalist resource kit for reporting on mental illness and suicide developed by the Hunter Institute of Mental Health. It is a little disappointing that one of the scenarios included in the kit is largely repeated in the book. Students in Australian journalism programs are very likely to encounter both resources. A different scenario would have been more appropriate. Even professional practitioners may never truly understand journalism. For the most part they are too busy doing to reflect on what it is they do. Thus it makes sense to equip students starting out in the profession with an idea of how journalists make decisions on the run and think on their feet. Understanding Journalism will go a long way towards doing that. Susan Hetherington Queensland University of Technology
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News in a Globalized Society

Stig Hjarvard (ed) Gteborg: Nordicom, 2001, 236 pp.
he end of the Cold War is widely seen as the beginning of a globalised society, and News in a Globalized Society, edited by Stig Hjarvard, adheres to this view. The chapters gathered in this volume deal predominantly with events or phenomena occurring in the 1990s. While the interdependence between news and political institutions is a recurrent theme in all articles, they are all the same a very diverse lot which have to be taken individually and do not work towards a conclusion. Some contributions are wide-ranging theoretical explorations, others take a much more specialised focus in their research, such as Norwegian Correspondents on the Brussels Beat. The chapters are so little aligned that the hopes expressed for a globalised media sphere in one can be outright contradicted in the next. Most of these articles are second or third generation in the discussion of the global media sphere, in that they build on earlier assumptions or with some data now available try to correct them. Hjarvards own article belongs to the category of wide-ranging theoretical exploration, and he offers a critical discussion of the concept of a global public sphere. He does not want the global public sphere to be understood as a larger, extended version of the national public sphere, but as a process through which communication becomes restructured and disembedded from national and political institutions. Hjarvard disputes that transnational media could be seen as a step towards the formation of a global public sphere, since it has only a very limited audience, and is at most used as a supplement to the national news diet. Rather than expecting the global public sphere to emerge as an entity, he suggests that during a long evolutionary process, due to an increased connectedness across distance following Tomlinson the national public sphere gradually becomes deterritorilized (p. 24). When looking at the Internet challenge and the changes occurring in the international news industry, Hjarvard tends to see movement in both directions such as transnational news on one hand becoming
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more regionalised yet on the other becoming more synchronized in specialised areas such as business, finance, sport, science and culture. While wishing for more opportunities for democratic discussion of global public affairs (p. 37), there is little evidence for this to happen in the near future. D. Biltereyst, in his article, Global News Research and Complex Citizenship, takes as his point of departure the frequent pronouncement that while the technological capacity of global media expands, the information provided contracts. He questions whether the narrowed news agenda with considerably less foreign/international news (p. 42) is a correct finding and could indeed imply a declining potential for a free, democratic communication system. With the changes in news output and flow, Biltereyst queries the way foreign news is defined and whether there is enough empirical data to allow this conclusion. His chapter is mostly concerned with devising an extensive research agenda on audiences and foreign news, as he argues that the available data do not offer sufficient support for alarming statements about the increase in numbers of uninterested and uninformed citizen. Using his research into the spread and use of news agency material, C. Paterson tries to dispel the myth that the Internet heralds a pluralist and democratising environment. His chapter, Media Imperialism Revisited, outlines which of the top 10 web sites in the US use either AP or Reuters agency material mostly unedited or, at best, minimally edited. According to Paterson, the content of international news remains substantially commercially determined (p. 81), even with public broadcasters, such as the BBC. He sees this not only as the result of high content quality at little cost, but also a function of brand association (p. 82). The widest-ranging theoretical exploration is offered by K. Jensen, who agrees with Schudson that conversation is not the soul of democracy (p. 93), and who wants to show how mediated communication, specifically the Internet, can serve goals traditionally associated with the notion of democracy (p. 94). His article, which in many ways reads more like an abbreviated lecture series on major thinkers and theoreticians, from Max Weber and Habermas to James Carey, Schudson and Benedict Anderson, makes the point that conversation
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in itself is not the crucial moment in political communication. Rather, democracy is guaranteed by explicit and debatable procedures of how to end communication and transform it into collective action (p. 104). The soul-less computer, or Internet, with it flexible system of representation and interaction (p. 108), should therefore be considered as much a virtual forum for democracy as other media. The one article directed at newsroom research is Holms The Effect of Globalization on Media Structures and Norms. Looking at foreign news desks in Danish newspapers, Holm finds considerable changes. While once a very separate unit and staffed by people with special interests and qualifications, foreign news has now become global news, flowing into all sections, particularly economic news. Yet globalisation has made very little impact on news selection. Comparing news selection over time showed very little variation in the criteria, just as comparing stories selected at different editorial offices showed them to be 80 percent the same. While structures have changed in that the foreign news department is merging with other sections, and more journalists are able to report from many places, the way stories are selected has remained almost unchanged. N. Wildermuths article, News and Current Affairs on Star TV India, sits somewhat incongruously in this volume, but this should not detract from this thorough account of the development of news and current affairs on Indian television since the early 1990s. Wildermuth debunks the myth that the arrival of commercial television and, in particular, Star TV meant an undermining of national identity and culture. Instead, he describes the newcomers approach as freeing up news and current affairs from heavy institutional traditions, used to represent and articulate the agendas set by the dominant political and social actors. While still serving only a fraction of the Indian public, the changes brought about by the de-monopolisation of Indian news and current affairs, meant a viewer-oriented modernisation and democratic enlargement of Indias TV journalistic space (p. 173). Nohrsted and Ottosen offer in one article, Globalization of War News, a summary of and an update on their book, Journalism and the New World Order, also published by Nordicom. While their volume focuses on the Gulf War, this article takes also the Kosovo Conflict
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into account. Quoting Sorensen & Rose, it threw a shadow which, in light of September 11, proved prophetic: the New World Order will be marked not by peace and global understanding, but solely by new conflict lines primarily along the globes cultural and religious fissures (p. 198). Though the Gulf War was a global media event, analysis of the reporting in seven countries revealed not one but seven stories. Nohrsted and Ottosen argue that this did not diminish its effectiveness. On the contrary, by recontextualising and accommodating the story to local conditions its impact on local opinion is heightened. They also found that, in war situations, the media are generally incapable or unwilling to criticise the government, and may become a factor in promoting military solutions by making them acceptable to the public. The events of September 11 have somewhat overtaken News in a Globalized Society. However, some of its warnings about not placing too much hope in transnational news flows helping a global understanding seem justified. Beate Josephi Edith Cowan University
Making radio: A practical guide to working in radio

Steve Ahern (ed) Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 2000, 288pp.
he title of this book, edited by the Australian Film Television and Radio Schools radio head Steven Ahern, could just as easily have been Making magic. From the first chapter, where an early radio scientist in 13th century England was jailed for black magic, to the final chapter, where its predicted that a magic mix will ensure radios survival in the digital age, it is obvious all writers are under radios spell.
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Self-confessed radio fan Austereos Cathy OConno writes of the power and magic (p. 15) of a medium that reaches 95 per cent (p. 244) of Australians through more than 35 million sets (p. 243) in the home, workplace and car. Contributors cite radios advantages as portability, flexibility, immediacy, intimacy, comparatively low cost, specialisation, global (online), local, variety (public, community and commercial sectors) and stimulation of imaginations. Although Ahern states the book is about how to make good-quality, professional radio its more than just a how to text. It provides a snapshot of a volatile and stressful 24-hour industry that is in the process of reinventing itself yet again. The Canadian Association of Broadcasting scenario, borrowed by former SBS managing director Malcolm Long to end the book, has an element of magic about it as well.
Jessica tunes in to her favourite radio station as she drives... the radio plays a commercial for a local restaurant... she presses the tell-me-more button and, since her radio is equipped with a printer port, the menu appears with a coupon for a free appetizer for that evening... that night Jessica may choose to listen to a radio station from her hometown of Antigonish, Nova Scotia, accessing it through the internet... there is an access charge, but its worth it to hear the familiar accents, the local news and the new musical talent. (p. 268)
The ABCs former managing director Brian Johns describes two futures for radio: a visual future with more webcast stations and radio sets with small screens and a digital future with a high-quality station splitting into multiple channels to satisfy regional and niche interests (p. 19). Johns and Long provide two of the most interesting contributions to a book that begins with Phil Charleys look at radios multinational birth. According to Charley, Australias radio call-sign system dates back to federation when the defence department gave each state a military zone number. As Queensland was the fourth military zone its radio stations took the prefix 4. The initials were taken from the location or the licensee. Toowoombas 4GR was Gold Radio named after its first licensee, Ted Gold, while 4QG was the Queensland Government station. The chapter predated Donna Halpers research (2002) that casts doubt on the KDKA claim to the first radio news. But radio news is
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mentioned only in passing in this chapter that focuses on the dramas, musicals, comedies, childrens programs, quizzes, soapies(p. 6) (shows originally produced for soap companies) and radios self-promotion and reinvention. Charley says campaigns in the 60s and 70s with positioners such as Happening Radio 3XY (p. 10) coincided with the introduction of the more music format, a move from block to freeflow programming, marginalisation of features, shorter news bulletins and the introduction of personality-driven talkback. The majority of Making radio is devoted to how to advice, ranging from digital, analogue and cut editing to marking-up copy and writing commercials and comedy spots. The target audience appears to be AFTRSs Commercial Radio Broadcasters Certificate students. Six of the 15 practical chapters are of little relevance to radio journalism students concentrating on sales, marketing, programming, comedy, talkback, copywriting and commercial audio production. However, chapters on interviewing, researching, producing, broadcast law and regulations, feature-making, reporting and presenting are very useful. One of the more unusual tips, particularly good for nervous, novice, news presenters, is that yawning releases a calming chemical throughout the body and is therefore an excellent pre-bulletin exercise. Another good tip comes courtesy of Andrew Denton: never set fire to the guest(p. 111). Strengths The strengths are the number and variety of Australian industry contributors and the back-to-basics presentation. The Broadcast Law and Regulations chapter should be read by all radio students, since it presents a clear explanation of defamation and contempt of court and includes a handy self-test (p. 157). However, a criticism of this chapter is the extremely brief reference to the MEAA and the Code of Ethics. This is left to Russell Powells easy-to-read News chapter. Powell provides an abridged history of radio news development and looks at news style from the conversational listener-driven FM stations to what he describes as ABCs formal style of heavy political and international news.
Book Reviews Weaknesses
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The weaknesses are the books commercial radio bias and annoying repetition of content (eg. microphone use was covered in several chapters by different contributors). Ahern probably did not intend this guide to be read from cover to cover but to be selectively grazed as a companion to hands-on exercises. For this it works well. It is of concern that Australian broadcast journalism texts by Masterton and Patching (1986) and Alysen (2000) are not part of the bibliography. The Researching and Producing chapter s currentaffairs script containing comment is not an example journalism students should follow (p. 131). And, apart from references by Long and Johns, there is little mention throughout the how to chapters on how the internet is influencing format and content. Ahern does mention the increased workload for producers uploading audio, graphics and text to the stations web page. While reading this guide I felt something was missing: it needed an accompanying CD or audio tape to fully convey the magical sounds of radio. However, these points aside, if the 6000 (p. 252) people employed in Australias radio industry and those hoping to work in the industry read Making radio and heed the advice it will be good news for us the listeners. Anne Tannock University of Queensland
Australian Studies in Journalism 10-11: 2001-02, pp.242-324
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Australian journalism research index 1992-2001

Grant Dobinson & Tomoko Sakai
This is an index of Australian journalism and news media-related articles and books from 1992 onwards. The index is listed by subject matter. To advise of errors or omissions, or to have new material included in the next edition, please contact Grant Dobinson at g.dobinson@uq.edu.au.
Source journals
(APME) Asia Pacific Media Educator. Published biannually by the Graduate School of Journalism at the University of Woollongong in collaboration with the creative Industries, Queensland University of Technology; and Department of Communication Studies, Universiti Putra Malaysia; Department of Journalism, Monash University, Australia; edited by Eric Loo. University of Woollongong, NSW, 2522, Australia. Tel: (02) 4221 3190; Fax: (02) 4221 4128. (AJC) Australian Journal of Communication. Published by the School of English, Media Studies and Art History at The University of Queensland; edited by Roslyn Petelin. Address: c/- Dr Roslyn Petelin, School of English, Media Studies and Art History, Faculty of Arts, The University of Queensland, St Lucia, Brisbane, Qld 4072. (AJPS) Australian Journal of Political Science. Published by the Department of Politics at the Australian Defence Force Academy on behalf of the Australasian Political Studies Association; edited by Andrew Parkin of Flinders University. (AJR) Australian Journalism Review. Published by the Journalism Education Association; edited by Professor Mark Pearson, Head of Journalism at Bond University, Queensland 4229. (ASJ) Australian Studies in Journalism. Published by the School of Journalism and Communication at the University of Queensland; edited by Dr Rod Kirkpatrick, Grant Dobinson and Steve McIlwaine. Founded 1992. Address: School of Journalism and Communication, University of Queensland, 4072. Phone: (07) 3365 2060; Fax: (07) 3365 1377.
Australian journalism research index
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(BJR) British Journalism Review. Published quarterly by British Journalism Review Publishing Ltd, a non-profit company. (CJC) Canadian Journal of Communication. Published by the nonprofit Canadian Journal of Communication Corporation, and is a collaborative venture between the Centre for Policy Research on Science and Technology and the Canadian Centre for Studies in Publishing; edited by David Mitchell, Director of Graduate Programs, Faculty of Communication and Culture, University of Calgary, Calgary, AB T2N 1N4. (CP) The Contemporary Pacific. Published twice a year by the Centre for Pacific Islands Studies, University of Hawaii Press, edited by Vilsoni Hereniko, East-West Center and Department of Anthropology, University of Hawaii. Development Bulletin. Published by the Development Studies Network, Research School of Social Sciences, the Australian National University, Canberra. IPI Global Journalist. (Formerly IPI Report) Published quarterly by the International Press Institute at the Missouri School of Journalism and edited by Stuart H. Loory. Journal of Development Communication. Published biannually by the Asian Institute for Development Communication (Aidcom), 6th Floor, APDC Building, Perisaran Duta, 50480 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. (JMCQ, JQ) Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly. [Formerly Journalism Quarterly.] Published by the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, in co-operation with the Association of Schools of Journalism and Mass Communication at the University of South Carolina, Columbia, USA. Edited by Jean Folkerts, the George Washington University. (MC&S) Media, Culture & Society. Published quarterly by Sage Publications, London, Thousand Oaks and New Delhi. (MIA) Media International Australia. [Formerly Media Information Australia, incorporating Culture and Policy] Published by the Australian Film Television & Radio School. Edited by Graeme Turner. Address: Australian Key Centre for Cultural and Media Policy, School of Film, Media & Cultural Studies, Griffith University, Nathan, Brisbane. Metro. Published five times a year by Australian Teachers of Media (ATOM), with assistance from the Australian Film Commission, Cinemedia and the NSW Film and Television Office; edited by Peter Tapp, Address: PO Box 2211, St Kilda West, Victoria, 3182. Phone: (03) 9525 5302; Fax: (03) 9537 2325. Pacific Islands Communication Journal. Published by the Institute of Pacific Studies, University of the South Pacific.
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Australians on other countries

BREEN, Myles (1996), The image of Australia in US television news, 19861995, ASJ, 5: 43-60. CASS, Philip (1993), Mission resurrects PNG newspaper, AJR, 15 (2): 23-32. CENTURION, Diosnel & Malcolm Philpott (1994), Transforming rhetoric into reality: Papua New Guineas new communications policy, MIA, 71: 89-94. CORNISH, Patrick (1992), Jurnalistik Jawa: a personal look at journalism training in Indonesia, AJR, 14 (2): 74-90. HENNINGHAM, John (1992), Flaws in the melting pot: Hawaiian media, in Stephen H. Riggins (ed), Ethnic Minority Media: An International Perspective, Newbury Park: Sage: 149-161. HENNINGHAM, John (1993), Multicultural journalism: a profile of Hawaiis newspeople, JQ, 70 (3): 550-557. HENNINGHAM, John (1994), Ethnic differences in journalists ethical attitudes, Asian Journal of Communication, 4 (1): 1-11. HENNINGHAM, John & Anthony Delano (1994), Talk about journalism? Sorry, no comment, BJR, 5 (3): 58-62. HENNINGHAM, John & Anthony Delano (1996), A fin de siecle forecast, AJR, BJR, 7 (1):55-61. KINGSBURY, Damien (1992), Agendas in Indonesian responses to Australian journalism: some journalists perspectives, AJR, 14 (2): 58-67. KINGSBURY, Damien (1994), Indonesias view of Australian journalism, ASJ, 3: 315-334. KINGSBURY, Damien (1997), Constraints on reporting Australias Asian neighbours, APME, 2: 102-111. KNIGHT, Alan & Yoshiko Nakano (eds, 1999), Reporting Hong Kong: foreign media and the handover, New York: St Martins Press. LAYTON, Suzanna (1992), The Contemporary Pacific Islands Press, St Lucia: Department of Journalism, University of Queensland. LAYTON, Suzanna (1992), Fuzzy-wuzzy devils: mass media and the Bougainville crisis, The Contemporary Pacific, 4 (2): 299-323. LAYTON, Suzanna (1995), PINA condemns government pressure, Media Quarterly, 2:13. LAYTON, Suzanna (1995), Media legal issues in the South Pacific, Pacific Islands Communication Journal, 16 (2): 61-67. LAYTON, Suzanna (1995), The cocoNET wireless: A sea of islands in cyberspace, Development Bulletin, 35: 23-26.
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LAYTON, Suzanna (1995), The demographics of diversity: Profile of Pacific Island journalists, ASJ, 4: 123-143. LAYTON, Suzanna (1995), Introduction, Pacific Islands Communication Journal, 16, 2: 1-5. LAYTON, Suzanna (1996), Mohamad Seminar: Information Flow in Indonesia, MIA, 79 (1):57-59. LAYTON, Suzanna (1997), Pacific Islands Journalists, in David Weaver (ed), The Global Journalist: 125-140. LI, Kaiyu (1994), Exemplars and the Chinese press: emulation and identity in Chinese communist politics, MIA, 72: 84-93. LLOYD, Clem (1999), Journalism and American pragmatism, AJR, 21 (1): 1-16. LOO, Eric (1996), The new South African hegemony and the press, MIA, 79 (1): 76-82. LOO, Eric (1997), Relating journalism training to development needs in Laos, APME, 2: 117-120. LOUW, P Eric (1997), Parallel media response to racial policies in Malaysia . and new South Africa, APME, 2: 22-37. MANCHANDA, Usha (1998), Invasion from the skies: the impact of foreign television on India, ASJ, 7:136-163. MASTERTON, Murray (1992), What is news? Learning again is not easy, AJR, 14 (2): 114-120. MEADOWS, Michael (1992), A sense of deja vu: Canadian journalism education ponders its future, AJR, 14 (2): 100-113. MEADOWS, Michael (1996), Reclaiming the public sphere: Indigenous journalism in Australia and Canada, ASJ, 61-81. MOSLER, David F. (1992), American newspaper opinion on the Sepoy Mutiny 1857-58, AJR, 14 (1): 78-87. OBIJIOFOR, Levi; Samar Ihsan & Sohail Inayatullah (1995), The futures of communication, Futures, 27 (8), 897-903. OBIJIOFOR, Levi (1996), Future impact of new communication technologies: Beyond the debate, Futuresco (a UNESCO bulletin of future-oriented literature), Paris, No. 6, October, 21-26. OBIJIOFOR, Levi (1997), Development communication through metaphors, Journal of Development Communication, 8 (1), June, 48-57. OBIJIOFOR, Levi (1998), Futures of communication in Africas development, Futures, 30 (2/3), March/April, 161-174. OBIJIOFOR, Levi (1998), Africas dilemma in the transition to the new information and communication technologies, Futures, 30 (5): June, 453-462.
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OBIJIOFOR, Levi; Sohail Inayatullah & Tony Stevenson (1998), Annotated bibliography on communication futures, Futures, 30 (2/3), March/April, 255-262. OBIJIOFOR, Levi (1999), Impact of new information and communication technologies (ICTs) on socio-economic and educational development of Africa and the Asia-Pacific: A pilot study, World Association of Press Councils Oceanic Regional Conference Proceedings, Sydney: The Australian Press Council, pp. 58-62. OBIJIOFOR, Levi (2001), The future of Africa lies in homegrown solutions, in Jacob Olugbenga Adesida & Arunma Oteh (eds), Visions of the future of Africa, Abidjan: United Nations Development Program (UNDP) Regional Office. PATCHING, Roger (1997), Keeping in touch with our Pacific colleagues, AJR, 19 (1): 187-190. PHILPOTT, Malcolm (1992), The role and responsibilities of the national broadcaster in Papua New Guinea: A cautionary tale, AJR, 14 (2): 91-99. PHILPOTT, Malcolm (1993), Government-media relations in the Pacific Islands, AJR, 15 (2): 43-49. PHILPOTT, Malcolm (1993), Papua New Guinea: developing a national communication policy, MIA, 68: 57-62. PHILPOTT, Malcolm & Diosnel Centurion (1994), Transforming rhetoric into reality: Papua New Guineas new communications policy, MIA, 71: 89-94. PROVIS, Michael (1992), Reporting French politics, AJR,14 (2): 126129. ROMANO, Angela (1999), Development journalism: State versus practitioner perspectives in Indonesia, Media Asia, 26 (4): 183-191. RITCHIE, John (1996), From Public to Private: TV in Singapore, MIA, 79 (1): 67-75. ROSE, Michael (1992), The journalists in Europe Foundation, AJR, 14 (2): 121-125. SLADE, Christina & Joelle van der Mensbrugghe (1996), The wake of Mururoa: Changes in European press images of Australia, AJC, 23 (3): 23-38. SLADE, Christina (1999), Westwards across the Pacific, APME, 6:4955. SUN, Wanning (1996), In search of new frameworks: issues in the study of Chinese media in the era of reform, MIA, 79 (1): 40-48.
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ABC
BROWN, Allan (2001), Australian public broadcasting under review: The Mansfield report on the ABC, CJC, 26(1): 107-118. CHADWICK, Paul (1996), Why the ABC matters to journalism in Australia, Metro, 107: 3940. CUNNINGHAM, Stuart & John Ritchie (1994), An ersatz Asian nation? The ABC in Asia, MIA, 71: 46-54. DAVIS, Glyn (1997), The Mansfield vision for the ABC, MIA, 84: 81-86. DUNN, Anne (1993), Towards the tapeless newsroom: The development of D-Cart, MIA, 67: 77-82. DUNN, Anne (1997), The role of ABC radio in the creation of citizenship models, Culture and Policy, 8 (2): 91-103. DUNN, Anne (1998), Tailor-made news? The impact of policy change in ABC radio networks on ABC radio news, AJR, 20 (2): 35-59. DORNEY, Sean (1999), Covering catastrophe In Papua New Guinea, APME, 7: 137-150. DORNEY, Sean (2000), Where in the world are we!!, ASJ, 9: 15-30. GIVEN, Jock (1993), Sylvania Waters something in the air, ASJ, 2: 305-317. HAWKINS, Gay (1997), The ABC and the mystic writing pad, MIA, 83: 11-17. HODGE, Errol (1992), Radio Australias news commentaries: A Cold War battleground, AJR, 14 (1): 58-67. HODGE, Errol (1993), Editorial integrity and Australia Television International, AJR,15 (2): 91-100. HODGE, Errol (1993), Response from the Peoples Republic of China to Radio Australias Chinese-language programs, AJR, 15 (1): 117-125. HODGE, Errol (1994), Radio Australia and Indonesia: The early years, AJR, 16 (1): 13-26. HODGE, Errol (1995), Radio Australia: Truth, Propaganda and the Struggle for Radio Australia, Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. HODGE, Errol (1997), International broadcasting: The reluctant ABC, MIA, 84: 87-90. HODGE, Errol (1999), Friendship and objectivity: Pros and cons of foreign correspondents adoption of the insiders perspective, APME, 7: 115123. INGLIS, Ken (1997), ABC shock crisis, MIA, 83: 5-10. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1997), News media chronicle, July 1996 to June 1997, ASJ, 6: 140-169.
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KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1998), News media chronicle, July 1997 to June 1998, ASJ, 7: 177-213. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1999), News media chronicle, July 1998 to June 1999, ASJ, 8: 197-238. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (2000), News media chronicle, July 1999 to June 2000, ASJ, 9: 139-175. LOWER, Richard (1999), Port Arthur massacre: A TV editors experience, APME, 7: 124-130. MORAN, Albert (1992), Stay Tuned: An Australian Broadcasting Reader, Sydney: Allen & Unwin. MURRAY, Jacqui (1993), Dixons fight for ABC News in Asia, AJR, 15 (2): 101-111. MURRAY, Jacqui (1994), Japan: the national news story which was not told, ASJ, 3: 52-66. MURRAY, Jacqui (1994), The institutional origins of ABC censorship in the 1930s, AJR, 16 (2): 125-131. PALFREYMAN, Richard (1993), The Ultimo lab: ABC journalism and the new technologies, MIA, 70: 10-16. PETERSEN, Neville (1993), Broadcast news values, 1932-1992, ASJ, 2: 53-57. PETERSEN, Neville (1999), Whose news? Organisational conflict in the ABC, 1947-1999, Australian Journalism Monographs 3 & 4, Department of Journalism: University of Queensland. PRICE, Monroe (1997), The global weaking of public service broadcasting, MIA, 83: 18-23. SEARLE, Samantha (1995), Our ABC?: The 1994 Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras Parade broadcast, MIA, 78: 13-15. THORNLEY, Phoebe (1995), Debunking the Whitlam myth: The annals of public broadcasting revisited, MIA, 77: 155-164. TURNER, Geoff (1994), News media chronicle: 1993-94, ASJ, 3: 390431. TURNER, Geoff (1995), News media chronicle: July 1994 to June 1995, ASJ, 4: 228-275.
Asia-Pacific
BAKER, Mark (1992), The Beijing massacre and the media, AJR, 14 (1): 1-20. BISHOP, Peter (2000), Caught in the cross-fire: Tibet, media and promotional culture, MC&S, 22(5): 645-664.
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BROINOWSKI, Alison (1999), A pebble in both our shoes: East Timor and the media, 1999, AJR, 21 (3) 1-24. BROWN, Samantha (2001), Taming Thailands press: Corporate ownership fused with political ties threatens free press, IPI Report, Jul-Sep:11 CARRUTHERS, Ashley (1995): Rethinking the Vietnamese media relation, AJC, 22 (1): 48-61. CASS, Philip (1992), A comparison of the coverage of the Bougainville civil war in the Australian and the Times of PNG, AJR, 14 (2): 79-90. CASS, Philip (1995), Dilemma for Fiji media and the constitution, PJR, 2 (1): 69-72. CASS, Philip (1999), Tuning into the coconut wireless, BJR, 10(4): 5559. COKLEY, John, Aderito Hugo da Costa, Jamie Lonsdale, Angela Romano, Christina Spurgeon & Sharon Tickle (2000), Media, democracy and development: Learning from East Timor, APME, 8: 27-42. CRONAU, Peter (1995), Bouganville: Australian coverage of a dirty war, Nius Bilong Pasifik (Mass Media in the Pacific): 159-174 CULLEN, Trevor (1999), Press coverage of HIV/AIDS in Papua New Guinea and the South Pacific: Delaying the inevitable, World Association of Press Councils Oceanic Regional Conference Proceedings, Sydney: The Australian Press Council 41-46. CUNNINGHAM, Stuart & John Ritchie (1994), An ersatz Asian nation? The ABC in Asia, MIA, 71: 46-54. CUNNINGHAM, Stuart & Elizabeth Jacka (1996), The role of television in Australias paradigm shift to Asia, MC&S, 18 (4): 619-638. DIXIT, Kunda (1995), Now the negative news from paradise, PJR, 2 (1): 116-118. DORNEY, Sean (1995), The difficulties of covering Bougainville, Pacific Islands Communication Journal, 16 (2): 15-21. DORNEY, Sean (1999), Covering catastrophe In Papua New Guinea, APME, 7: 137-150. DORNEY, Sean (2000), Where in the world are we!!, ASJ, 9: 15-30. DOWNIE, Sue (1999), Medilink: New program to promote Asia-Australia media exchange, APME, 7: 155-157. DOWNIE, Sue (2000), Journalism training In Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam, APME, 8: 99-112. FREEDMAN, Nick (2000), Indonesia In Australian media: Literature review, APME, 8: 149-163. HIRANIO, Chalinee (1999), Journalism professionalism in Thailand: A crisis of ethics, Media Asia, 26 (4): 192-195.
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HODGE, Errol & Zhang Weihong (1995), Sydneys Olympics and the Beijing Peoples Daily, AJR, 17 (1): 119-124. HODGE, Errol (1993), Response from the Peoples Republic of China to Radio Australias Chinese-language programs, AJR, 15 (1): 117-125. HODGE, Errol (1994), Radio Australia and Indonesia: the early years, AJR, 16 (1): 13-26. HODGE, Errol (1999), Friendship and objectivity: Pros and cons of foreign correspondents adoption of the insiders perspective, APME, 7: 115123. KEANU, Michael & Qinghong Lin (2001), Patriotism is not enough: Chinese intellectuals and the knowledge economy, APME, 11: 164-179. KESHVANI, Nisar (2000), Trends in the online newsroom: A study of the straits times interactive, APME, 9: 106-118. KINGSBURY, Damien (1992), Agendas in Indonesian responses to Australian journalism: Some journalists perspectives, AJR, 14 (2): 58-67. KINGSBURY, Damien (1994), Indonesias view of Australian journalism, ASJ, 3: 315-334. KINGSBURY, Damien (1997), Constraints on reporting Australias Asian neighbours, APME, 2: 102-111. KITLEY, Philip (2000), Reformasi: Vulnerable values and the regulation of television in Indonesia, PME, 8: 132-148. KNIGHT, Alan (1994), Australian press coverage of the Cambodian elections, AJR, 16 (1): 27-44. KNIGHT, Alan (1995), Asias new English voice, Reportage, 5, Sydney: Australian Centre for Independent Journalism. LAYTON, Suzanna (1995), Introduction, Pacific Islands Communication Journal, 16, 2: 1-5. LAYTON, Suzanna (1995), The demographics of diversity: Profile of Pacific Island journalists, ASJ, 4: 123-143. LAYTON, Suzanna (1995), Media legal issues in the South Pacific, Pacific Islands Communication Journal, 16 (2): 61-67. LAYTON, Suzanna (1995), PINA condemns government pressure, Media Quarterly, 2:13. LAYTON, Suzanna (1995), The cocoNET wireless: A sea of islands in cyberspace, Development Bulletin, 35: 23-26. LAYTON, Suzanna (1996), Mohamad Seminar: Information Flow in Indonesia, MIA, 79 (1):57-59. LAYTON, Suzanna (1997), Pacific Islands Journalists, in David Weaver (ed), The Global Journalist: 125-140.
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LEWIS, Glen (1995), Current issues in Thai media debates, MIA, 78: 131-138. LEWIS, Glen & Sun Wanning (1993), The Peoples Daily, the Australian and Japan: A narrative analysis, AJR, 15 (1): 53-62. LOO, Eric & Sankaran Ramanathan (1993), Soured relations: Australian and Malaysian press coverage of the Raja Bahrin-Gillespie custody dispute, MIA, 70: 3-9. LOO, Eric & Martin Hirst (1995), Recalcitrant or keras kepala? A crosscultural study of how Malaysian and Australian press covered the Keating/Mahathir spat, MIA, 77: 107-109. LOO, Eric (1997), Relating journalism training to development needs in Laos, APME, 2: 117-120. LOUW, P Eric (1997), Parallel media response to racial policies in Malaysia . and new South Africa, APME, 2: 22-37. LOWE, Barry (1995), New models and cultural values: Asian media educators and practitioners search for common values, MIA, 78: 139-141. LUCAS, Adam (1994), Lucas Heights revisited: The framing of a major scientific controversy by the Sydney Morning Herald, AJC, 21 (3): 72-91. MITCHELL, Graham (2001), Letting the sunshine in reunification issues in South Korea, Metro, 131/132: 164-170. MURRAY, Jacqui (1994), Japan: The national news story which was not told, ASJ, 3: 52-66. OBIJIOFOR, Levi (1999), Impact of new information and communication technologies (ICTs) on socio-economic and educational development of Africa and the Asia-Pacific: A pilot study, World Association of Press Councils Oceanic Regional Conference Proceedings, Sydney: The Australian Press Council 58-62. PATCHING, Roger (1997), Keeping in touch with our Pacific colleagues, AJR, 19 (1): 187-190. PEACH, Bill (1992), This Day Tonight: How Australian Current Affairs TV Came of Age, Sydney: ABC. PEARSON, Mark (2000), Reflective practice in action: Preparing Samoan journalists to cover court cases, APME, 8: 22-33. PETERSEN, Neville (1993), News Not Views: The ABC, the Press and Politics 1932-1947, Sydney: Hale & Iremonger. QUANCHI, Max (1999), We just live over own lives here in the Pacific, APME, 7: 131-136.
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RAMANATHAN, Sankaran & Eric Loo Giap Seng (1993), Australian and Malaysian newspaper coverage of the Gillespie dispute, AJR, 15 (2): 63-68. ROBERTSON, Philip (2001), Hong Kong documentary: The genre that never was, Metro, 126:99-103. ROBIE, David, (1999), Fairness, balance and the Pacific medias cultural imperative, AJR, 21 (3): 25-35. ROBIE, David, (1999), South Pacific newsroom training and research: Trends and dilemmas, World Association of Press Councils Oceanic Regional Conference Proceedings, Sydney: The Australian Press Council 63-67. ROBIE, David (1999), Pacific newsrooms and the campus: Some comparisons between Fiji and Papua New Guinea, ASJ, 8: 176-196. ROMANO, Angela (1996), Piercing together the jigsaw: The professional culture of foreign correspondents in Indonesia, MIA, 79 (1): 49-56. ROMANO, Angela (1999), Development journalism: State versus practitioner perspectives in Indonesia, Media Asia, 26 (4): 183-191. ROMANO, Angela (1999), Foreign correspondents in Asia Pacific, APME, 7: 3-15. SCHAUBLE, John (1992), Information exchange in the Asia-Pacific: The role of the mass media, AJR, 14 (2): 68-73. SLADE, Christina & Joelle van der Mensbrugghe (1996), The wake of Mururoa: Changes in European press images of Australia, AJC, 23 (3): 23-38. STERNBERG, Jason; Christina George & Joshua Green (2000), Teenagers and the fragmenting media environment in Asia: An Australian Pilot Study, APME, 9: 59-76. SUN, Wanning (1996), In search of new frameworks: Issues in the study of Chinese media in the era of reform, MIA, 79 (1): 40-48. TANNER, Stephen & Nigel McCarthy (2001), Cultural specific training in corruption reporting for Pacific Island journalists, APME, 11: 113128. TEBUTT, John (2000), An interview at the foreign correspondents club of Thailand, APME, 8: 164-172. VATSIKOPOULIS, Helen (1995), PNG: Under the spell, PJR, 2 (1): 2436.
Audience studies
ANG, Ien (1995), Reply to Elizabeth Jacka, MIA, 77: 165-166.
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BRAND, Jeff & Mark Pearson (2001), The newsroom vs. the lounge room: Journalists and audiences views on news, AJR, 23(2): 63-90. DUCK, Julie M., Michael A. Hogg & Deborah J. Terry (1993), Perceptions of media influence in the 1993 election: Others as vulnerable voters, AJC, 20 (2): 44-60. GILLARD, Patricia, Rebecca Haire, Sharon Huender & Margaret Meneghel (1993), Childrens recollections of television coverage of the Gulf War, MIA, 67: 100-106. GOOT, Murray (1995), Pluralism in the polls: Australian attitudes to media ownership, 1948/95, MIA, 77: 4-14. GREEN, Kerry (1999), How newsroom failures limit readership gains, ASJ, 8: 18-36. GREEN, Lelia (2001), Treating internet users as audience, AJC, 28(1): 33-41. KILLIBY, Cleve (1994), Civic attitudes and regional media use, AJR, 16 (1): 81-87. LAWE DAVIES, Chris (1997), Media publics, Culture and Policy, 8 (2): 3-8. LUPTON, Deborah (1999), Something really nasty: Audience responses to crimes in the news, AJC, 26 (1): 41-54. OTOOLE, Kevin (1992), The unmass media: The local appeal of the Warrnambool Standard, MIA, 64: 83-87.
Content analysis
BREEN, Myles (1996), The image of Australia in US television news, 19861995, ASJ, 5: 43-60. BROINOWSKI, Alison (1999), A pebble in both our shoes: East Timor and the media, 1999, AJR, 21 (3) 1-24. CASS, Philip (1992), A comparison of the coverage of the Bougainville civil war in the Australian and the Times of PNG, AJR, 14 (2): 79-90. CHAPMAN, Simon & Deborah Lupton (1994), Freaks, moral tales and medical marvels: health and medical stories on Australian television, MIA, 72: 94-103. CHILDS, Fiona (1999), Government relations with the Australian ethnic press: A case study of the Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs during 1996, AJR, 21 (3): 150-164. CLANCY, Jack (1992), Bias?: A case study of coverage of RMIT in The Age, AJR, 14 (1): 51-57. COAD DYER, Samuel & Andrea Jenkins (1994), Reporting of public opinion polls in New Zealand and Australia, AJR, 16 (2): 87-92.
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CONLEY, David & Geoff Turner (1995), Cape Melville affair coverage: What is news?, ASJ, 4: 145-173. CRAIG, Geoffrey (1994), Press photographs and news values, ASJ, 3: 182-200. CUNNINGHAM, Stuart & John Ritchie (1994), An ersatz Asian nation? The ABC in Asia, MIA, 71: 46-54. DAY, Anna (1999), Australian editorial election cartoons: Is there a change afoot?, AJR, 21 (2): 117-133. DAY, Anna (1999), Political cartoonists relationship with their editors, the politicians and the public, World Association of Press Councils Oceanic Regional Conference Proceedings, Sydney: The Australian Press Council 44-46. EDWARDS, Jane (1994), Private cancer, public cancer: Guilt and innocence in popular literature, AJC, 21 (2): 1-13. EGGERKING, Kitty (2000), Keeping count of democracy, AJR, 22(2): 59-74. ENDERS, Mike (1995), Putting a price on life: A propaganda approach to media coverage of Aboriginal deaths in custody, AJR, 17 (1): 1-16. FORDE, Susan (1994), Silent fallout: The effects of monopoly and competition on information diversity, ASJ, 3: 290-314. FORDE, Susan (1997), A descriptive look at the public role of Australian independent alternative press, AJR, 3: 118-130. FORRESTER, Kim (1996), The Ages coverage of the environment, 19841994, ASJ, 5:213-239. GALVIN, Camille & Mark Pearson (1994), Cosmetic surgery: Newspaper reportage of The Medical Journal of Australia, AJC, 21 (2): 109-121. HENNINGHAM, John (1996), The shape of daily news: A content analysis of Australias Metropolitan newspapers, MIA, 79: 22-34. HENNINGHAM, John (2000), The death of Diana: An Australian news diffusion study, AJR, 22(2): 23-33. HERBERT, John (1996), Truth and credibility: The sound of the broadcast journalist, ASJ, 5: 123-140. HIRST, Martin (1995), The coming republic: Citizenship and the public sphere in post-colonial Australia, AJC, 22 (3): 13-39. HIRST, Martin, Tiffany White, David Chaplin & Justine Wilson (1995), When too much entertainment is barely enough: Current affairs television in the 1990s, AJR, 17 (1): 79-98. HODGE, Errol & Zhang Weihong (1995), Sydneys Olympics and the Beijing Peoples Daily, AJR, 17 (1): 119-124. JENKINS, Cathy (1993), Women in the news: Still not quite visible, ASJ, 2: 233-243.
255
JOSEPHI, Beate (2000), Newsroom research: Its importance for journalism studies, AJR, 22(2): 75-87. KETELS, Tricia (1994), A comparison of Courier-Mail coverage of unemployment in 1982 and 1992, AJR, 16 (2): 73-86. KNIGHT, Alan (1994), Australian press coverage of the Cambodian elections, AJR, 16 (1): 27-44. LACEY, Geoff (1993), Females, Aborigines and Asians in newspaper photographs, 1950-1990, ASJ, 2: 244-269. LEWIS, Glen & Sun Wanning (1993), The Peoples Daily, the Australian and Japan: A narrative analysis, AJR, 15 (1): 53-62. LINDLEY, David (1993), Spatial bias in the reporting of international news in Australia, ASJ, 2: 270-287. LOO, Eric & Sankaran Ramanathan (1993), Soured relations: Australian and Malaysian press coverage of the Raja Bahrin-Gillespie custody dispute, MIA, 70: 3-9. LOO, Eric (1994), Riding on platitudes and prejudice: Media coverage of John Newman and Vietnamese, MIA, 74: 73-77. LOO, Eric & Martin Hirst (1995), Recalcitrant or keras kepala? A crosscultural study of how Malaysian and Australian press covered the Keating/Mahathir spat, MIA, 77: 107-109. LUCAS, Adam (1994), Lucas Heights revisited: The framing of a major scientific controversy by the Sydney Morning Herald, AJC, 21 (3): 72-91. LUPTON, Deborah (2001), Constructing road rage as news: An analysis of two Australian newspapers, AJC, 28(3), 23-36. MACLENNAN, Gary (1993), The Burnie Mill dispute and the media: Class conflict or collective catastrophe, AJR, 15 (1): 6-71. MAGUIRE, Daniel (1993), Four newspapers coverage of the 1993 federal election, ASJ, 2: 11-19. McCARTHY, Nigel (1999), Kosovo and the Australian media: Reporting the news from the Balkans and at home, in Peter Goff (ed), The Kosovo news and propaganda war, International Press Institute, Vienna: 26472. McCARTHY, Nigel (1999), The trouble with tigers, Dateline, SBS TV, Sydney, 8 and 22 September, 2x16 mins. McCARTHY, Nigel (2000), Aid workers, intelligence gathering and media self-censorship, ASJ, 9: 30-50. McGRATH, Pam & Geoff Turner (1995), The ethics of hope: Newspaper reporting of chemotherapy, ASJ, 4: 50-71.
256
McGREGOR, Judy & Susan Fountaine (1999), The loneliness of the long distance gender researcher: Are journalists right about the coverage of womens sport?, AJR, 21 (3): 113-126. MEADOWS, Michael (2000), Deals and victories: Newspaper coverage of native title in Australian and Canada, AJR, 22(1): 81-105. PAVASARIS, Sue (1996), Bringing the world back home: An analysis of Foreign Correspondent, ASJ, 5: 101-122. PITTAM, Jeffery & Susan McKay (1993), Ethnic identity and the humaninterest story: Vietnamese in Brisbane, AJR, 15 (2): 51-62. PUTNIS, Peter; John Penhallurick & Michael Bourk (2000), The pattern of international news in Australias mainstream media, AJR, 22(1): 1-19. RING, Anne (1997), Keeping the sexist flame alive why do magazines keep doing it?, ASJ, 6: 3-40. RING, Anne (1999), Cosmetic surgery magazines: Mass mediating the new face of medical practice, ASJ, 8: 118-138. SLADE, Christina & Joelle van der Mensbrugghe (1996), The wake of Mururoa: Changes in European press images of Australia, AJC, 23 (3): 23-38. STOCKWELL, Stephen (2000), Paulines prominence: An analysis of party leaders in newspaper photographs during the 1998 Australian federal election campaign, AJR, 22(1): 137-149. SUN, Wanning (1996), In search of new frameworks: Issues in the study of Chinese media in the era of reform, MIA, 79 (1): 40-48. TANNER, Stephen (1999), The corruption watchdog condemned the media criticised in letters to the editor , ASJ, 8: 60-82. TURNER, Geoff (1992), Information underload: Recent trends in the Courier-Mails information news content, ASJ, 1: 43-72. Van ACKER, Elizabeth (1995), The portrayal of feminist issues in the print media, ASJ, 4: 174-199. Van ACKER, Elizabeth & Ian Ward (1996), Election campaign coverage: Television as a commercial rather than political medium, AJC, 23 (1): 64-76. WEARING, Michael (1993), Professional discourse and sensational journalism, AJC, 20 (1): 84-98. WILKS, Jeffrey, Donna Pendergast & Melinda Service (1996), Newspaper reporting of tourism topics, ASJ, 5: 240-255. ZAWAWI, Clara (1994), Sources of news who feeds the watchdogs, AJR, 16 (1): 67-71.
257
Ethics
ANDERSON, David (1992), Subject to, or above the law? Reflections on the Budd jailing, ASJ, 1: 33-42. ANDERSON, Michael (1995), Journalists attitudes and views on the Media, Entertainment and Arts Alliance Code of Ethics, AJR, 17 (2): 32-50. AVIESON, John (1992), Chequebook journalism: A question of ethics, AJR, 14 (1): 45-50. BACON, Wendy & Chris Nash (1999), Confidential sources and the public right to know, AJR, 21 (2): 1-26. BATTYE, Greg (1996), The death of photography revisited, Metro, 105: 43-39. BILBOE, Wendy (1998), The Thredboe landslide: Was it only media ethics that came tumbling down?, AJR, 20 (2): 88-110. BURNS, Lynette & Trevor Hazell (1998), Responseability: Youth suicide and the national university curriculum project, AJR, 20 (2): 111-128. BURTON, Bob (1997), Invisible PR: Dirty tricks for media consumption, AJR, 19 (1): 133-144. CLANCY, Jack (1992), Bias?: A case study of coverage of RMIT in The Age, AJR, 14 (1): 51-57. CASTLE, Phillip (1999), Journalism and trauma: Proposals for change, APME, 7: 143-150. COHEN-ALMAGOR, Raphael (1999), Ethical boundaries to media coverage, AJC, 26 (2): 11-34. COLE-ADAMS, Peter (1999), Reporting war and conflict, APME, 7:102106. COWEN, Sir Zelman (1993), The responsibility of the press: Some current reflections, AJR, 15 (1): 73-79. CRAIG, Geoffrey (1995), Press photography, pixel technology and questions of representation, AJR, 17 (1): 70-78. CUNNINGHAM, Stuart & John Ritchie (1994), An ersatz Asian nation? The ABC in Asia, MIA, 71: 46-54. DORNEY, Sean (1999), Covering catastrophe In Papua New Guinea, APME, 7: 137-150. DORNEY, Sean (2000), Where in the world are we!!, ASJ, 9: 15-30. ELGAR, K. (1996), In defence of Stuart Littlemore: An angel of liberation?, AJR, 18 (1): 7-12. ELGAR, K. (1996), The MEAAs new code of ethics and practical workplace reform, ASJ, 5: 3-16.
258
EWART, Jacqui (2000), Public journalism and the news gender agenda, APME, 9: 119-131. GREEN, Kerry (1994), Computer-assisted reporting sources from cyberspace, ASJ, 3: 219-230. GREEN, Kerry (1995), Media academic adds some afterthoughts on CDROM and photojournalists ethics, Pacific Area Newspaper Publishers Association Bulletin: 132, 38-39. GRIFFIN, Grahame (1992), Dances with digitals: The electronic revolution in Australian press photography, ASJ, 1: 87-100. GRIFFIN, Grahame (1995), Shoot first: The ethics of Australian press photographers, ASJ, 4: 3-28. HENDERSON, Kerrie (1992), The Cojuangco case and disclosure of journalists sources ASJ, 1: 3-32. HENNINGHAM, John (1996), Australian journalists professional and ethical values, JMCS, 73: 206-218. HIPPOCRATES, Cratis (1996), The problems with monitoring journalism ethics in Australia: A review of the judiciary procedures of the Media Entertainment and Arts Alliance, AJR, 18 (1): 67-86. HIRANIO, Chalinee (1999), Journalism professionalism in Thailand: A crisis of ethics, Media Asia, 26 (4) 192-195. HIRST, Martin (1997), The MEAA Code of Ethics for journalists: An historical and theoretical overview, MIA, 83: 63-77. HURST, John (1992), Freebies: A conflict of interest?, AJR, 14 (1): 3344. HURST, John & Sally White (1994), Ethics and the Australian News Media, South Melbourne: Macmillan. JOSEPHI, Beate (1998), The Australian Journalistic Code of Ethics: An international comparative framework, AJR, 20 (1): 58-71. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1997), News media chronicle, July 1996 to June 1997, ASJ, 6: 140-169. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1998), News media chronicle, July 1997 to June 1998, ASJ, 7: 177-213. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1999), News media chronicle, July 1998 to June 1999, ASJ, 8: 197-238. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (2000), News media chronicle, July 1999 to June 2000, ASJ, 9: 139-175. LOWER, Richard (1999), Port Arthur massacre: A TV editors experience, APME, 7: 124-130. LEE, Paul (1999), Does journalism seek truth out? A typology of realities in the news profession, AJR, 21 (1): 92-106.
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McGRATH, Pam & Geoff Turner (1995), The ethics of hope: Newspaper reporting of chemotherapy, ASJ, 4: 50-71. McLELLAN, Trina (1999), Fair game or fair go?: Impact of news reporting on victims and survivors of traumatic events, APME, 7:53-72. NASH, Chris & Wendy Bacon (1999), Confidential sources and the public right to know, AJR, 21 (2): 1-26. NIGHTINGALE, Virginia, Dianne Dickenson & Catherine Griff (2001), Childrens views on media harm, Metro, 131/132: 212-224. NOLAN, David (1999), Doing justice to Pauline: Strategies of representation in television current affairs, APME, 6: 24-39. PUTNIS, Peter (1992), Television journalism and image ethics, AJR, 14 (2): 1-17. REPORT OF THE ETHICS REVIEW COMMITTEE (1997), Ethics in Journalism, Media Entertainment and Arts Alliance, Australian Journalists Association section, Carlton South: Melbourne University Press. PEARSON, Mark (2000), Advertorials and The Trade Practices Act: Why the Golden Tonsils saga might prove costly in the long run, AJR, 22(1), 57-67. RICHARDS, Ian (1994), Encountering death for the first time, AJR, 16 (1): 115-120. RICHARDS, Ian (1996), Intrusion into grief and journalism education, AJR, 18 (1): 99-106. RICHARDS, Ian (1998), Searching for a way out: The imbroglio in journalism ethics, AJR, 20 (1): 72-81. RING, Anne (1999), Cosmetic surgery magazines: Mass mediating the new face of medical practice, ASJ, 8: 118-138. SEXTON, Grania & Alan McKee (2001), The place of media in community formation for homeless youth: A case study of Gibber magazine, AJC, 28(2): 63-76. SHERIDAN BURNS, Lynette (1996), Blocking the exits: Focus on the decision in ethical decision making, AJR, 18 (1): 87-98. SIMPSON, Lindsay (2001), Reporting Port Arthur: A personal account, AJR, 23(2): 191-199. SMITH, Jonathan (1994), Eyewitness ethics: The moral meaning of watching suffering while reporting famine and war, AJR, 16 (2): 3146. SMITH, Michael (1992), Accountability: The writing on the wall, AJR, 14 (1): 27-32.
260
TANNER, Stephen (1993), Private enterprises: The role played by the media in fighting corruption, Proceedings, VIth International AntiCorruption Conference, vol. II, Cancun, Mexico. TANNER, Stephen (1995), Defining political corruption in light of the Metherell Inquiry, Legislative Studies, vol. 9 (2): 48-57. TANNER, Stephen (1996), Friend or foe? Understanding media attitudes towards corruption, chapter in Anti-Corruption for Social Stability and Development, Collected Works of the Seventh International AntiCorruption Conference Beijing: Hong Qi Publishing House. TANNER Stephen (1998), Watchdog or attack dog? The media, politics and ethics, chapter in N. Preston, C. Sampford with C-A. Bois (eds), Ethics and Political Practice: Perspectives on Legislative Ethics, Leichardt: Federation Press/Routledge, 90-107. TANNER, Stephen (1999), The Media as an anti-corruption mechanism, in A. Deysine & D. Kesselman (eds), Argent, Politique et Corruption, Paris: University of Paris X Press: 173-88. TURNER, Geoff (1993), News media chronicle: 1992-93, ASJ, 2: 318342. TURNER, Geoff (1994), Frontline ethics: The Australian medias siege mentality, ASJ, 3: 24-38. TURNER, Geoff (1994), Journalistic ethics in Australia: Raising the standards, AJR, 16 (1): 1-12. TURNER, Geoff (1994), News media chronicle: 1993-94, ASJ, 3: 390431. TURNER, Geoff (1995), News media chronicle: July 1994 to June 1995, ASJ, 4: 228-275. TURNER, Graeme (1996), Maintaining the news: A comparative analysis of news and current affairs services provided by the ABC and the commercial sector, Culture and Policy, 7 (3): 127-164. TURNER, Graeme (1996), Post journalism: News and current affairs programming from the late 80s to the present, MIA, 79 (4): 78-91. UNWIN, Alston (1994), Psychiatric aspects of hostage siege negotiations, ASJ, 3: 39-51. VARLEY, Caroline (1997), Legislating from within, AJR, 19 (1): 105-118. WHITE, Aidan (1995), Journalists and human rights, Reportage, 5, Sydney: Australian Centre for Independent Journalism.
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Ethnic issues
AUSTRALIAN CENTRE FOR INDEPENDENT JOURNALISM (1993), Signposts: A Guide to Reporting Aboriginal, Torres Strait Islander and Ethnic Affairs, rev. ed., University of Technology Sydney. BAGUST, Phil (2001), The end of extinction?: Playing the devils advocate for designer Thylacines and theme park ecosystems in the age of panentertainment, AJC, 28(1): 1-18. BELL, Philip (1997), News values, race, and The Hanson Debate in the Australian media, APME, 2: 38-47. BELL, Philip (1997), (Yet another) race row looms, Metro, 109: 79-81. BISHOP Peter (2000), Reporting the rail: Nation building and the Alice , Springs-Darwin railway, AJC, 27(3): 49-66. BLOOD, Warwick & Paul Lee (1997), Public opinion at risk: An elaboration of public opinion about Pauline Hansons agenda, AJR, 19 (2): 88103. BRADY, Veronica (1994), Representations and ideology, Studies in Western Australian History, 15: 7-13. BROUGH, Mark (1999), A lost cause? Representations of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health in Australian newspapers, AJC, 26 (2): 87-96. BULLIMORE, Kim (1999), Media dreaming: Representation of Aboriginality in modern Australia media, APME, 6: 72-80. CARRUTHERS, Ashley (1995): Rethinking the Vietnamese media relation, AJC, 22 (1): 48-61. CARRUTHERS, Ashley (1995), Suburbanasia! Ways of reading cultural difference in the mainstream Australian media, MIA, 77: 86-93. CHILDS, Fiona (1999), Government relations with the Australian ethnic press: A case study of the Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs during 1996, AJR, DAVIS, Therese (2001), Mabo: The name and face of native title a question of recognition, Metro, 127/128: 24-28. DUNBAR, Jane (1994), Newspaper coverage of Mabo: An evaluation of performance, AJR, 16 (2): 116-124. ELLISON, Anne & Iva Ellen Deutchman (1999), A star is born: The roller coaster ride of Pauline Hanson in the news, MC&S, 21(1): 33-50. GOODALL, Heather (1993), Constructing a riot: Television news and Aborigines, MIA, 68: 70-77. JACUBOWICZ, Andrew (1992), Media and cultural minorities in the 1990s, MIA, 63: 67-74.
262
JAKUBOWICZ, Andrew (1997), Shes not there: Pauline Hanson and the Australian media, Metro, 109: 82-85. KAUCHER, Linda (1995), Encouraging or discouraging racism the medias choice: A comparison of the reporting of a media event, Metro, 10: 36-41. LACEY, Geoff (1993), Females, Aborigines and Asians in newspaper photographs, 1950-1990, ASJ, 2: 244-269. LEWIS, Glen (1997), The media and the Pauline Hanson debate: Cheap talk or free speech?, AJC, 24 (1): 9-22. LOO, Eric (1993), Ethnic newsworthiness: pragmatic research on editors attitudes, AJR, 15 (1): 87-92. LOO, Eric (1994), Riding on platitudes and prejudice: Media coverage of John Newman and Vietnamese, MIA, 74: 73-77. LOO, Eric (1994), Teaching development journalism in the reporting of cultural diversity, AJR, 16 (2): 1-10. McGREGOR, Peter (1993), Accommodating differences? A review of the MIAC conference, MIA, 70: 83-86. McKAY, Susan (1993), Representations of the Vietnamese in the letter columns of the daily press, AJC, 20 (1): 99-115. MEADOWS, Michael (1992), Broadcasting in Aboriginal Australia: One mob, one voice, one land, in Stephen H. Riggins (ed), Ethnic Minority Media: An International Perspective, Newbury Park: Sage: 82-101. MEADOWS, Michael (1994), Lost opportunities: The media, land rights and Mabo, MIA, 71: 100-109. MEADOWS, Michael (1995), Northern exposure: Indigenous television developments in northern Canada, MIA, 78: 109-119. MEADOWS, Michael (1995), Ideas from the bush: Indigenous television in Australia and Canada, CJC, 20 (2): 197-212. MEADOWS, Michael (1997), Perfect match: The media and Pauline Hanson, Metro, 109: 86-90. PITTAM, Jeffery & Susan McKay (1993), Ethnic identity and the humaninterest story: Vietnamese in Brisbane, AJR, 15 (2): 51-62. PUTNIS, Peter (1994), Minority groups in the news: Representation and the use of file tape, MIA, 72: 74-83. RICHARDS, Ian (1993), Recognising reality: Journalism education and multicultural Australia, AJR, 15 (1): 80-86. ROSE, Michael (1993), Aboriginal print journalism: A forgotten medium?, AJR, 15 (2): 1-15. RYAN, Jan (1994), Humour and exclusion: Chinese minorities and the conservative press in late nineteenth century Western Australia, Studies in Western Australian History, 15: 23-34.
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SELBY, Jane M. (1999), Bad News about Palm Island? Press Accounts Of An Indigenous Community, APME, 6: 99-107. TURNER, Geoff (1993), News media chronicle: 1992-93, ASJ, 2: 318342. WEARING, Michael (1993), Professional discourse and sensational journalism, AJC, 20 (1): 84-98.
Foreign news
BAKER, Mark (1992), The Beijing massacre and the media, AJR, 14 (1): 1-20. BROINOWSKI, Alison (1999), A pebble in both our shoes: East Timor and the media, 1999, AJR, 21 (3) 1-24. CASS, Philip (1992), A comparison of the coverage of the Bougainville civil war in the Australian and the Times of PNG, AJR, 14 (2): 79-90. CRONAU, Peter (1995), Bouganville: Australian coverage of a dirty war, Nius Bilong Pasifik (Mass Media in the Pacific): 159-174. CUNNINGHAM, Stuart & John Ritchie (1994), An ersatz Asian nation? The ABC in Asia, MIA, 71: 46-54. KNIGHT, Alan & Yoshiko Nakano (eds, 1999), Reporting Hong Kong: foreign media and the handover, New York: St Martins Press. MANCHANDA, Usha (1998), Invasion from the skies: the impact of foreign television on India, ASJ, 7:136-163. HARMON, Mark (1998), Coverage of Australian by CNN World Report and US television news network news, ASJ, 7: 74-83. HENNINGHAM, John (2000), The death of Diana: An Australian news diffusion study, AJR, 22(2): 23-33. HODGE, Errol (1995), Radio Australia: Truth, Propaganda and the Struggle for Radio Australia, Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. HODGE, Errol (1997), International broadcasting: The reluctant ABC, MIA, 84: 87-90. JONES, Morris (1999), Kosovo crisis on the internet, APME, 6: 127132. KINGSBURY, Damien (1992), Agendas in Indonesian responses to Australian journalism: Some journalists perspectives, AJR, 14 (2): 58-67. KINGSBURY, Damien (1994), Indonesias view of Australian journalism, ASJ, 3: 315-334. KINGSBURY, Damien (1997), Constraints on reporting Australias Asian neighbours, APME, 2: 102-111.
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KNIGHT, Alan (1994), Australian press coverage of the Cambodian elections, AJR, 16 (1): 27-44. LEWIS, Glen & Sun Wanning (1993), The Peoples Daily, the Australian and Japan: A narrative analysis, AJR, 15 (1): 53-62. LINDLEY, David (1993), Spatial bias in the reporting of international news in Australia, ASJ, 2: 270-287. LOO, Eric & Sankaran Ramanathan (1993), Soured relations: Australian and Malaysian press coverage of the Raja Bahrin-Gillespie custody dispute, MIA, 70: 3-9. LOO, Eric & Martin Hirst (1995), Recalcitrant or keras kepala? A crosscultural study of how Malaysian and Australian press covered the Keating/Mahathir spat, MIA, 77: 107-109. LOUW, P Eric (1997), Parallel media response to racial policies in Malaysia . and new South Africa, APME, 2: 22-37. McCARTHY, Nigel (1999), Kosovo and the Australian media: Reporting the news from the Balkans and at home, in Peter Geoff (ed), The Kosovo news and propaganda war, International Press Institute, Vienna: 26472. McCARTHY, Nigel (1999), The trouble with tigers, Dateline, SBS TV, Sydney, 8 and 22 September, 2x16 mins. McCARTHY, Nigel (2000), Aid workers, intelligence gathering and media self-censorship, ASJ, 9: 30-50. McKAY, Jim & Philip Smith (1995), Exonerating the hero: Frames and narratives in media coverage of the O.J. Simpson story, MIA, 75: 57-66. MURRAY, Jacqui (1994), Japan: The national news story which was not told, ASJ, 3: 52-66. NAKANO, Yoshiko & Alan Knight (eds,1999), Reporting Hong Kong: Foreign Media and the Handover, New York: St Martins Press. PAVASARIS, Sue (1996), Bringing the world back home: An analysis of Foreign Correspondent, ASJ, 5: 101-122. PUTNIS, Peter (1995), Producing overseas news for Australian television, AJR, 17 (1): 99-118. PUTNIS, Peter (1996), The production of overseas news at Channel 7, MIA, 79 (4): 98-107. PUTNIS, Peter, John Penhallurick & Michael Bourk (2000), The pattern of international news in Australias mainstream media, AJR, 22(1): 1-19. RAMANATHAN, Sankaran & Eric Loo Giap Seng (1993), Australian and Malaysian newspaper coverage of the Gillespie dispute, AJR, 15 (2): 63-68.
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YOUNG, Peter (1992), The ascendancy of the military over the media in the Gulf, ASJ, 1: 73-86.
Gay and lesbian media

HARRIS, Gavin (1995), Perving on perversity: A nice night in front of the tele, MIA, 78:20-32. HURLEY, Michael (1995), A selectively annotated, part bibliography of lesbian and gay print media in Australia, MIA, 78: 81-90. McKEE, Alan (2000), Images of gay men in the media and the development of self esteem, AJC, 27(2): 81-98. SEARLE, Samantha (1995), Our ABC?: The 1994 Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras Parade Broadcast, MIA, 78: 13-15.
History
BOLTON, Geoffrey (1994), The price of protest: Press and judiciary in 1870, Studies in Western Australian History, 15: 14-22. BROWN, Peter (1995), Gender, the press and history: Coverage of womens sport in the Newcastle Herald 1890-1990, MIA, 75: 24-34. BROWNRIGG, Jeff (1997), Alfred Ewins makes a stand: A country newspaper editor at work, AJC, 24 (3): 27-40. BUCKRIDGE, Patrick (1993), Brian Penton: A career in journalism, ASJ, 2: 20-37. BUCKRIDGE, Patrick (1994), The Scandalous Penton, St Lucia: University of Queensland Press. BYERS, Karen (1994), The goldfields come to Perth: The Sunday Times 1897-1905, Studies in Western Australian History, 15: 45-55. CRYLE, Denis (1992), The Australian newspaper industry: Inter-colonial perspectives, ASJ, 1: 101-112. CRYLE, Denis (1993), The popular press in colonial Australia: A culture industry perspective, ASJ, 2: 38-45. CRYLE, Denis (1994), A disreputable elite? Journalists and journalism in colonial Australia, ASJ, 3: 130-136. CRYLE, Denis (1995), Journalism and objectivity: A colonial viewpoint, ASJ, 4: 90-98. CRYLE, Denis (ed, 1997), Disreputable Profession: Journalists and Journalism in Colonial Australia, Rockhampton: Central Queensland University Press. CRYLE, Denis (1997), Press, parliament and bar: Charles Lilleys early Queensland years, ASJ, 6: 127-139.
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CRYLE, Denis (1997), Journalism and status: An historical case study approach, AJR, 19 (1): 171-180. CRYLE, Denis (1999), Researching media history: National and global perspectives, Media History, 5 (1): 65-70. CRYLE, Denis (1999), Corporations and collectives: An overview of Australian newspaper companies 1860-1920, ASJ, 8: 83-95. CURTHOYS, Ann, Julianne Schultz & Paula Hamilton (1993), A history of Australian journalism, 1890 to the present: Report on a research project, ASJ, 2: 45-52. DAVIES, Glenn (1996), Looking backward: Republican journalism in the 1880s and the 1890s, ASJ, 5:141-157. DOWLING, Peter (1999), Truth versus art in nineteenth-century graphic journalism: The colonial Australia case, Media History, 5 (2): 109125. EGGERKING, Kitty (2000), Keeping count of democracy, AJR, 22(2): 59-74. EVANS, Kathryn (1994), The copytaker and the telephone: Researching a cultural history of journalism, MIA, 73: 29-34. FAIRFAX, James (1992), My Regards to Broadway, Sydney: Angus & Robertson. GRIFFEN-FOLEY, Bridget (1994), A biographical profile of George Warnecke, ASJ, 3: 67-108. GRIFFIN, Grahame (1994), An historical survey of Australian press photography, AJC, 21 (1): 46-63. HARVEY, Ross (1999), Newspaper archives in Australian and New Zealand, Media History, 5 (1): 71-80. HENNINGHAM, John (1992), Journalisms Threat to Freedom of the Press, University of Queensland Inaugural Lecture, St Lucia: University of Queensland Press. HENNINGHAM, John (1994), Cultural journalism (Australia), in Eugene Benson & L.W. Conolly (eds), Encyclopedia of Post-Colonial Literatures in English (1), London: Routledge: 315-317. HODGE, Errol (1992), Radio Australias news commentaries: A Cold War battleground, AJR, 14 (1): 58-67. HODGE, Errol (1994), Radio Australia and Indonesia: The early years, AJR, 16 (1): 13-26. JENKINS, Cathy (1996), The press and the Other: Coverage of the first women in Australias federal parliament, ASJ, 5: 82-200. JOSEPHI, Beate (2000), A matter of organisation, ASJ, 9: 106-125. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1993), Queensland provincial dailies, 1930-1989, ASJ, 2: 57-61.
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KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1994), Six dynasties that ended with a whimper: The end of PNQ, ASJ, 3: 109-129. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1995), Purposely parochial: Three provincial dailies, 1930-1990, ASJ, 4: 98-122. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1995), The mirror of local life: Country newspapers, country values and country content, in P Share (ed), Communications . and Culture in Rural Areas, pp. 219-237, Cent Rural Soc Res Key Pap 4. Wagga Wagga (NSW), Charles Sturt Univ Cent Rural Soc Res. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1995), Country newspaper dynasties in demise, Proceedings of University of Queensland History Research Group, 6: 79-89. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1996), Survival and persistence: A case study of four provincial press sites, ASJ, 5:158188. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1996), Diploma to degree: 75 years of tertiary journalism studies, ASJ, 5:256264. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1997), News media chronicle: July 1996 to June 1997, ASJ, 6: 140-169. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1997), Beyond the bounds of rose-water speech: Thadeus OKane and the Northern Miner, 1873-1889, in D. Cryle, Disreputable Profession: Journalists and Journalism in Colonial Australia, Rockhampton, Central Queensland University Press: 103-125. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1997), The 1890s constitutional debates through the eyes of the Queensland press, Brisbane History Group Papers, 15: 116-124. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1997), When there are no ravens, Land of Beardies History House Bulletin, 24 (3): 12-15. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1998), News media chronicle, July 1997 to June 1998, ASJ, 7: 177-213. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1998), Horace to Hawkeye: The development of newspapers in the Manning Valley: Part 1, Manning Valley Historical Society Journal, 6, November, 4-17. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1998), Shield of the people? The provincial press and the fourth estate, AJR, 20 (1): 82-103. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1998),News media chronicle: July 1997 to June 1998, ASJ, 7: 177-213. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1998), Scissors and paste: Recreating the history of newspapers in ten country towns, Bibliographic Society of Australia and New Zealand Bulletin, 22 (4): 232-246. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1999), News media chronicle, July 1998 to June 1999, ASJ, 8: 197-238.
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KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1999), Horace to Hawkeye: The development of newspapers in the Manning Valley: Part 2, Manning Valley Historical Society Journal, 7, March, 5-12. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1999), House of unelected representatives: The provincial press 1825-100, in Ann Curthoys & Julianne Schultz (eds), Journalism: Print, Politics and Popular Culture, Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, pp. 20-35 and 281-284. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1999), Casting off provincialism? The changing national outlook of country newspapers, in Jacqui Ewart (ed), Journalism Theory and Practice: Proceedings of the 1998 Journalism Education Association Conference, pp. 86-99. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1999), The provincial press and politics: NSW 18311940, ASJ, 8: 96-117. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (2000), Chronic circulation decline: Regional dailies succumb to metropolitan virus, ASJ, 9: 75-105. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (2000), News media chronicle, July 1999 to June 2000, ASJ, 9: 139-175. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (2000), How newspaper editors helped the country become politically articulate, AJR, 22(1): 18-136. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (2000), Country Conscience: A History of the New South Wales Provincial Press, Infinite Harvest Publishing, Canberra City, A.C.T. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (2000), Covering every dogfight: A century and a half of local news in the provincical press, Australian Journalism Monographs, Dept. of Journalism, University of Queensland, Brisbane. KITLEY, Philip (2000), Reformasi: Vulnerable values and the regulation of television in Indonesia, APME, 8: 132-148. LACEY, Geoff (1993), Females, Aborigines and Asians in newspaper photographs, 1950-1990, ASJ, 2: 244-269. LAWE-DAVIES, Chris (1996), George Warnecke and the Packers: A dynasty denied, MIA, 79 (1): 95-102. LLOYD, Clem (1994), An acute contusion: News management in the 1920s, ASJ, 3: 136-142. McCARTHY, Nigel (2000), Alf Rattigan and the journalists: Advocacy journalism and agenda setting in the Australian tariff debate 19631971, AJR, 22(2): 88-102. McDONALD, Neil (1994), War Cameraman: The Story of Damien Parer, Port Melbourne: Lothian. McILWAINE, Stephen (2001), Science and journalism: A Mexican standoff?, AJR, 23(2): 167-188.
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MORAN, Albert (1992), Stay Tuned: An Australian Broadcasting Reader, Sydney: Allen & Unwin. MORRISON, Elizabeth (1993), Australian colonial newspapers as literary publishers, ASJ, 2: 63-67. MORRISON, Elizabeth (1993), The role of Victorias colonial press in shaping political institutions, ASJ, 2: 61-63. MURRAY, Jacqui (1993), Dixons fight for ABC News in Asia, AJR, 15 (2): 101-111. MURRAY, Jacqui (1994), Japan: The national news story which was not told, ASJ, 3: 52-66. MURRAY, Jacqui (1994), The institutional origins of ABC censorship in the 1930s, AJR, 16 (2): 125-131. PEACH, Bill (1992), This Day Tonight: How Australian Current Affairs TV Came of Age, Sydney: ABC. PETERSEN, Neville (1993), Broadcast news values, 1932-1992, ASJ, 2: 53-57. PETERSEN, Neville (1993), News Not Views: The ABC, the Press and Politics 1932-1947, Sydney: Hale & Iremonger. PETERSEN, Neville (1997), Inadequacies of the newsagency model for broadcast news: The ABC, BBC and CBC, 1945-55, ASJ, 6: 41-65. PICKER, Greg (1994), Understanding colonial ideologies: The use of newspaper evidence, ASJ, 3: 143-146. PUTNIS, Peter (1997), The business of Empire: Henry M. Collins and the early role of Reuters in Australia, AJC, 24 (3): 11-26. PUTNIS, Peter (1999), The press cable monopoly 1895-1909: A case study of Australian media policy development, Media International Australia incorporating Culture and Policy, 92 (Feb): 139-156. RICHARDS, Ian (1997), Assessing our history: Two decades of AJR, AJR, 19 (1): 181-186. ROSE, Michael (1993), Aboriginal print journalism: A forgotten medium?, AJR, 15 (2): 1-15. ROSE, Michael (1995), A history of the development of the Koori Mail, AJR, 17 (1): 17-39. RYAN, Jan (1994), Humour and exclusion: Chinese minorities and the conservative press in late nineteenth century Western Australia, Studies in Western Australian History, 15: 23-34. SAUNDERS, Malcolm (1996), A country newspaper in the early twentiethcentury Australia: Harry Samuel Taylor and the Murray Pioneer: 190532, ASJ, 5: 189-212.
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SECKER, Louise (1994), The politics of the press: A study of the conservative press in Western Australia 1930-1934, Studies in Western Australian History, 15: 35-44. SEKULESS K. (1999), A handful of hacks, Sydney: Allen & Unwin. TANNER, Stephen (1995), The rise and fall of Edmund Rouse, ASJ, 4: 72-89. TOOHILL, David (1993), Our words are our bonds: A study of Labor newspapers, ASJ, 2: 67-74. WILLIAMS, Deane (2001), International documentary film-maker: John Heyer, Metro, 129/130: 248-253.
Indigenous issues
BACON, Wendy & Bonita Mason (1995), Reporting Aboriginal deaths in custody, Reportage, 5, Sydney: Australian Centre for Independent Journalism. BELL, Philip (1997), News values, race, and The Hanson Debate in the Australian media, APME, 2: 38-47. BELL, Philip (1997), (Yet another) race row looms, Metro, 109: 79-81. BISHOP Peter (2000), Reporting the rail: Nation building and the Alice , Springs-Darwin railway, AJC, 27(3): 49-66. BLOOD, Warwick & Paul Lee (1997), Public opinion at risk: An elaboration of public opinion about Pauline Hansons agenda, AJR, 19 (2): 88103. BROUGH, Mark (1999), A lost cause? Representations of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health in Australian newspapers, AJC, 26 (2): 87-96. BULLIMORE, Kim (1999), Media dreaming: Representation of Aboriginality in modern Australia media, APME, 6: 72-80. EGGERKING, Kitty (1996), Introducing the Media and Indigenous Australians Project, AJR, 18 (1): 21-24. ENDERS, Mike (1995), Putting a price on life: A propaganda approach to media coverage of Aboriginal deaths in custody, AJR, 17 (1): 1-16. EWART, Jacqui (1997), The scabsuckers: Regional journalists representation of indigenous Australians, AJR, 3: 108-117. FORDE, Susan (1997), An end to the stereotypes? Introducing compulsory indigenous studies to journalism students, Journal (Aboriginal Studies Association), 6: 37-40. HARTLEY, John (1997), An Aboriginal public sphere in the era of media citizenship, Culture and Policy, 8 (2): 43-65.
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LAWE DAVIES, Chris (ed, 1998), Media and Indigenous Australians Project, St Lucia: Department of Journalism, University of Queensland. LEWIS, Glen (1997), The media and the Pauline Hanson debate: Cheap talk or free speech?, AJC, 24 (1): 9-22. McKEE Alan & Lynette Sheridan Burns (1999), Reporting on indigenous issues: Some practical suggestions for journalists, AJR, 21 (2): 103116. McKEE Alan (1999), Accentuate the negative: Reality and race in Australian film reviewing, ASJ, 8: 139-157. MEADOWS, Michael (1995), Northern exposure: Indigenous television developments in northern Canada, MIA, 78: 109-119. MEADOWS, Michael (1995), Ideas from the bush: Indigenous television in Australia and Canada, CJC, 20 (2): 197-212. MEADOWS, Michael (1996), Reclaiming the public sphere: Indigenous journalism in Australia and Canada, ASJ, 61-81. MEADOWS, Michael (1997), Perfect match: The media and Pauline Hanson, Metro, 109: 86-90. MEADOWS, Michael, Cratis Hippocrates & Kitty van Vuuren (1997), Targeting the media: Comparing print and television news coverage of indigenous affairs, AJR, 19 (2): 73-87. MEADOWS, Michael & Shannon Avison (2000), Speaking and hearing: Aboriginal newspapers and the public sphere in Canada and Australia, CJC, 25(): 347-366. MEADOWS, Michael (2000), Deals and victories: Newspaper coverage of native title in Australian and Canada, AJR, 22(1): 81-105. MICKLE, S. (1998), The Myth of Privilege: Aboriginal Status, Media Visions, Public Ideas, South Fremantle: Fremantle Arts Centre Press. PURI, Kamal (2000), Whose ownership?, Media Asia: an Asian Mass Communication Quarterly, 27(1): 30-32. ROSE, Michael (1995), A history of the development of the Koori Mail, AJR, 17 (1): 17-39. SCOTT, Paul (1996),What do we have to know this for? The Broadcasting for Remote Aboriginal Communities Sheme and Tertiary Curricula, AJR, 18 (1): 25-38. SELBY, Jane M. (1999), Bad News about Palm Island? Press Accounts Of An Indigenous Community, APME, 6: 99-107. SHERIDAN BURNS, Lynette & Alan McKee (1999), Reporting on indigenous issues: Some practical suggestions for journalists, AJR, 21 (2): 103-116. SUMMERHAYES, Catherine (2001), Going back for the wounded, Metro, 127/128: 30-41.
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TARANTO, Claudia (1996), Whats black to you may be white to me: Training indigenous broadcasters and journalists, Beyond the Divide,1 (1):56-65.
Industrial issues
APPS, Lawrence (1992), News media chronicle 1991-92, ASJ, 1: 197207. BAKER, David & Katrina Mandy Oakham (1999), Dishing up the docks: The MUA dispute as a case study of successful agenda setting, AJR, 21 (3): 127-149. CASTLE, Phillip (1999), Journalism and trauma: Proposals for change, APME, 7: 143-150. DOMBKINS, Margaret (1993), The impact of technology and environmental factors on newspaper organisational design, AJR, 15 (1): 29-51. HERBERT, John (1996), Truth and credibility: The sound of the broadcast journalist, ASJ, 5: 123-140. HODGE, Errol (1992), Radio Australias news commentaries: A Cold War battleground, AJR, 14 (1): 58-67. HODGE, Errol (1993), Editorial integrity and Australia Television International, AJR, 15 (2): 91-100. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (2000), Chronic circulation decline: Regional dailies succumb to metropolitan virus, ASJ, 9: 75-105. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (2000), News media chronicle, July 1999 to June 2000, ASJ, 9: 139-175. LAWE DAVIES, Chris (1994), The journalism industry award, arbitration and the universities, ASJ, 3: 356-371. MACLENNAN, Gary (1993), The Burnie Mill dispute and the media: Class conflict or collective catastrophe, AJR, 15 (1): 6-71. MADDEN, Raymond (2001), Race and gender in the new deep north, Metro, 131/132: 164-139. OAKHAM, Mandy & David Baker (1999), Dishing up the docks: The MUA dispute as a case study of successful agenda setting, AJR, 21 (3): 127-149. PALLING, Bruce (1999), Not a job for the over-forties, BJR, 10(3): 6065. PLACE, Nic (1992), Journalists and trauma: The need for counselling, ASJ, 1: 113-158. SCHULTZ, Julianne (1992), Investigative reporting tests journalistic independence, AJR, 14 (2): 18-30.
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TURNER, Geoff (1993), News media chronicle: 1992-93, ASJ, 2: 318342. TURNER, Geoff (1994), News media chronicle: 1993-94, ASJ, 3: 390431. TURNER, Geoff (1995), News media chronicle: July 1994 to June 1995, ASJ, 4: 228-275. WATERFORD, Jack (2000), A golden age for journalism?, ASJ, 9: 3-14. WILSON, David (1992), Charters of editorial independence, AJR, 14 (2): 31-36.
International comparison
BREEN, Myles (1996), The image of Australia in US television news, 19861995, ASJ, 5: 43-60. CUNNINGHAM, Stuart & Elizabeth Jacka (1996), Australian Television and International Mediascapes, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. FORDE, Susan (2000), Closing The Eye: Looking overseas for Australian newspaper policy options, APME, 9: 192-201. FORDE, Susan (2000), Freedom of the press and government press subsidies: Swedish journalists views on subsidies in 1999, AJR, 22(1): 106-117. HENNINGHAM, John (1995), Journalism in the USA and Australia: Some comparisons, AJC, 22 (1); 77-91. HENNINGHAM, John (1998), Ideological differences between Australian journalists and their public, Harvard International Journal of Press/ Politics, 3 (1): 92-101. JACKA, Elizabeth (1997), Public service broadcasting in transition: The view from Europe, Culture and Policy, 8 (2): 115-127. JONES, Morris (1999), Trouble in paradise: Hawaiis newspaper crisis, APME, 7: 151-154. JOSEPHI, Beati (2000), Learning the all important angle: Young reporters at South China Morning Post, APME, 9: LOO, Eric & Martin Hirst (1995), Recalcitrant or keras kepala? A crosscultural study of how Malaysian and Australian press covered the Keating/Mahathir spat, MIA, 77: 107-109. MEADOWS, Michael (1995), Northern exposure: Indigenous television developments in northern Canada, MIA, 78: 109-119. MEADOWS, Michael (1996), Reclaiming the public sphere: Indigenous journalism in Australia and Canada, ASJ, 61-81.
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MEADOWS, Michael & Shannon Avison (2000), Speaking and hearing: Aboriginal newspapers and the public sphere in Canada and Australia, CJC, 25(): 347-366. MEADOWS, Michael (2000), Deals and victories: Newspaper coverage of native title in Australian and Canada, AJR, 22(1): 81-105. McCARTHY, Nigel (1999), Kosovo and the Australian media: Reporting the news from the Balkans and at home, in Peter Geof (ed), The Kosovo news and propaganda war, International Press Institute, Vienna: 26472. MENSBRUGGHE, Joelle van der (1999), Limits on the presss function as a public forum: An international study of environmental news, APME, 6: 6-23. OAKHAM, Mandy & John Tidey (2000), Models for the millennium: How the UK and New Zealand, AJR, 22(1): 150-163. PRICE, Monroe E. (1997), The global weaking of public service broadcasting, MIA, 83: 18-23. ROBIE, David (1999), Pacific newsrooms and the campus: Some comparisons between Fiji and Papua New Guinea, ASJ, 8: 176-196. WARD, Ian (1995), Bringing the voters back in: A Canadian model for Australia?, ASJ, 4, 29-49.
Journalism education
ALYSEN, Barbara & Katrina Mandy Oakham (1996), The Jana Wendt Factor: An empirical study of myths and misconceptions among journalism students, AJR, 18 (1): 39-53. ALYSEN, Barbara (1999), Selecting the newsmakers: Journalism graduates in the marketplace, AJR, 21 (1): 143-159. ALYSEN, Barbara (2001), Tertiary journalism education: Its value in cadet selection at metropolitan media, APME, 10: 100-111. BACON, Wendy (1999), What is a journalist in a university?, Media International Australia incorporating Culture and Policy, 92 (Feb): 7990. BREEN, Myles (1993), Applying the spiral of silence: Nothing more practical than a good theory, AJR, 15 (1): 11-16. BREEN, Myles (1995), Journalism education and modernity: A respectable paradigm, in J. Tully (ed), Beyond 2000: Future Directions in Journalism Education, Proceedings from the Journalism Education Annual Conference, December, 1995. Christchurch: University of Canterbury: 34-41. BREEN, Myles (1995), Pedagogical correctness in journalism education: Using the guest lecturer to advantage, AJR, 17 (1): 136-147.
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BREEN, Myles (1996), Modernity and journalism education: A respectable paradigm, AJC, 23 (1):91-103. BREEN, Myles (1996), Journalism and constructive learning: Trusting the good sense of our students, APME, 1 (1): 4-14. BREEN, Myles, Paul Lee & Roger Patching (1997), Tracking research for journalism educators. AJR 19 (1): 159-170. CAFARELLA, Jane (2001), Training in the suburban newsroom, APME, 10: 6-15. CAMERON, David (2001), Playing serious games in journalism classes, APME, 11: 141-149. DENTREMONT, Nicole & Elizabeth Dougall (1999), Building bridges: Enlightening foreign correspondents through the virtual classroom, APME, 7: 86-100. DORNEY, Sean (2000), Where in the world are we!!, ASJ, 9: 15-30. DOWNIE, Sue (1999), Medilink: New program to promote Asia-Australia media exchange, APME, 7: 155-157. DOWNIE, Sue (2000), Journalism training In Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam, APME, 8: 99-112. EWART, Jacqui (1998), What a difference two weeks make: The importance of training in the acceptance of pagination in newsrooms, AJR, 20 (1): 23-38. FLEW, Terry & Jason Sternberg (1999), Media wars: Media studies and journalism education, Media International Australia incorporating Culture and Policy, 90 (Feb): 9-14 FORDE, Susan (1997), An end to the stereotypes? Introducing compulsory indigenous studies to journalism students, Journal (Aboriginal Studies Association), 6: 37-40. GREEN, Kerry & Lyle Radford (1993), Digital cameras: Industrial problems?, AJR, 15 (1): 99-102. GREEN, Kerry (1997), On-line and undercover: Discovering the boundaries, AJR, 19 (2): 24-30. GREEN, Kerry & Stephen Mcilwaine (1999), Where do all the graduates go?, AJR, 21 (2): 134-141. GUERKE, Lani & Martin Hirst (1996), Across the genres: How journalism is changing in the 1990s, AJR, 18 (1): 117-134. HART, Elizabeth (2001), Journalism education and rural newspaper standards, APME, 10: 31-37. HENNINGHAM, John (1992), Journalisms Threat to Freedom of the Press, University of Queensland Inaugural Lecture, St Lucia: University of Queensland Press.
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HENNINGHAM, John (1993), Australian journalists attitudes to education, AJR, 15 (2): 77-90. HENNINGHAM, John (1994), A suggested core curriculum in journalism education, AJR, 16 (1): 88-93. HENNINGHAM, John (1999), Proud to be a journalism educator, AJR, 21 (3): 181-196. HERBERT, John (1997), Journalism education at the tertiary level, AJR, 19 (1): 7-18. JACUBOWICZ, Andrew (1992), Media and cultural minorities in the 1990s, MIA, 63: 67-74. JOSEPHI, Beate (1999), From journalism school to newsroom: What rite of passage?, APME, 7: 74-85. JOSEPHI, Beate (2000), Learning the all important angle: Young reporters at South China Morning Post, APME, 9: KESHVANI, Nisar (2000), Trends in the online newsroom: A study of the Straits Times interactive, APME, 9: 106-118. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1996), Diploma to degree: 75 years of tertiary journalism studies, ASJ, 5:256264. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (2001), Are community newspapers really different?, APME, 10: 16-21. LAWE DAVIES, Chris (1993), The Media in Australia: A review essay, ASJ, 2: 343-356. LAWE DAVIES, Chris (1994), The journalism industry award, arbitration and the universities, ASJ, 3: 356-371. LOO, Eric (1994), Teaching development journalism in the reporting of cultural diversity, AJR, 16 (2): 1-10. LOO, Eric (2001), Journalism Training: Are you a coach or a player?, Media Asia: an Asian Mass Communication Quarterly, 28(1): 23-29. MACKEY, Steve & Richard Phillipps (1997), A Virtual crisis game for public relations and journalism students, AJR, 19 (1): 155-158. MCILWAINE, Stephen & Kerry Green (1999), Where do all the graduates go?, AJR, 21 (2): 134-141. McKNIGHT, David (2000), Scholarship, research and journalism: An interview with Professor James Carey, AJR, 22(2), 17-22. MEADOWS, Michael (1997), Taking a problem-based learning approach to journalism education, APME, 3: 89-107. MORGAN, Frank (1999), The moving finger writes: Conditions for a theory of journalism, AJR, 21 (1): 68-91. MORGAN, Frank (2000), Recipes for success: Curriculum for professional media education, APME, 8: 4-21.
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MORGAN, Frank; Eric Loo & Kevin Todd (2000), Curriculum on Que: A case study in course development, APME, 8: 124-131. MORGAN, Frank (2001), Better press for suburbia: Preparing young journalists for suburban Newsroom, APME, 10: 22-30. ODONNELL, Penny (1999), The other 66 per cent? Rethinking the labour market for journalism graduates, AJR, 21 (1): 123-142. OAKHAM, Mandy & John Tidey (2000), Models for the millennium: How the UK and New Zealand, AJR, 22(1): 150-163. PATCHING, Roger (1994), Will they ever read the papers, AJR, 16 (1): 121-126. PATCHING, Roger (1996), 900 into 300 wont go: Are Australias journalism courses producing too many graduates?, AJR, 18 (1): 53-66. PATCHING, Roger (1996), Developments of journalism courses in Australia: some preliminary findings, APME, 1 (1): 153-161. PATCHING, Roger (1997), Who teaches journalism at Australias universities?, AJR, 9 (2): 31-43. PATCHING, Roger (2000), Work experience at major events: Is It worth the bother?, APME, 11: 129-140. PEARSON, Mark (1993), Electronic mail as a news medium, AJR, 15 (2): 131-138. PEARSON, Mark (1994), Journalism education: Taking up the challenge of a changing world, AJR, 16 (1): 99-107. PEARSON, Mark (1994), Rethinking quality in journalism education, AJR, 16 (2): 67-72. PEARSON, Mark (1997), Look whos talking: A pilot study of discussion lists use in journalism education, MIA, 84: 112-121. PEARSON, Mark (1999), Curricular implications of the influences of the internet on journalism, AJR, 21 (2): 27-55. PEARSON, Mark (2000), Reflective practice in action: Preparing Samoan journalists to cover court cases, APME, 8: 22-33. PETELIN, Ros (2000), Publishing knowhow for aspiring academics: submitting papers seriously, AJR, 22(2): 111-121. QUINN, Stephen (1997), Learning the 4Rs of computer-assisted reporting in Australia, APME, 3: 131-141. QUINN, Stephen (1997), Computer-assisted reporting in Australia, AJR, 19 (1): 77-91. QUINN, Stephen (1997), Australian journalists and the internet, AJR, 19 (2): 1-13. QUINN, Stephen (1999), Plagiarism, the internet and journalism education, AJR, 21 (3): 205-211.
278
QUINN, Stephen (1999), Teaching journalism in the information age, ASJ, 8: 158-175. RICKETSON, Matthew (2001), All thing to everyone: Expectations of tertiary journalism education, APME, 10: 94-98. ROBIE, David, (1999), Fairness, balance and the Pacific medias cultural imperative, AJR, 21 (3): 25-35. ROBIE, David (1999), Pacific newsrooms and the campus: Some comparisons between Fiji and Papua New Guinea, ASJ, 8: 176-196. RICHARDS, Ian (1993), Recognising reality: Journalism education and multicultural Australia, AJR, 15 (1): 80-86. RICHARDS, Ian (1994), Encountering death for the first time, AJR, 16 (1): 115-120. RICHARDS, Ian (1996), Intrusion into grief and journalism education, AJR, 18 (1): 99-106. ROBIE, David, (1999), South Pacific newsroom training and research: Trends and dilemmas, World Association of Press Councils Oceanic Regional Conference Proceedings, Sydney: The Australian Press Council 63-67, SCHAUBLE, John (1999), Knighted in their profession: How foreign correspondents are selected by Australian press, APME, 7: 108-114. SHERIDAN BURNS, Lynette (1994), Hypothetical: Better than the real thing?, AJR, 16 (1): 108-114. SHERIDAN BURNS, Lynette (1997), Problem-based learning (PBL) and Journalism education: Is it new jargon for something familiar?, AJR, 19 (2): 59-72. SHERIDAN BURNS, Lynette & Trevor Hazell (1999), Problem based learning, youth suicide and medias responseability, APME, 6: 56-71. SHERIDAN BURNS, Lynette, Lisa Reardon, Karen Vincent & Trevor Hazell (2001), Are journalism educators Response Able?, AJR, 23(2): 105127. SIMONS, Lynette (2001), Workplace training at SBS radio, APME, 10: 49-67. STARCK, Nigel (1995), The NSW invasion: How Adelaides journalism students went on internship interstate, AJR, 17 (1): 148-153. STUART, Charles (1997), Any course can wear a journalism label, AJR, 19 (2): 44-58. TANNER, Stephen & Nigel McCarthy (2001), Cultural specific training in corruption reporting for Pacific Island journalists, APME, 11: 113128.
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TAPSALL, Suellen & Len Granato (1997), New CAR curriculum will influence the practice of journalism, AJR, 19 (2): 14-23. TAPSALL, Suellen (1997), Can Australian journalists drive the US CAR?, AJR, 19 (1): 69-76. TARANTO, Claudia (1996), Whats black to you may be white to me: Training indigenous broadcasters and journalists, Beyond the Divide, 1 (1):56-65. THORNTON, Mark (1997), Passing reflections of casual journalism lecturer, APME, 3: 152-157. VINES, Josie (2000), News values and country non-daily reporting, APME, 10: 3-48. WHITE, Peter & David Blackall (1997), Journalism practice informs multicultural journalism course, APME, 2: 127-130. WILLIAMS, Ridley (1993), Journocam and beyond: A look into the future of ENG, AJR, 15 (1): 93-98. WILSON, Helen (2001), Towards a non-binary approach to communication, AJC, 28(2): 1-18. WITHNALL, Janice (1996), Critical Thinking: A necessary skill for quality journalism, AJR, 18 (1): 107-116.
Law
ANDERSON, David (1992), Subject to, or above the law? Reflections on the Budd jailing, ASJ, 1: 33-42. APPS, Lawrence (1992), News media chronicle 1991-92, ASJ, 1: 197207. ARMSTRONG, Mark, David Lindsay & Ray Watterson (1995), Media Law in Australia, Third Edition. Oxford University Press. BACON, Wendy & Chris Nash (1999), Confidential sources and the public right to know, AJR, 21 (2): 1-26. BREIT, Rhonda (1999), Chakravarti v Adelaide Newspapers: Lessons for journalists, ASJ, 8: 37-59. BREIT, Rhonda (2000), Hyperlinks, frames and metatags: Some legal problems, AJR, 22(1): 37-56. HENDERSON, Kerrie (1992), The Cojuangco case and disclosure of journalists sources, ASJ, 1: 3-32. HENNINGHAM, John (1992), Journalisms Threat to Freedom of the Press, University of Queensland Inaugural Lecture, St Lucia: University of Queensland Press. JOHNSTON, Jane (1998), The impact of the media on the court process: Preliminary findings, AJR, 20 (1): 104-114.
280
JOHNSTON, Jane (1999), Are the courts becoming more media friendly, AJR, 21 (1): 109-122. JOHNSTON, Jane (2001), Public relations in the courts: A new frontier, AJC, 28(1): KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1997), News media chronicle, July 1996 to June 1997, ASJ, 6: 140-169. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1998), News media chronicle, July 1997 to June 1998, ASJ, 7: 177-213. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1999), News media chronicle, July 1998 to June 1999, ASJ, 8: 197-238. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (2000), News media chronicle, July 1999 to June 2000, ASJ, 9: 139-175. LAYTON, Suzanna (1995), Media legal issues in the South Pacific, Pacific Islands Communication Journal, 16 (2): 61-67. LEE, Terence (2001), Auto-regulating new media: Strategies from Singapores Internet policy, AJC, 28(1): 48-56. MULLAY, Jennifer (2000) An overview of Internet content regulation in Australia, Media Asia: an Asian Mass Communication Quarterly, 27(2): 99-105. OMEARA, Stephen (1997), A new constitutional formula for freedom of political discussion: Lange v ABC, ASJ, 6: 66-82. PEARSON, Mark (1992), How the reformed defamation laws will affect journalists, AJR, 14 (1): 68-77. PEARSON, Mark (1997), The Journalists Guide to Media Law, Sydney: Allen & Unwin. PEARSON, Mark (2000), Advertorials and The Trade Practices Act: Why the Golden Tonsils saga might prove costly in the long run, AJR, 22(1), 57-67. PULLAN, Robert (1994), Guilty Secrets: Free Speech and Defamation in Australia, Glebe: Pascal Press. PURI, Kamal (1995), Copyright in journalists creations in Australia, ASJ, 4: 200-227 SPENCE, Douglas (1992), Legislative boundaries of free speech, AJR, 14 (1): 88-94. TANNER, Stephen (1993), Private enterprises: The role played by the media in fighting corruption, Proceedings, VIth International AntiCorruption Conference, vol. II, Cancun, Mexico. TANNER, Stephen (1993), Media and minority government in Tasmania, Chapter in M. Haward & P Larmour (eds), The Tasmanian Parliamentary . Accord and Public Policy 1989-92: Accommodating the New Politics?, Canberra: Federalism Research Centre, ANU, 181-95.
281
TANNER, Stephen (1994), Regionalism and newspapers in Tasmania, AJR, 16 (1), 57-66. TANNER, Stephen (1995), The rise and fall of Edmund Rouse, ASJ, 4: 72-89. TANNER, Stephen (1995), Defining political corruption in light of the Metherell Inquiry, Legislative Studies, vol. 9 (2): 48-57. TANNER, Stephen (1996), Friend or Foe? Understanding media attitudes towards corruption, Chapter in Anti-Corruption for Social Stability and Development, Collected Works of the Seventh International AntiCorruption Conference Beijing: Hong Qi Publishing House. TANNER, Stephen (1999), The media as an anti-corruption mechanism, in A. Deysine & D. Kesselman (eds), Argent, Politique et Corruption, Paris: University of Paris X Press: 173-88. TURNER, Geoff (1993), News media chronicle: 1992-93, ASJ, 2: 318342. TURNER, Geoff (1994), News media chronicle: 1993-94, ASJ, 3: 390431. TURNER, Geoff (1995), News media chronicle: July 1994 to June 1995, ASJ, 4: 228-275. WALKER, Sally (1997), The changing legal environment, AJR, 19 (1): 91-98. ZANOTTO, Jeanete (1997), Journalism law curriculum in the 1990s: Balancing practical and theoretical content, AJR, 19 (1): 99-104.
Media theory
ATMORE, Chris (1994), Brand news: Rape and the mass media, MIA, 72: 20-31. AOUN, Steven (2001), Everythings relative or the Sopranos as sign of the (New York) Times, Metro, 133: 98-107. BERTRAND, Claude-Jean (1994), The media in 2044: Not a forecast, a dream, ASJ, 3: 3-23. BONNEY, W,L (2001), Two approaches to communication, AJC, 29(2): 19-32. BOWMAN, Leo (1994), How journalists cultural dispositions affect news selection, AJR, 16 (2): 25-30. BREEN, Myles (1993), Applying the spiral of silence: Nothing more practical than a good theory, AJR, 15 (1): 11-16. BREEN, Myles (ed, 1998), Journalism: Theory and Practice, Sydney: Macleay Press.
282
BROWN, Samantha (2001), Taming Thailands press: Corporate ownership fused with political ties threatens free press, IPI Report, Jul-Sep:11 CASS, Philip (1999), Tuning into the coconut wireless, BJR, 10(4): 5559. COKLEY, John, Aderito Hugo da Costa, Jamie Lonsdale, Angela Romano, Christina Spurgeon & Sharon Tickle (2000), Media, democracy and development: Learning from East Timor, APME, 8: 27-42. CONLEY, David (1997), The Daily Miracle, Melbourne: Oxford University Press. CONLEY, David (2000), Marcus Calrke: The romance of reality, ASJ, 9: 51-74. CRONAU, Peter (1995), Noam Chomsky on journalism, Reportage, 5, Sydney: Australian Centre for Independent Journalism. CRYLE, Denis (1995), Journalism and objectivity: A colonial viewpoint, ASJ, 4: 90-98. DUCK, Julie M., Michael A. Hogg & Deborah J. Terry (1993), Perceptions of media influence in the 1993 election: Others as vulnerable voters, AJC, 20 (2): 44-60. DUNCAN, Annie (1999), Hamburger diplomacy and the New world information and communication order, Metro, 119: 64-72. ELLISON, Anne & Iva Ellen Deutchman (1999), A star is born: The roller coaster ride of Pauline Hanson in the news, MC&S, 21(1): 33-50. FISCHLE, Mark & Karen Stenner-Day (1992), How media influence public opinion: A schematic approach, ASJ, 1: 159-170. GRIFFIN, Grahame (1997), Press photography, and The Direction of Journalism debate, AJR, 19 (2): 113-123. GRIFFIN, Grahame (1999), Local journalist makes good: Cultural geography and contemporary journalism, AJR, 21 (1) 17-36. HARTLEY, John (1995): Journalism and modernity, AJC, 22 (2): 20-30. HARTLEY, John (1997), The Aboriginal public sphere in the era of media citizenship, Culture and Policy, 8 (2): 43-64. HASWELL, Sandra (2001), Attention please! This political campaign is for you, AJR, 23(2): 129-147. HENNINGHAM, John (1999), Keynote address, World Association of Press Councils Oceanic Regional Conference Proceedings, Sydney: The Australian Press Council 1:10-16. HENNINGHAM, John (1999), Media, in J. Henningham (ed), Institutions in Australian Society, Melbourne: Oxford University Press. HIRST, Martin (1993), Class, mass news media, and the 1993 election, AJC, 20 (2): 28-43.
283
HIRST, Martin (1995), The coming republic: Citizenship and the public sphere in post-colonial Australia, AJC, 22 (3): 13-39. JACKSON, Ian (1995), The winking image: Instrumental uses of childhood in an Australian newspaper, AJC, 22 (3): 103-115. JOSEPHI, Beate (2000), A matter of organisation, ASJ, 9: 106-125. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (2000), News media chronicle, July 1999 to June 2000, ASJ, 9: 139-175. KITLEY, Philip (2000), Reformasi: Vulnerable values and the regulation of television in Indonesia, APME, 8: 132-148. KWANSAH-AIDOO, Kwamena (2001), Telling stories: The epistemological value of anecdotes in Ghanaian communication research, MC&S, 23(3): 359-380. LANGER, John (1994), A calculus of celebrityhood: Where would news fit into the equation, AJR, 16 (1): 73-79. LAWE DAVIES, Chris (1993), The media in Australia: A review essay, ASJ, 2: 343-356. LAWE DAVIES, Chris (1997), Media publics, Culture and Policy, 8 (2): 3-8. LAWE DAVIES, Chris (1999), Journalism, commericalism, democracy, Media International Australia incorporating Culture and Policy, 92 (Feb): 53-64. LOO, Eric (1994), Teaching development journalism in the reporting of cultural diversity, AJR, 16 (2): 1-10. McCARTHY, Nigel (2000), Alf Rattigan and the journalists: Advocacy journalism and agenda setting in the Australian tariff debate 19631971, AJR, 22(2): 88-102. McKIE, David (1993), Exclusion, humour and television news, AJC, 20 (2): 68-78. MEADOWS, Michael (1999), Cultural studies and journalism, Media International Australia incorporating Culture and Policy, 92 (Feb): 4352. PAPADAKIS, Elim & Richard Grant (2001), Media responsiveness to Old and New politics issues in Australia, AJPS, 36(2): 293-308. PUTNIS, Peter (1997), The nature of news discourse, Metro, 109: 9193. ROMANO, Angela (1999), Foreign correspondents in Asia Pacific, APME, 7: 3-15. SELBY, Jane M. (1999), Bad News about Palm Island? Press Accounts Of An Indigenous Community, APME, 6: 99-107.
284
SEXTON, Grania & Alan McKee (2001), The place of media in community formation for homeless youth: A case study of Gibber magazine, AJC, 28(2): 63-76. SPURGEON, Christina (2001), Media studies and the global polity: WEF, SII, and Sydney 2000, Metro, 127/128:150-155. STERNBERG, Jason (1995), Children of the information revolution: Generation X and the future of journalism, in Central Queensland University Working Papers in Communication and Cultural Studies: Information Flows, Central Queensland University, 2: 45-60. STOCKWELL, Stephen (1999), Beyond the fourth estate: Democracy, deliberation and journalism theory, AJR, 21 (1) 37-49. THOMAS, Amos Owen (2000), Global media, globalised cultures: Contingency or coincidence?, APME, 9: 6-26. TIFFEN, Rodney (1993), The press, in Stuart Cunninhgam & Graeme Turner (eds), Media in Australia: Industries, Texts, Audiences, Sydney: Allen & Unwin: 171-179. TIFFIN, Rodney (ed, 1994), Mayer on the Media: Issues and Arguments, St Leonards: Allen & Unwin. WATERFORD, Jack (2000), A golden age for journalism?, ASJ, 9: 3-14. WILCOX, Peter (2001), Newspapers and the terrorism war: News priorities, public duty, and the bottom line, AJR, 23(2): 7-20. WINDSHUTTLE, Keith (1998), Journalism versus cultural studies, ASJ, 7: 3-31. WINDSHUTTLE, Keith (1999), Journalism and the Western tradition, AJR, 21 (1): 50-67.
Ownership
APPS, Lawrence (1992), News media chronicle 1991-92, ASJ, 1: 197207. Australia (press laws) (1997), IPI Report, Dec: 11 BARRY, Paul (1993), The Rise and Rise of Kerry Packer, Sydney: Bantam/ ABC Books. BAXT, Robert (1992), Regulation: Structure and issues, MIA, 63: 13-18. BROWN, Allan (1993), Newspaper ownership in Australia, Journal of Media Economics, 6 (3): 49-64. BROWN, Allan (1994), Auctioning the airwaves: Auction systems for broadcasting licences, MIA, 74: 93-98. BROWN, Samantha (2001), Taming Thailands Press: Corporate ownership fused with political ties threatens free press, IPI Report, Jul-Sep:11
285
CHADWICK, Paul (1992), Print media inquiry treads so lightly that it makes no impression, MIA, 65: 44-52. CHADWICK, Paul, Sue Ferguson & Michelle McAuslan (1995), Shackled: the story of a regulatory slave, MIA, 77: 65-72. COLLINS, Richard (1994), National broadcasting in the international market: Developments in Australian broadcasting policy, MC&S, 16 (1): 9-30. DORNAN, Christopher (1993), Citizen Black: A field manual, MIA, 68: 12-20. FAIRFAX, James (1992), My Regards to Broadway, Sydney: Angus & Robertson. FLINT, David (1997), Lessons from Australia, IPI Report, June-July: 33. FORDE, Susan (1994), Silent fallout: The effects of monopoly and competition on information diversity, ASJ, 3: 290-314. FORDE, Susan (2000), Closing The Eye: Looking overseas for Australian newspaper policy options, APME, 9: 192-201. GOOT, Murray (1995), Pluralism in the polls: Australian attitudes to media ownership, 1948/95, MIA, 77: 4-14. GRIFFEN-FOLEY, Bridget (1995), R.C. Packer: A response to Rodney Tiffen, MIA, 78: 146-150. GRIFFEN-FOLEY, Bridget (1999), The House of Packer: The Making of a Media Empire, St Leonards/NSW: Allen & Unwin. GRUNDY, Bruce (1992), Australias print media inquiry: A review, ASJ, 1: 184-196. HENNINGHAM, John (1992), Journalisms Threat to Freedom of the Press, University of Queensland Inaugural Lecture, St Lucia: University of Queensland Press. HENNINGHAM, John (1993), The press, in Stuart Cunninhgam & Graeme Turner (eds), Media in Australia: Industries, Texts, Audiences, Sydney: Allen & Unwin: 59-71. HENNINGHAM, John (1995), Media, in J. Henningham (ed), Institutions in Australian Society, Melbourne: Oxford University Press. HIRST, Martin (1995), The coming republic: Citizenship and the public sphere in post-colonial Australia, AJC, 22 (3): 13-39. JONES, Morris (1999), Trouble in paradise: Hawaiis newspaper crisis, APME, 7: 151-154. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1994), Six dynasties that ended with a whimper: The end of PNQ, ASJ, 3: 109-129. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1995), Purposely parochial: Three provincial dailies, 1930-1990, ASJ, 4: 98-122.
286
KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1997), News media chronicle, July 1996 to June 1997, ASJ, 6: 140-169. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1998), News media chronicle, July 1997 to June 1998, ASJ, 7: 177-213. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1998), Horace to Hawkeye: The development of newspapers in the Manning Valley: Part 1, Manning Valley Historical Society Journal, 6, November, 4-17. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1999), News media chronicle, July 1998 to June 1999, ASJ, 8: 197-238. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (2000), News media chronicle, July 1999 to June 2000, ASJ, 9: 139-175. LAWE-DAVIES, Chris (1996), George Warnecke and the Packers: A dynasty denied, MIA, 79 (1): 95-102. LEWIS, Kieran (2001), Pluralism in the Australian print media, APME, 11: 100-112. LLOYD, Clem (1994), An acute contusion: News management in the 1920s, ASJ, 3: 136-142. MORAN, Albert (1997), Reflections on the Grundy buy-out, MIA, 83: 123-134. PEARSON, Mark (2000), Advertorials and the Trade Practices Act: Why the Golden Tonsils saga might prove costly in the long run, AJR, 22(1), 57-67. PURI, Kamal (2000), Whose ownership?, Media Asia: an Asian Mass Communication Quarterly, 27(1): 30-32. PUTNIS, Peter (1999), The press cable monopoly 1895-1909: A case study of Australian media policy development, Media International Australia incorporating Culture and Policy, 92 (Feb): 139-156. SCHULTZ, Julianne (1992), Encouraging competition and diversity without offending the monopolists, MIA, 65: 53-62. SCHULTZ, Julianne (1992), Investigative reporting tests journalistic independence, AJR, 14 (2): 18-30. TANNER, Stephen (1995), The rise and fall of Edmund Rouse, ASJ, 4: 72-89. TIFFEN, Rodney (1993), The fall of the House of Fairfax, MIA, 68: 2128. TURNER, Geoff (1993), News media chronicle: 1992-93, ASJ, 2: 318342. TURNER, Geoff (1994), News media chronicle: 1993-94, ASJ, 3: 390431. TURNER, Geoff (1995), News media chronicle: July 1994 to June 1995, ASJ, 4: 228-275.
287
TURNER, Geoff (1995), A quantitative approach to quality in Australian newspapers, Gazette: International Journal for Mass Communication Studies, 55: 131-144. TURNER, Geoff (1996), News media chronicle: July 1995 to June 1996, ASJ, 5: 265-311. ZINN, Christopher (1992), Can Black really put Fairfax in the black?, IPI Report, 41 (3): 18-20.
Photojournalism
BATTYE, Greg (1996), The death of photography revisited, Metro, 105: 43-39. CRAIG, Geoffrey (1993), Looking twice: Thoughts on the practice of photojournalism, AJR, 15 (1): 103-117. CRAIG, Geoffrey (1994), Press photographs and news values, ASJ, 3: 182-200. CRAIG, Geoffrey (1995), Press photography, pixel technology and questions of representation, AJR, 17 (1): 70-78. GREEN, Kerry & Lyle Radford (1993), Digital cameras: Industrial problems?, AJR, 15 (1): 99-102. GREEN, Kerry (1995), Media academic adds some afterthoughts on CDROM and photojournalists ethics, Pacific Area Newspaper Publishers Association Bulletin: 132, 38-39. GRIFFIN, Grahame (1992), Dances with digitals: The electronic revolution in Australian press photography, ASJ, 1: 87-100. GRIFFIN, Grahame (1994), An historical survey of Australian press photography, AJC, 21 (1): 46-63. GRIFFIN, Grahame (1994), A profile of Australian newspaper photographers, ASJ, 3: 147-181. GRIFFIN, Grahame (1995), Shoot first: The ethics of Australian press photographers, ASJ, 4: 3-28. GRIFFIN, Grahame (1997), Press photography, and The Direction of Journalism debate, AJR, 19 (2): 113-123. JACKSON, Ian (1995), The winking image: Instrumental uses of childhood in an Australian newspaper, AJC, 22 (3): 103-115. LACEY, Geoff (1993), Females, Aborigines and Asians in newspaper photographs, 1950-1990, ASJ, 2: 244-269. MILLER, Seumas (1995), Communication ethics: A survey of recent literature, AJC, 22 (1): 136-149. MULES, Warwick (2000), Virtual images and spectrality: Ghosts from the past, AJC, 27(2): 25-38.
288
STOCKWELL, Stephen (2000), Paulines prominence: An analysis of party leaders in newspaper photographs during the 1998 Australian federal election campaign, AJR, 22(1): 137-149. WHELAN, Kathleen (1993), Photography of the Age: Newspaper Photography in Australia, Sydney: Hale & Iremonger.
Politics
BELL, Philip & Kate Boehringer (1993), Australian politics: Still programmed after all these years, AJC, 20 (2): 1-13. BYERS, Karen (1994), The goldfields come to Perth: The Sunday Times 1897-1905, Studies in Western Australian History, 15: 45-55. CAMPBELL, Judi, Judy McGregor & Margie Comrie (1998), Public journalism and proportional representation: The New Zealand experiment, AJR, 20 (1): 1-22. CONLEY, David & Geoff Turner (1995), Cape Melville affair coverage: What is news?, ASJ, 4: 145-173. CRAIK, Jennifer, Julie James Bailey & Albert Moran (eds, 1995), Public Voices, Private Interests: Australias Media Policy, St Leonards: Allen & Unwin. CURTHOYS, Ann & Julianne Schultz (eds, 1998), Journalism: Print, Politics and Popular Culture, Brisbane: University of Queensland Press. DAY, Anna (1999), Australian editorial election cartoons: Is there a change afoot?, AJR, 21 (2): 117-133. DAY, Anna (1999), Political cartoonists relationship with their editors, the politicians and the public, World Association of Press Councils Oceanic Regional Conference Proceedings, Sydney: The Australian Press Council 44-46. DENTREMONT, Nicole & Neil Mudge (1999), Mediated government? Australian TV network use of federal parliamentary proceedings in daily news programs, World Association of Press Councils Oceanic Regional Conference Proceedings, Sydney: The Australian Press Council 55-57. DUCK, Julie M., Michael A. Hogg & Deborah J. Terry (1993), Perceptions of media influence in the 1993 election: Others as vulnerable voters, AJC, 20 (2): 44-60. EGGERKING, Kitty (2000), Keeping count of democracy, AJR, 22(2): 59-74. ELLISON, Anne & Iva Ellen Deutchman (1999), A star is born: The roller coaster ride of Pauline Hanson in the news, MC&S, 21(1): 33-50.
289
FORDE, Susan (2000), Freedom of the press and government press subsidies: Swedish journalists views on subsidies in 1999, AJR, 22(1): 106-117. GOOT, Murray (1996), En/gendering the gap: the polls, the press and the NSW premier, ASJ, 5: 15-42. GOOT, Murray (2001), The identikit fallacy or the problems with Phil and Jenny, AJR, 23(2): 119128. GRUNDY, Bruce (1992), The reform process and the media, in A. Hede, S. Prasser & M. Neylan (eds), Keeping Them Honest: Democratic Reform in Queensland, St Lucia: University of Queensland Press: 43-53. GRUNDY, Bruce (1993), EARCs inquiry into government PR: A summary and appraisal, ASJ, 2: 288-304. GUTHRIE, Bruce (1996), Pressing on: civic journalism, politics and commercialism, Ormond Papers, 13: 65-70. HASWELL, Sandra (1999), The news medias role in election campaigns: A big audience or a big yawn?, AJR, 21 (3): 165-180. HASWELL, Sandra (2001), Attention please! This political campaign is for you, AJR, 23(2): 129-147. HENNINGHAM, John (1995), Political journalists political and professional values, AJPS, 30 (2): 321-334. HIRST, Martin (1993), Class, mass news media, and the 1993 election, AJC, 20 (2): 28-43. HIRST, Martin (1995), The coming republic: Citizenship and the public sphere in post-colonial Australia, AJC, 22 (3): 13-39. HURST, John (1993), Kirner and the media, AJR, 15 (1): 126-133. HURST, John & Michael Provis (1996), The relationship between local government and the news media, MIA, 79 (4): 108-119. KINGSTON, Margot (1999), Inside the Canberra Press Gallery, Sydney: UNSW Press. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1999), The provincial press and politics: NSW 18311940, ASJ, 8: 96-117. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (2000), How newspaper editors helped the country become politically articulate, AJR, 22(1): 18-136. LAWE DAVIES, Chris (1993), The governments relations with the media, in B. Stevens & J. Wanna (eds), The Goss Government, Melbourne: Macmillan: 78-86. LAYTON, Suzanna (1995), PINA condemns government pressure, Media Quarterly, 2:13. LUCAS, Adam (1994), Lucas Heights revisited: The framing of a major scientific controversy by the Sydney Morning Herald, AJC, 21 (3): 72-91.
290
McCARTHY, Nigel (2000), Alf Rattigan and the journalists: Advocacy journalism and agenda setting in the Australian tariff debate 19631971, AJR, 22(2): 88-102. MAGUIRE, Daniel (1993), Four newspapers coverage of the 1993 federal election, ASJ, 2: 11-19. MUDGE, Neil & Nicole dEntremont (1999), Mediated government? Australian TV network use of federal parliamentary proceedings in daily news programs, World Association of Press Councils Oceanic Regional Conference Proceedings, Sydney: The Australian Press Council 55-57. PAPADAKIS, Elim & Richard Grant (2001), Media responsiveness to Old and New politics issues in Australia, AJPS, 36(2): 293-308. PAYNE, Trish (1999), The Canberra Press Gallery and the Backbench of the 38th Parliament 1996-98, Department of the Parliamentary Library: Canberra. PAYNE, Trish (1999), The PM factor: The influence of the prime minister in national reporting of the federal backbench, AJR, 21 (3): 36-59. PETERSEN, Neville (1993), News Not Views: The ABC, the Press and Politics 1932-1947, Sydney: Hale & Iremonger. PICKER, Greg (1994), Understanding colonial ideologies: The use of newspaper evidence, ASJ, 3: 143-146. REEKIE, Gail & Paul Wilson (1992), How Queensland political parties promoted crime: The 1992 election, AJR, 14 (2): 50-57. ROMANO, Angela (1999), Development journalism: State versus practitioner perspectives in Indonesia, Media Asia, 26 (4): 183-191. SECKER, Louise (1994), The politics of the press: A study of the conservative press in Western Australia 1930-1934, Studies in Western Australian History, 15: 35-44. SIMONS, M. (1999), Fit to print: Inside the Canberra Press Gallery, Sydney: UNSW Press. TANNER, Stephen (1995), The rise and fall of Edmund Rouse, ASJ, 4: 72-89. TANNER, Stephen (1999), The corruption watchdog condemned the media criticised in letters to the editor , ASJ, 8: 60-82. STOCKWELL, Stephen (1999), Beyond the fourth estate: Democracy, deliberation and journalism theory, AJR, 21 (1) 37-49. STOCKWELL, Stephen (2000), Paulines prominence: An analysis of party leaders in newspaper photographs during the 1998 Australian federal election campaign, AJR, 22(1): 137-149. TANNER, Stephen (1993), Media and Minority Government in Tasmania, Chapter in M. Haward & P Larmour (eds), The Tasmanian Parliamentary .
291
Accord and Public Policy 1989-92: Accommodating the New Politics?, Canberra: Federalism Research Centre, ANU, 181-95. TANNER, Stephen (1994), Regionalism and newspapers in Tasmania, AJR, 16 (1), 57-66. TANNER, Stephen (1995), The rise and fall of Edmund Rouse, ASJ, 4: 72-89. TANNER, Stephen (1995), Defining political corruption in light of the Metherell Inquiry, Legislative Studies, vol. 9 (2): 48-57. TANNER Stephen (1998), Watchdog or attack dog? The media, politics and ethics, Chapter in N. Preston, C. Sampford with C-A. Bois (eds), Ethics and Political Practice: Perspectives on Legislative Ethics, Leichardt: Federation Press/Routledge, 90-107. THORNLEY, Phoebe (1995), Debunking the Whitlam myth: The annals of public broadcasting revisited, MIA, 77: 155-164. TIFFEN, Rodney (1999), Scandals, Media, Politics and corruption in contemporary Australia, Sydney: UNSW Press. TOOHILL, David (1993), Our words are our bonds: A study of Labor newspapers, ASJ, 2: 67-74. TUCKER, Doug & Mark Neylan (1994), Lord Mayor Superstar: Sallyanne Atkinson and the media, ASJ, 3: 254-274. TURNER, Geoff (1992), Media coverage of the Queensland drought rorts saga: Learning Fitzgerald lessons, AJPS, 27: 230-241. TURNER, Geoff (1993), News media chronicle: 1992-93, ASJ, 2: 318342. TURNER, Geoff (1994), News media chronicle: 1993-94, ASJ, 3: 390431. TURNER, Geoff (1995), News media chronicle: July 1994 to June 1995, ASJ, 4: 228-275. WATTERSON, Ray; Mark Armstrong & David Lindsay (1995), Media Law in Australia, Third Edition. Oxford University Press. VAN ACKER, Elizabeth & Ian Ward (1996), Election campaign coverage: Television as a commercial rather than political medium, AJC, 23 (1): 64-76. WARD, Ian (1992), The Courtesans: A review essay, ASJ, 1: 171-183. WARD, Ian (1995), Bringing the voters back in: A Canadian model for Australia?, ASJ, 4, 29-49.
292
Print
AOUN, Steven (2001), Everythings relative or the Sopranos as sign of the (New York) Times, Metro, 133: 98-107. BARTON, Kathryn (2001), Ink in their Veins: News process in a suburban daily, APME, 10: 85-93. BAXT, Robert (1992), Regulation: Structure and issues, MIA, 63: 13-18. BISHOP Peter (2000), Reporting the rail: Nation building and the Alice , Springs-Darwin railway, AJC, 27(3): 49-66. BOLTON, Geoffrey (1994), The price of protest: Press and judiciary in 1870, Studies in Western Australian History, 15: 14-22. BRADY, Veronica (1994), Representations and ideology, Studies in Western Australian History, 15: 7-13. BROWN, Allan (1993), Newspaper ownership in Australia, Journal of Media Economics, 6 (3): 49-64. BROWN, Peter (1995), Gender, the press and history: Coverage of womens sport in the Newcastle Herald 1890-1990, MIA, 75: 24-34. BUCKRIDGE, Patrick (1994), The Scandalous Penton, St Lucia: University of Queensland Press. BULLIMORE, Kim (1999), Media dreaming: Representation of Aboriginality in modern Australia media, APME, 6: 72-80. BYERS, Karen (1994), The goldfields come to Perth: The Sunday Times 1897-1905, Studies in Western Australian History, 15: 45-55. CAFARELLA, Jane (2001), Training in the Suburban Newsroom, APME, 10: 6-15. CASS, Philip (1992), A comparison of the coverage of the Bougainville civil war in the Australian and the Times of PNG, AJR, 14 (2): 79-90. CHADWICK, Paul (1992), Print media inquiry treads so lightly that it makes no impression, MIA, 65: 44-52. COLLINS, Peter (1992), NSW print media coverage of major health issues: 1988-1991, MIA, 65: 4-9. CRYLE, Denis (1994), Whither the print media? Politics and policies in the 1990s, Metro, 9: 21-24. CRYLE, Denis (1995), Journalism and objectivity: A colonial viewpoint, ASJ, 4: 90-98. CURTHOYS, Ann & Julianne Schultz (eds, 1998), Journalism: Print, Politics and Popular Culture, Brisbane: University of Queensland Press. DAVIES, Glenn (1996), Looking backward: Republican journalism in the 1880s and the 1890s, ASJ, 5:141-157.
293
DAY, Anna (1999), Australian editorial election cartoons: Is there a change afoot?, AJR, 21 (2): 117-133. DAY, Anna (1999), Political cartoonists relationship with their editors, the politicians and the public, World Association of Press Councils Oceanic Regional Conference Proceedings, Sydney: The Australian Press Council 44-46. DOWLING, Peter (1999), Truth versus art in nineteenth-century graphic journalism: The colonial Australia case, Media History, 5 (2): 109125. EWART, Jacqui (1997), The challenges of pagination for sub-editors on a regional newspaper, AJR, 19 (1): 49-56. EWART, Jacqui (1998), What a difference two weeks make: The importance of training in the acceptance of pagination in newsrooms, AJR, 20 (1): 23-38. EWART, Jacqui (1999), When words dont matter anymore: Contemporary newsroom technology and wordsmithing, APME, 6: 82-98. EWART, Jacqui (2000), Public journalism and the news gender agenda, APME, 9: 119-131. FAIRFAX, James (1992), My Regards to Broadway, Sydney: Angus & Robertson. FORDE, Susan (1999), Journalistic practices and newsroom organisation in the Australian independent and alternative press, AJR, 21 (3): 60-79. FORDE, Susan (2000), Closing The Eye: Looking overseas for Australian newspaper policy options, APME, 9: 192-201. FORDE, Susan (2000), Freedom of the press and government press subsidies: Swedish journalists views on subsidies in 1999, AJR, 22(1): 106-117. FORRESTER, Kim (1996), The Ages coverage of the environment, 19841994, ASJ, 5:213-239. GREEN, Kerry (1999), How newsroom failures limit readership gains, ASJ, 8: 18-36. GRIFFEN-FOLEY, Bridget (1994), A biographical profile of George Warnecke, ASJ, 3: 67-108. GRIFFIN, Grahame (1995), Shoot first: The ethics of Australian press photographers, ASJ, 4: 3-28. HART, Elizabeth (2001), Journalism education and rural newspaper standards, APME, 10: 31-37. HENNINGHAM, John (1996), The shape of daily news: A content analysis of Australias Metropolitan newspapers, MIA, 79: 22-34. HENNINGHAM, John (1996), Journalists perceptions of newspaper quality, AJR, 18 (1):13-19
294
HENNINGHAM, John (1999), Keynote address, World Association of Press Councils Oceanic Regional Conference Proceedings, Sydney: The Australian Press Council 1:10-16. HIRST, Martin (1995), The coming republic: citizenship and the public sphere in post-colonial Australia, AJC, 22 (3): 13-39. JONES, Morris (1999), Trouble In Paradise: Hawaiis Newspaper Crisis, APME, 7: 151-154. JOSEPHI, Beate (2000), A matter of organisation, ASJ, 9: 106-125. KILLIBY, Cleve (1994), Relationships between country newspapers and community ties, ASJ, 3: 275-289. KINGSTON, Margot (1999), Inside the Canberra Press Gallery, Sydney: UNSW Press. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1993), Queensland provincial dailies, 1930-1989, ASJ, 2: 57-61. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1994), Six dynasties that ended with a whimper: The end of PNQ, ASJ, 3: 109-129. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1995), Purposely parochial: Three provincial dailies, 1930-1990, ASJ, 4: 98-122. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1995), The mirror of local life: Country newspapers, country values and country content, in P Share (ed), Communications . and culture in rural areas, 219-237, Cent Rural Soc Res Key Pap 4. Wagga Wagga (NSW), Charles Sturt Univ Cent Rural Soc Res. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1995), Country newspaper dynasties in demise, Proceedings of University of Queensland History Research Group, 6: 79-89. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1996), Survival and persistence: A case study of four provincial press sites, ASJ, 5:158188. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1997), News media chronicle, July 1996 to June 1997, ASJ, 6: 140-169. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1997), Beyond the bounds of rose-water speech: Thadeus OKane and the Northern Miner, 1873-1889 in D. Cryle, Disreputable Profession: Journalists and Journalism in Colonial Australia, Rockhampton, Central Queensland University Press: 103-125. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1997), The 1890s constitutional debates through the eyes of the Queensland press, Brisbane History Group Papers, 15: 116-124. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1997), When there are no ravens, Land of Beardies History House Bulletin, 24 (3): 12-15. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1998), News media chronicle, July 1997 to June 1998, ASJ, 7: 177-213.
295
KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1998), Horace to Hawkeye: The development of newspapers in the Manning Valley: Part 1, Manning Valley Historical Society Journal, 6, November, 4-17. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1998), Shield of the people? The provincial press and the fourth estate, AJR, 20 (1): 82-103. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1998),News media chronicle: July 1997 to June 1998, ASJ, 7: 177-213. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1998), Scissors and paste: Recreating the history of newspapers in ten country towns, Bibliographic Society of Australia and New Zealand Bulletin, 22 (4): Fourth Quarter, 232-246. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1999), News media chronicle, July 1998 to June 1999, ASJ, 8: 197-238. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1999), House of unelected representatives: The provincial press 1825-100, in Ann Curthoys & Julianne Schultz (eds), Journalism: Print, Politics and Popular Culture, Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 20-35, and 281-284. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1999), Casting off provincialism? The changing national outlook of country newspapers, in Jacqui Ewart (ed), Journalism Theory and Practice: Proceedings of the 1998 Journalism Education Association Conference, 86-99. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (2000), Chronic circulation decline: Regional dailies succumb to metropolitan virus, ASJ, 9: 75-105. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (2000), How newspaper editors helped the country become politically articulate, AJR, 22(1): 18-136. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (2000), News media chronicle, July 1999 to June 2000, ASJ, 9: 139-175. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (2001), Are community newspapers really different?, APME, 10: 16-21. LAMBLE, Stephen (2000), Slow on the uptake: Queensland newspapers resists new technology, AJR, 22(2): 103-110. UMBY, Catherine (1999), Gotcha: Life in a tabloid world, Leonards: Allen & Unwin LLOYD, Clem (1994), An acute contusion: News management in the 1920s, ASJ, 3: 136-142. LUPTON, Deborah (2001), Constructing road rage as news: An analysis of two Australian newspapers, AJC, 28(3), 23-36. MARJORIBANKS, Timothy (2000), The anti-Wapping? Technological innovation and workplace reorganization at the Financial Times, MC&S, 22(5): 575-593. McCARTHY, Nigel (2000), Aid workers, intelligence gathering and media self-censorship, ASJ, 9: 30-50.
296
McGRATH, Pam & Geoff Turner (1995), The ethics of hope: Newspaper reporting of chemotherapy, ASJ, 4: 50-71. MEADOWS, Michael; Cratis Hippocrates & Kitty van Vuuren (1997), Targeting the media: Comparing print and television news coverage of indigenous affairs, AJR, 19 (2): 73-87. MEADOWS, Michael & Shannon Avison (2000), Speaking and hearing: Aboriginal newspapers and the public sphere in Canada and Australia, CJC, 25(): 347-366. MEADOWS, Michael (2000), Deals and victories: Newspaper coverage of native title in Australian and Canada, AJR, 22(1): 81-105. MENSBRUGGHE, Joelle van der (1999), Limits on the presss function as a public forum: An international study of environmental news, APME, 6: 6-23. MORGAN, Frank (2001), Better Press For suburbia: Preparing Yong Journalists For Suburban Newsroom, APME, 10: 22-30. MORGAN, George (1992), Gulf War stories and the fallacies of liberal media analysis, Metro, 91: 25-27. MORRIS, Peter (1996), Newspapers and the new information media, MIA, 79 (1): 10-21. LEWIS, Kieran (2001), Pluralism in the Australian print media, APME, 11: 100-112. LOUW, P Eric (1996), The New South African hegemony and the press, MIA, 79 (1): 76-82. MORRISON, Elizabeth (1993), Australian colonial newspapers as literary publishers, ASJ, 2: 63-67. MORRISON, Elizabeth (1993), The role of Victorias colonial press in shaping political institutions, ASJ, 2: 61-63. OBIJIOFOR, Levi & Kerry Green (2001), New technologies and future of newspaper, APME, 11: 88-99. OTOOLE, Kevin (1992), The unmass media: The local appeal of the Warrnambool Standard, MIA, 64: 83-87. PETERSEN, Neville (1993), News Not Views: The ABC, the Press and Politics 1932-1947, Sydney: Hale & Iremonger. PALLING, Bruce (1999), Not a job for the over-forties, BJR, 10(3): 6065. PUTNIS, Peter, John Penhallurick & Michael Bourk (2000), The pattern of international news in Australias mainstream media, AJR, 22(1): 1-19. REED, Rosslyn (1999), Celebrities and soft options: Engendering print journalism in the ear of hi-tech, AJR, 21 (3): 80-92.
297
ROMANO, Angela (2001), Inculcating public journalism philosophies into newsroom culture, AJR, 23(2): 43-62. ROSE, Michael (1993), Aboriginal print journalism: A forgotten medium?, AJR, 15 (2): 1-15. ROSE, Michael (1995), A history of the development of the Koori Mail, AJR, 17 (1): 17-39. ROWE, David (2000), On going tabloid: Preliminary analysis, Metro, 121/122: 78-85. RYAN, Jan (1994), Humour and exclusion: Chinese minorities and the conservative press in late nineteenth century Western Australia, Studies in Western Australian History, 15: 23-34. SAUNDERS, Malcolm (1996), A country newspaper in the early twentiethcentury Australia: Harry Samuel Taylor and the Murray Pioneer: 190532, ASJ, 5: 189-212. SCHULTZ, Julianne (1992), Encouraging competition and diversity without offending the monopolists, MIA, 65: 53-62. SECKER, Louise (1994), The politics of the press: A study of the conservative press in Western Australia 1930-1934, Studies in Western Australian History, 15: 35-44. SEXTON, Grania & Alan McKee (2001), The place of media in community formation for homeless youth: A case study of Gibber magazine, AJC, 28(2): 63-76. SLADE, Christina & Joelle van der Mensbrugghe (1996), The wake of Mururoa: Changes in European press images of Australia, AJC, 23 (3): 23-38. SELBY, Jane M. (1999), Bad news about Palm Island? Press accounts of an indigenous community, APME, 6: 99-107. STOCKWELL, Stephen (2000), Paulines prominence: An analysis of party leaders in newspaper photographs during the 1998 Australian federal election campaign, AJR, 22(1): 137-149. TANNER, Stephen J. (1994), Regionalism and newspapers in Tasmania, AJR, 16 (1), 57-66. TANNER, Stephen (1995), The rise and fall of Edmund Rouse, ASJ, 4: 72-89. TOOHILL, David (1993), Our words are our bonds: A study of Labor newspapers, ASJ, 2: 67-74. TREMBATH, Brendan (1992), All over the press down under, WJR, 14 (11): 11. TURNER, Geoff (1993), News media chronicle: 1992-93, ASJ, 2: 318342.
298
TURNER, Geoff (1994), News media chronicle: 1993-94, ASJ, 3: 390431. TURNER, Geoff (1995), News media chronicle: July 1994 to June 1995, ASJ, 4: 228-275. TURNER, Geoff (1995), A quantitative approach to quality in Australian newspapers, Gazette: International Journal for Mass Communication Studies, 55: 131-144. TURNER, Geoff (1996), News media chronicle: July 1995 to June 1996, ASJ, 5: 265-311. Van ACKER, Elizabeth (1995), The portrayal of feminist issues in the print media, ASJ, 4: 174-199. VINES, Josie (2001), News values and country non-daily reporting, APME, 10: 3-48. WATERFORD, Jack (1999), The changing role of a newspaper editor, ASJ, 8: 3-17. WATERFORD, Jack (2000), A golden age for journalism?, ASJ, 9: 3-14. WILCOX, Peter (2001), Newspapers and the terrorism war: News priorities, public duty, and the bottom line, AJR, 23(2): 7-20. WILKS, Jeffrey; Donna Pendergast & Melinda Service (1996), Newspaper reporting of tourism topics, ASJ, 5: 240-255. WILSON, David (1992), Charters of editorial independence, AJR, 14 (2): 31-36. ZINN, Christopher (1992), Can Black really put Fairfax in the black?, IPI Report, 41 (3): 18-20.
Public Journalism
BACON, Wendy (1997), Shifting notions of the public in journalism, Culture and Policy, 8 (2): 65-91. COHEN-ALMAGOR, Raphael (1999), Ethical boundaries to media coverage, AJC, 26 (2): 11-34. DUNN, Anne (1997), The role of ABC Radio in the creation of citizenship models, Culture and Policy, 8 (2): 91-104. HARTLEY, John (1997), An Aboriginal public sphere in the era of media citizenship, Culture and Policy, 8 (2): 43-65. HIPPOCRATES, Cratis (1999), Public journalism: The medias intellectual journey, Media International Australia incorporating Culture and Policy, 92 (Feb): 65-78. JACKA, Elizabeth (1997), Public service broadcasting in transition: The view from Europe, Culture and Policy, 8 (2): 115-127.
299
LLOYD, Clem & Cratis Hippocrates (1997), Public journalism, public participation and Australian citizenship, Culture and Policy, 8 (2) 922. LUMBY, Catherine (1997), The trickle-up effect: Feminism and the tabloid, Culture and Policy, 8 (2): 31-43. McGREGOR, Judy, Judi Campbell & Margie Comrie (1998), Public journalism and proportional representation: The New Zealand experiment, AJR, 20 (1): 1-22. McKNIGHT, David (1997), Public journalism, citizenship and strategies for change, Culture and Policy, 8 (2): p23(8). TANNER, Stephen (1999), The corruption watchdog condemned the media criticised in letters to the editor , ASJ, 8: 60-82. WATERFORD, Jack (1999), The changing role of a newspaper editor, ASJ, 8: 3-17. WEBB, Rod (1997), Enter the dragon: SBS-TV and the remaking of Australian culture, Culture and Policy, 8 (2): 105-114.
Radio
ADKINS, Barbara (1992), Arguing the point: The management and context of disputatious challenges in radio current affairs interviews, AJR, 14 (2): 37-49. BROWN, Allan (1994), Auctioning the airwaves: Auction systems for broadcasting licences, MIA, 74: 93-98. COLLINS, Richard (1994), National broadcasting in the international market: Developments in Australian broadcasting policy, MC&S, 16 (1): 9-30. DAY, Anna & Moya Pattie (1997), Presenting the News On Air: A Self-Paced Program for Developing the Broadcast Voice, Department of Journalism, University of Queensland: Brisbane. DAY, Anna (1998), Maintaining voice: Developing healthy learning strategies for broadcast journalism, AJR, 20 (1): 149-152. DUNN, Anne (1993), Towards the tapeless newsroom: The development of D-Cart, MIA, 67: 77-82. DUNN, Anne (1997), The role of ABC Radio in the creation of citizenship models, Culture and Policy, 8 (2): 91-104. DUNN, Anne (1998), Tailor-made news? The impact of policy change in ABC radio networks on ABC radio news, AJR, 20 (2): 35-59. HODGE, Errol (1992), Radio Australias news commentaries: A Cold War battleground, AJR, 14 (1): 58-67.
300
HODGE, Errol (1993), Response from the Peoples Republic of China to Radio Australias Chinese-language programs, AJR, 15 (1): 117-125. HODGE, Errol (1994), Radio Australia and Indonesia: The early years, AJR, 16 (1): 13-26. HODGE, Errol (1995), Radio Australia: Truth, Propaganda and the Struggle for Radio Australia, Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. HODGE, Errol (1997), International broadcasting: The reluctant ABC, MIA, 84: 87-90. HODGE, Errol (1999), Friendship and objectivity: Pros and cons of foreign correspondents adoption of the insiders perspective, APME, 7: 115123. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1997), News media chronicle, July 1996 to June 1997, ASJ, 6: 140-169. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1998), News media chronicle, July 1997 to June 1998, ASJ, 7: 177-213. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1999), News media chronicle, July 1998 to June 1999, ASJ, 8: 197-238. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (2000), News media chronicle, July 1999 to June 2000, ASJ, 9: 139-175. LAYTON, Suzanna (1995), The cocoNET wireless: A sea of islands in cyberspace, Development Bulletin, 35: 23-26. MEADOWS, Michael (1992), Broadcasting in Aboriginal Australia: one mob, one voice, one land, in Stephen H. Riggins (ed), Ethnic Minority Media: An International Perspective, Newbury Park: Sage: 82-101. MORAN, Albert (1992), Stay Tuned: An Australian Broadcasting Reader, Sydney: Allen & Unwin. MURRAY, Jacqui (1993), Dixons fight for ABC News in Asia, AJR, 15 (2): 101-111. MURRAY, Jacqui (1994), Japan: The national news story which was not told, ASJ, 3: 52-66. PALFREYMAN, Richard (1993), The Ultimo lab: ABC journalism and the new technologies, MIA, 70: 10-16. PATTIE, Moya & Anna Day (1997), Presenting the News On Air: A Self-Paced Program for Developing the Broadcast Voice, Department of Journalism, University of Queensland: Brisbane. PAUWELS, Anne & Kellinde Wrightson-Turcotte (2001), Pronoun choice and feminist language change in the Australian media, AJC, 28(1): 69-82. PETERSEN, Neville (1993), Broadcast news values, 1932-1992, ASJ, 2: 53-57.
301
PETERSEN, Neville (1993), News Not Views: The ABC, the Press and Politics 1932-1947, Sydney: Hale & Iremonger. SIMONS, Lynette (2001), Workplace training at SBS radio, APME, 10: 49-67. TURNER, Geoff (1993), News media chronicle: 1992-93, ASJ, 2: 318342. TURNER, Geoff (1994), News media chronicle: 1993-94, ASJ, 3: 390431. TURNER, Geoff (1995), News media chronicle: July 1994 to June 1995, ASJ, 4: 228-275. WILSON, Helen (1999), The space of radio in the network society, Australian Journalism of Communication, 26 (3): 99-110.
Regional journalism
BRADY, Veronica (1994), Representations and ideology, Studies in Western Australian History, 15: 7-13. CAFARELLA, Jane (2001), Training in the suburban newsroom, APME, 10: 6-15. FORDE, Susan (2000), Closing The Eye: Looking overseas for Australian newspaper policy options, APME, 9: 192-201. HART, Elizabeth (2001), Journalism education and rural newspaper standards, APME, 10: 31-37. KILLIBY, Cleve (1994), Civic attitudes and regional media use, AJR, 16 (1): 81-87. KILLIBY, Cleve (1994), Relationships between country newspapers and community ties, ASJ, 3: 275-289. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1993), Queensland provincial dailies, 1930-1989, ASJ, 2: 57-61. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1994), Six dynasties that ended with a whimper: The end of PNQ, ASJ, 3: 109-129. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1995), Purposely parochial: Three provincial dailies, 1930-1990, ASJ, 4: 98-122. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1995), The mirror of local life: Country newspapers, country values and country content, in P Share (ed), Communications . and culture in rural areas, 219-237, Cent Rural Soc Res Key Pap 4. Wagga Wagga (NSW), Charles Sturt Univ Cent Rural Soc Res. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1995), Country newspaper dynasties in demise, Proceedings of University of Queensland History Research Group, 6: 79-89.
302
KIRKPATRICK, Rod (2001), Are community newspapers really different?, APME, 10: 16-21. LAMBLE, Stephen (2000), Slow on the uptake: Queensland newspapers resists new technology, AJR, 22(2): 103-110. MORRISON, Elizabeth (1993), The role of Victorias colonial press in shaping political institutions, ASJ, 2: 61-63. MORGAN, Frank (2001), Better press for suburbia: Preparing young journalists for suburban Newsroom, APME, 10: 22-30. OTOOLE, Kevin (1992), The unmass media: The local appeal of the Warrnambool Standard, MIA, 64: 83-87. PRETTY, Kate (1993), Dusting off the grassroots: A survey of Australian country journalists, ASJ, 2: 75-123. TANNER, Stephen J. (1994), Regionalism and newspapers in Tasmania, AJR, 16 (1), 57-66. VINES, Josie (2000), News values and country non-daily reporting, APME, 10: 3-48.
Regulation
APPS, Lawrence (1992), News media chronicle 1991-92, ASJ, 1: 197207. BAXT, Robert (1992), Regulation: Structure and issues, MIA, 63: 13-18. BORTHWICK, Osmond (1995), Shackled: a response, MIA, 78, 146150. BREIT, Rhonda (1998), Cyberspace: A legal frontier, AJR, 20 (1): 38-57. BREIT, Rhonda (2000), Hyperlinks, frames and metatags: Some legal problems, AJR, 22(1): 37-56. BROWN, Allan (1994), Auctioning the airwaves: Auction systems for broadcasting licences, MIA, 74: 93-98. CASS, Philip (1999), Tuning into the coconut wireless, BJR, 10(4): 5559. CHADWICK, Paul (1992), Print media inquiry treads so lightly that it makes no impression, MIA, 65: 44-52. CHADWICK, Paul, Sue Ferguson & Michelle McAuslan (1995), Shackled: The story of a regulatory slave, MIA, 77: 65-72. COLLINS, Richard (1994), National broadcasting in the international market: Developments in Australian broadcasting policy, MC&S, 16 (1): 9-30. COWEN, Sir Zelman (1993), The responsibility of the press: Some current reflections, AJR, 15 (1): 73-79.
303
CRAIK, Jennifer, Julie James Bailey & Albert Moran (eds, 1995), Public Voices, Private Interests: Australias Media Policy, St Leonards: Allen & Unwin. FLINT, David (1995), A Media Commission: The Press Council replies, AJR, 17 (1): 40-46. FLINT, David (1997), Lessons from Australia, IPI Report, June-July: 33. FORDE, Susan (2000), Freedom of the press and government press subsidies: Swedish journalists views on subsidies in 1999, AJR, 22(1): 106-117. GRUNDY, Bruce (1992), Australias print media inquiry: a review, ASJ, 1: 184-196. HENNINGHAM, John (1992), Journalisms Threat to Freedom of the Press, University of Queensland Inaugural Lecture, St Lucia: University of Queensland Press. HENNINGHAM, John (1993), The press, in Stuart Cunninhgam & Graeme Turner (eds), Media in Australia: Industries, Texts, Audiences, Sydney: Allen & Unwin: 59-71. HENNINGHAM, John (1994), The Press Council: A complaint, ASJ, 3: 372-389. HENNINGHAM, John (1996), Australian journalists views on professional associations, Asia-Pacific Media Educator, 1 (1):144-152. HODGE, Errol (1992), Radio Australias news commentaries: A Cold War battleground, AJR, 14 (1): 58-67. KITLEY, Philip (2000), Reformasi: Vulnerable values and the regulation of television in Indonesia, APME, 8: 132-148. LEE, Terence (2001), Auto-regulating new media: Strategies from Singapores Internet policy, AJC, 28(1): 48-56. MORAN, Albert (1992), Stay Tuned: An Australian Broadcasting Reader, Sydney: Allen & Unwin. MULLAY, Jennifer (2000) An overview of Internet content regulation in Australia, Media Asia: an Asian Mass Communication Quarterly, 27(2): 99-105. MURRAY, Jacqui (1994), The institutional origins of ABC censorship in the 1930s, AJR, 16 (2): 125-131. PEARCE, Matthew (2000), Structured action in Australian broadcasting policy: Pay TV, MC&S, 23(3): 347-354. ROBIE, David, (1999), Fairness, balance and the Pacific medias cultural imperative, AJR, 21 (3): 25-35. SCHULTZ, Julianne (1992), Encouraging competition and diversity without offending the monopolists, MIA, 65: 53-62.
304
SLADE, Christina (1997), The public/private divide: Regulating the media, MIA, 84: 102-111. SMITH, Michael (1992), Accountability: The writing on the wall, AJR, 14 (1): 27-32. TURNER, Geoff (1993), News media chronicle: 1992-93, ASJ, 2: 318342. TURNER, Geoff (1994), Frontline ethics: The Australian medias siege mentality, ASJ, 3: 24-38. TURNER, Geoff (1994), Journalistic ethics in Australia: Raising the standards, AJR, 16 (1): 1-12. TURNER, Geoff (1994), News media chronicle: 1993-94, ASJ, 3: 390431. TURNER, Geoff (1995), News media chronicle: July 1994 to June 1995, ASJ, 4: 228-275. TURNER, Geoff (1996), News media chronicle: July 1995 to June 1996, ASJ, 5: 265-311. YOUNG, Peter (1992), The ascendancy of the military over the media in the Gulf, ASJ, 1: 73-86. ZINN, Christopher (1992), Can Black really put Fairfax in the black?, IPI Report, 41 (3): 18-20.
Religion
HENNINGHAM, John (1995), Australian journalists religious views, Australian Religious Studies Review, 8 (2): 63-67. HORSFIELD, Peter (1993), An analysis of the media debate following the ABC Compass program The Ultimate Betrayal, AJR, 15 (1): 1-10. LOO, Eric & Sankaran Ramanathan (1993), Soured relations: Australian and Malaysian press coverage of the Raja Bahrin-Gillespie custody dispute, MIA, 70: 3-9.
Science/medicine
BROUGH, Mark (1999), A lost cause? Representations of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health in Australian newspapers, AJC, 26 (2): 87-96. CHAPMAN, Simon & Deborah Lupton (1994), Freaks, moral tales and medical marvels: Health and medical stories on Australian television, MIA, 72: 94-103. COLLINS, Peter (1992), NSW print media coverage of major health issues: 1988-1991, MIA, 65: 4-9.
305
CULLEN, Trevor. (1999), Press coverage of HIV/AIDS in Papua New Guinea and the South Pacific: Delaying the inevitable, World Association of Press Councils Oceanic Regional Conference Proceedings, Sydney: The Australian Press Council 41-46. EDWARDS, Jane (1994), Private cancer, public cancer: Guilt and innocence in popular literature, AJC, 21 (2): 1-13. GALVIN, Camille & Mark Pearson (1994), Cosmetic surgery: Newspaper reportage of The Medical Journal of Australia, AJC, 21 (2): 109-121. HENNINGHAM, John (1995), Who are Australias science journalists?, Search, 26 (3): 89-94. LUPTON, Deborah (1992), Ideology and health reporting, MIA, 65: 2835. McGRATH, Pam & Geoff Turner (1995), The ethics of hope: Newspaper reporting of chemotherapy, ASJ, 4: 50-71. McILWAINE, Stephen (2001), Science and journalism: A Mexican standoff?, AJR, 23(2): 167-188. RING, Anne (1999), Cosmetic surgery magazines: Mass mediating the new face of medical practice, ASJ, 8: 118-138.
Surveys
BAIRD, Katrina (1994), Attitudes of Australian women sports journalists, ASJ, 3: 231-253. BLOOD, Warwick & Paul Lee (1997), Public opinion at risk: An elaboration of public opinion about Pauline Hansons agenda, AJR, 19 (2): 88103. BRAND, Jeff & Mark Pearson (2001), The newsroom vs. the lounge room: Journalists and audiences views on news, AJR, 23(2): 63-90. COAD DYER, Samuel & Andrea Jenkins (1994), Reporting of public opinion polls in New Zealand and Australia, AJR, 16 (2): 87-92. CURRY, Rae (1993), Women in journalism: Why dont they make the grade?, ASJ, 2: 170-232. FORDE, Susan (1997), Characteristics and values of alternative press journalists, ASJ, 6: 104-126. FORDE, Susan (1997), A descriptive look at the public role of Australian independent alternative press, APME, 3: 118-130. FORDE, Susan (2000), Closing The Eye: Looking overseas for Australian newspaper policy options, APME, 9: 192-201. GOOT, Murray (1995), Pluralism in the polls: Australian attitudes to media ownership, 1948/95, MIA, 77: 4-14.
306
GREEN, Kerry (1999), How newsroom failures limit readership gains, ASJ, 8: 18-36. GRIFFIN, Grahame (1994), A profile of Australian newspaper photographers, ASJ, 3: 147-181. GRIFFIN, Grahame (1995), Shoot first: The ethics of Australian press photographers, ASJ, 4: 3-28. HENNINGHAM, John (1993), Australian journalists attitudes to education, AJR, 15 (2): 77-90. HENNINGHAM, John (1993), Characteristics and attitudes of Australian journalists, EJC, 3 (3&4). HENNINGHAM, John (1993), The Holy Grail of editorial freedom, in Kaye Healey (ed), The Media in Focus, Wentworth Falls,: The Spinney Press: 24-25. HENNINGHAM, John (1995), Who are Australias science journalists?, Search, 26 (3): 89-94. HENNINGHAM, John (1995), Journalism in the USA and Australia: Some comparisons, AJC, 22 (1); 77-91. HENNINGHAM, John (1995), Aunties watchbitch: Journalists opinions of Media Watch, AJR, 17 (1): 47-56. HENNINGHAM, John (1995), Political journalists political and professional values, AJPS, 30 (2): 321-334. HENNINGHAM, John (1995), A profile of Australian sports journalists, ACHPER Healthy Lifestyles Journal, 42 (3) [149]: 13-17. HENNINGHAM, John (1995), Australian journalists religious views, Australian Religious Studies Review, 8 (2): 63-67. HENNINGHAM, John (1995), Australian journalists reactions to new technology, Prometheus, 13 (2): 225-238. HENNINGHAM, John (1996), Australian journalists professional and ethical values, JMCS, 73: 206-218. HENNINGHAM, John (1996), Australian journalists views on professional associations, Asia-Pacific Media Educator, 1 (1):144-152. HENNINGHAM, John (1996), Journalists perceptions of newspaper quality, AJR, 18 (1):13-19. HENNINGHAM, John (1997), Characteristics and attitudes of Australias finance journalists, Economic Analysis and Policy, 27 (1): 45-58. HENNINGHAM, John (1997), The journalists personality: An exploratory study, JMCQ, 74 (3): 615-624. HENNINGHAM, John (1998), Ideological differences between Australian journalists and their public, Harvard International Journal of Press/ Politics, 3 (1): 92-101.
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HENNINGHAM, John (1998), Australian journalists, in David Weaver (ed), The Global Journalist, Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press. HENNINGHAM, John (1998), Ideological differences between Australian journalists and their public, Harvard International Journal of Press/ Politics, 3 (1): 92-101. HENNINGHAM, John (1998), The Australian journalist, in Myles Breen (ed), Journalism: Theory and Practice, Sydney: Macleay Press. HURST, John & Michael Provis (1996), The relationship between local government and the news media, MIA, 79 (4): 108-119. JENKINS, Cathy (1996), The press and the Other: Coverage of the first women in Australias federal parliament, ASJ, 5: 82-200. KILLIBY, Cleve (1994), Civic attitudes and regional media use, AJR, 16 (1): 81-87. KILLIBY, Cleve (1994), Relationships between country newspapers and community ties, ASJ, 3: 275-289. LAYTON, Suzanna (1995), The demographics of diversity: Profile of Pacific Island journalists, ASJ, 4: 123-143. LINCOLN, Robyn & Paul Wilson (1994), Media coverage of missing persons: Help or hindrance, AJR, 16 (2): 103-115. LOO, Eric (1993), Ethnic newsworthiness: Pragmatic research on editors attitudes, AJR, 15 (1): 87-92. MASTERTON, Murray (1992), A new approach to what makes news news, AJR, 14 (1): 21-26. MATOLCSY, Z.P & J. Schultz (1994), Errors in financial journalism, ASJ, . 3: 335-355. OTOOLE, Kevin (1992), The unmass media: The local appeal of the Warrnambool Standard, MIA, 64: 83-87. PAVASARIS, Sue (1996), Bringing the world back home: An analysis of Foreign Correspondent, ASJ, 52: 101-122. PRETTY, Kate (1993), Dusting off the grassroots: A survey of Australian country journalists, ASJ, 2: 75-123. ROBIE, David (1999), Pacific newsrooms and the campus: Some comparisons between Fiji and Papua New Guinea, ASJ, 8: 176-196. ROMANO, Angela (2001), Inculcating public journalism philosophies into newsroom culture, AJR, 23(2): 43-62. SCHULTZ, Julianne (1992), Investigative reporting tests journalistic independence, AJR, 14 (2): 18-30. STERNBERG, Jason (1998), Rating youth: A statistical review of young Australians news media use, ASJ, 7: 84-135.
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STERNBERG, Jason, Christina George & Joshua Green (2000), Teenagers and the fragmenting media environment in Asia: An Australian Pilot Study, APME, 9: 59-76. TURNER, Geoff (1993), News media chronicle: 1992-93, ASJ, 2: 318342.
Technology
BREIT, Rhonda (1998), Cyberspace: A legal frontier, AJR, 20 (1): 38-57. BREIT, Rhonda (2000), Hyperlinks, frames and metatags: Some legal problems, AJR, 22(1): 37-56. CRAIG, Geoffrey (1995), Press photography, pixel technology and questions of representation, AJR, 17 (1): 70-78. DOMBKINS, Margaret (1993), The impact of technology and environmental factors on newspaper organisational design, AJR, 15 (1): 29-51. DUNN, Anne (1993), Towards the tapeless newsroom: The development of D-Cart, MIA, 67: 77-82. EWART, Jacqui (1997), The challenges of pagination for sub-editors on a regional newspaper, AJR, 19 (1): 49-56. EWART, Jacqui (1999), Design dominates sub-editing, AJR, 21 (3): 93112. EWART, Jacqui (1999), When words dont matter anymore: Contemporary newsroom technology and wordsmithing, APME, 6: 82-98. FELL, Bruce (1997), The poets of HTML: Is this journalism on the Web?, AJR, 19(1): 35-48. GREEN, Kerry (1994), Computer-assisted reporting sources from cyberspace, ASJ, 3: 219-230. GREEN, Kerry (1995), Media academic adds some afterthoughts on CDROM and photojournalists ethics, Pacific Area Newspaper Publishers Association Bulletin: 132, 38-39. GREEN, Kerry (1997), On-line and undercover: Discovering the boundaries, AJR, 19 (2): 24-30. GRIFFIN, Grahame (1992), Dances with digitals: the electronic revolution in Australian press photography, ASJ, 1: 87-100. HENNINGHAM, John (1995), Australian journalists reactions to new technology, Prometheus, 13 (2): 225-238. JOHNSON, Graham (1994), Computer-based research for journalism, ASJ, 3: 201-219. JONES, Morris (1999), Kosovo crisis on the internet, APME, 6: 127132.
309
KESHVANI, Nisar (2000), Trends in the online newsroom: A study of the Straits Times interactive, APME, 9: 106-118. KNIGHT, Alan (2000), Online investigative journalism, AJR, 22(2): 4858. LAMBLE, Stephen (2000), Slow on the uptake: Queensland newspapers resists new technology, AJR, 22(2): 103-110. LAYTON, Suzanna (1995), The cocoNET wireless: A sea of islands in cyberspace, Development Bulletin, 35: 23-26. LAWE DAVIES, Chris (ed, 1999), When Nerds and Worlds Collide: Reflections on the Development of Computer Assisted Reporting, Flordia:The Poynter Institute for Media Studies. LEE, Terence (2001), Auto-regulating new media: Strategies from Singapores Internet policy, AJC, 28(1): 48-56. MARJORIBANKS, Timothy (2000), The anti-Wapping? Technological innovation and workplace reorganization at the Financial Times, MC&S, 22(5): 575-593. MILLER, Seumas (1995), Communication ethics: A survey of recent literature, AJC, 22 (1): 136-149. MORGAN, Frank (1999), The moving finger writes: Conditions for a theory of journalism, AJR, 21 (1): 68-91. MORRIS, Peter (1996), Newspapers and the new information media, MIA, 79 (1): 10-21. MULLAY, Jennifer (2000) An overview of Internet content regulation in Australia, Media Asia: an Asian Mass Communication Quarterly, 27(2): 99-105. OBIJIOFOR, Levi, Samar Ihsan & Sohail Inayatullah (1995), The futures of communication, Futures, 27 (8), 897-903. OBIJIOFOR, Levi (1996), Future impact of new communication technologies: Beyond the debate, Futuresco (a UNESCO bulletin of future-oriented literature), Paris, No. 6, October, 21-26. OBIJIOFOR, Levi (1998), Futures of communication in Africas development, Futures, 30 (2/3), March/April, 161-174. OBIJIOFOR, Levi (1998) Africas dilemma in the transition to the new information and communication technologies, Futures 30 (5): June, 453-462. OBIJIOFOR, Levi, Sohail Inayatullah & Tony Stevenson (1998), Annotated bibliography on communication futures, Futures 30 (2/3), March/April, 255-262. OBIJIOFOR, Levi (1999), Impact of new information and communication technologies (ICTs) on socio-economic and educational development of Africa and the Asia-Pacific: A pilot study, World Association of Press
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Councils Oceanic Regional Conference Proceedings, Sydney: The Australian Press Council 58-62. OBIJIOFOR, Levi (2001), The future of Africa lies in homegrown solutions, in Jacob Olugbenga Adesida & Arunma Oteh (eds), Visions of the future of Africa, Abidjan: United Nations Development Program (UNDP) Regional Office. OBIJIOFOR, Levi & Kerry Green (2001), New technologies and future of newspaper, APME, 11: 88-99. PALFREYMAN, Richard (1993), The Ultimo lab: ABC journalism and the new technologies, MIA, 70: 10-16. PEARSON, Mark (1993), Electronic mail as a news medium, AJR, 15 (2): 131-138. PEARSON, Mark (1999), Curricular implications of the influences of the internet on journalism, AJR, 21 (2): 27-55. QUINN, Stephen (1997), Learning the 4Rs of computer-assisted reporting in Australia, APME, 3: 131-141. QUINN, Stephen (1997), Computer-assisted reporting in Australia, AJR, 19 (1): 77-91. QUINN, Stephen (1997), Australian journalists and the internet, AJR, 19 (2): 1-13. QUINN, Stephen (1999), Plagiarism, the internet and journalism education, AJR, 21 (3): 205-211. QUINN, Stephen (1999), Teaching journalism in the information age, ASJ, 8: 158-175. QUINN, Stephen (1999), Internet resources for foreign correspondents, APME, 7: 158-160. REED, Rosslyn (1999), Celebrities and soft options: engendering print journalism in the ear of hi-tech, AJR, 21 (3): 80-92. RENNIE, Elinor (2001), Community television and the transition to digital broadcasting, AJC, 28(1), 57-68. STERNBERG, Jason (1995), Children of the information revolution: Generation X and the future of journalism, in Central Queensland University Working Papers in Communication and Cultural Studies: Information Flows, Central Queensland University, 2: 45-60. TAPSALL, Suellen & Len Granato (1997), New CAR curriculum will influence the practice of journalism, AJR, 19 (2): 14-23. TAPSALL, Suellen (1997), Can Australian journalists drive the US CAR?, AJR, 19 (1): 69-76. TICKLE, Sharon & Nisar Keshvani (2000), Electronic news futures, AJR, 22(1): 68-80.
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WEAVER, Belinda (1999), Foreign correspondent web site and discussion group, APME, 7: 161-163. WILSON, Helen (2001), Towards a non-binary approach to communication, AJC, 28(2): 1-18. WHITE, Doug, Sybe Jongeling & Trevor Gilmour (1996), Use AIDA to solve your infoglut problems: Technology takes on the editors, AJR, 18 (1): 135-141.
Television
ANSARA, Martha (2000), Three recent Australian documentaries, Metro, 121/122: 45-47. AOUN, Steven (2001), The west wing: Looking a gift horse in the mouth, Metro, 131/132: 184-188. BAXT, Robert (1992), Regulation: Structure and issues, MIA, 63: 13-18. BREEN, Myles (1996), The image of Australia in US television news, 19861995, ASJ, 5: 43-60. BROWN, Allan (1994), Auctioning the airwaves: Auction systems for broadcasting licences, MIA, 74: 93-98. BROWN, Samantha (2001), Taming Thailands Press: Corporate ownership fused with political ties threatens free press, IPI Report, Jul-Sep:11 CRAGO, Morwenna (2001), Just a spoonful of grainy footage: Creating realism and authenticity big brothers style, Metro, 133: 108-115. CARROLL, John (1999), On camera: Journalism, presentation and performance, AJR, 21 (2) 87-102. CHAPMAN, Simon & Deborah Lupton (1994), Freaks, moral tales and medical marvels: Health and medical stories on Australian television, MIA, 72: 94-103. COLLINS, Richard (1994), National broadcasting in the international market: Developments in Australian broadcasting policy, MC&S, 16 (1): 9-30. CUNNINGHAM, Stuart & John Ritchie (1994), An ersatz Asian nation? The ABC in Asia, MIA, 71: 46-54. CUNNINGHAM, Stuart & Elizabeth Jacka (1996), The role of television in Australias paradigm shift to Asia, MC&S, 18 (4): 619-638. CUNNINGHAM, Stuart & Elizabeth Jacka (1996), Australian Television and International Mediascapes, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. CUNNINGHAM, Stuart (2000), Documentary: Globalisation of the real, Metro, 121/122: 40-44.
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DAVEY, John (2001), Guaranteed free access: A look at Australian community television and its place in the changing media landscape, Metro, 133: 126-133. DAVIS, Glyn (1997), The Mansfield vision for the ABC, MIA, 84: 81-86. DAVIS, Therese (2001), Mabo: The name and face of native title A question of recognition, Metro, 127/128: 24-28. DAY, Anna & Moya Pattie (1997), Presenting the News On Air: A Self-Paced Program for Developing the Broadcast Voice, Department of Journalism, University of Queensland: Brisbane. DAY, Anna (1998), Maintaining voice: Developing healthy learning strategies for broadcast journalism, AJR, 20 (1): 149-152. DENTREMONT, Nicole & Neil Mudge dEntremont (1999), Mediated government? Australian TV network use of federal parliamentary proceedings in daily news programs, World Association of Press Councils Oceanic Regional Conference Proceedings, Sydney: The Australian Press Council 55-57. DORNEY, Sean (1999), Covering catastrophe In Papua New Guinea, APME, 7: 137-150. DUNN, Anne (1997), The role of ABC radio in the creation of citizenship models, Culture and Policy, 8 (2): 91-103. FITZSIMONS, Trish, Pat Laughren & Dougald Williamson (2000), Towards a contemporary history of Australian documentary, Metro, 123: 62-72. FITZSIMONS, Trish (2001), Accords, slates, slots, standards and series: Australian television takes on independent documentary, Metro, 131/ 132: 172-183. GIVEN, Jock (1993), Sylvania Waters something in the air, ASJ, 2: 305-317. GIVEN, Jock (2001), Culture, trade, terror and the world trade organization, Metro, 133: 214-223. GOODALL, Heather (199), Constructing a riot: television news & Aborigines, MIA, 68: 70-77. GRECH, John (2001), Redeeming Cunnamulla or avoiding reality?, Metro, 126: 21-24. GREEN, Lelia (2001), Treating internet users as audience, AJC, 28(1): 33-41. GUINEY, Melanie (2000), The 7th Australian international documentary conference: Reflections on Adelaide, Metro, 121/122: 48-54. HARMON Mark (1998), Coverage of Australia by CNN World Report and US television news network news, ASJ, 7: 74-83. HARRIS, Gavin (1995), Perving on perversity: A nice night in front of the tele, MIA, 78:20-32.
313
HERBERT, John (1996), Truth and credibility: The sound of the broadcast journalist, ASJ, 5: 123-140. HIRST, Martin, Tiffany White, David Chaplin & Justine Wilson (1995), When too much entertainment is barely enough: Current affairs television in the 1990s, AJR, 17 (1): 79-98. HODGE, Errol (1993), Editorial integrity and Australia Television International, AJR, 15 (2): 91-100. HODGE, Errol (1999), Friendship and objectivity: Pros and cons of foreign correspondents adoption of the insiders perspective, APME, 7: 115123. HODSDON, Barrett (2001), Britain on the Brink: Alan Clarke The lost provocateur, Metro, 131/132: 226-232. JOHNSTON, Jane (2001), Public relations in the courts: A new frontier, AJC, 28(1): JONES, Paul (2001), The best of both words? Freedom of communication and positive broadcasting regulation, MC&S, 23(3): 385-396. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1997), News media chronicle, July 1996 to June 1997, ASJ, 6: 140-169. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1998), News media chronicle, July 1997 to June 1998, ASJ, 7: 177-213. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (1999), News media chronicle, July 1998 to June 1999, ASJ, 8: 197-238. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (2000), News media chronicle, July 1999 to June 2000, ASJ, 9: 139-175. KLEIMAN, Howard (1995), Pot party at a university: A case study in television news staging, AJR, 17 (1): 57-69. LEVER, Susan (2001), Dramatic interpretation and documentary fact: Ian Davids Writing for Television, Metro, 126: 56-61. LOWER, Richard (1999), Port Arthur massacre: A TV editors experience, APME, 7: 124-130. McKEE, Alan (2000), Must see TV: Mapping an Australian Mediasphere, Metro, 121/122: 55-59. MADDEN, Raymond (2001), Race and gender in the new deep north, Metro, 131/132: 164-139. MASTERS, Chris (1995), Barbarians at the game, MIA 77, 15-19. McCARTHY, Nigel (1999), Kosovo and the Australian media: Reporting the news from the Balkans and at home, in Peter Geoff (ed), The Kosovo news and propaganda war, International Press Institute, Vienna: 26472. McCARTHY, Nigel (1999), The trouble with tigers, Dateline, SBS TV, Sydney, 8 and 22 September, 2x16 mins.
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McCARTHY, Nigel (2000), Aid workers, intelligence gathering and media self-censorship, ASJ, 9: 30-50. McKIE, David (1993), Exclusion, humour and television news, AJC, 20 (2): 68-78. MEADOWS, Michael (1992), Broadcasting in Aboriginal Australia: One mob, one voice, one land, in Stephen H. Riggins (ed), Ethnic Minority Media: An International Perspective, Newbury Park: Sage: 82-101. MEADOWS, Michael (1995), Northern exposure: Indigenous television developments in northern Canada, MIA, 78: 109-119. MEADOWS, Michael (1995), Ideas from the bush: Indigenous television in Australia and Canada, CJC, 20 (2): 197-212. MEADOWS, Michael, Cratis Hippocrates & Kitty van Vuuren (1997), Targeting the media: Comparing print and television news coverage of indigenous affairs, AJR, 19 (2): 73-87. MITCHELL, Graham (2001), Letting the sunshine in reunification issues in South Korea, Metro, 131/132: 164-170. MORAN, Albert (1992), Stay Tuned: An Australian Broadcasting Reader, Sydney: Allen & Unwin. MUDGE, Neil & Nicole dEntremont (1999), Mediated government? Australian TV network use of federal parliamentary proceedings in daily news programs, World Association of Press Councils Oceanic Regional Conference Proceedings, Sydney: The Australian Press Council 55-57. NIGHTINGALE, Virginia, Dianne Dickenson & Catherine Griff (2001), Childrens views on media harm, Metro, 131/132: 212-224. NOLAN, David (1999), Doing justice to Pauline: Strategies of representation in television current affairs, APME, 6: 24-39. OTTO, Kristin (1999), News n Weather, Metro, 118: 62-65. PATCHING, Roger & Martin Hirst (1999), The 1997 top ten surveys: students views of what makes news, AJR, 20 (2): 129-156. PATTIE, Moya & Anna Day (1997), Presenting the News On Air: A Self-Paced Program for Developing the Broadcast Voice, Department of Journalism, University of Queensland: Brisbane. PEACH, Bill (1992), This Day Tonight: How Australian Current Affairs TV Came of Age, Sydney: ABC. PEARCE, Matthew (2000), Structured action in Australian broadcasting policy: Pay TV, MC&S, 23(3): 347-354. PETERSEN, Neville (1993), Broadcast news values, 1932-1992, ASJ, 2: 53-57. PETERSEN, Neville (1997), Inadequacies of the newsagency model for broadcast news: The ABC, BBC and CBC, 1945-55, ASJ, 6: 41-65.
315
PORTER, Muriel (2000), Visions of Yankalilla, Metro, 121/122: 37-39. PUTNIS, Peter (1992), Television journalism and image ethics, AJR, 14 (2): 1-17. PUTNIS, Peter (1993), A day in the life: The Channel Ten Brisbane newsroom, AJR, 15 (2): 112-122. PUTNIS, Peter (1994), Displaced, Re-cut and Recycled: File-Tape in Television News, Gold Coast: Centre for Journalism Research and Education, Bond University. PUTNIS, Peter (1994), File-tape: A key to understanding television news, Metro, 100: 59-62. PUTNIS, Peter (1994), Minority groups in the news: Representation and the use of file tape, MIA, 72: 74-83. PUTNIS, Peter (1995), Producing overseas news for Australian television, AJR, 17 (1): 99-118. PUTNIS, Peter (1996), The production of overseas news at Channel 7, MIA, 79 (4): 98-107. ROSCOE, Jane (2000), Documenting the Immigrant Nation: Tensions and contradictions in the representation of immigrant communities in a New Zealand television documentary series, MC&S, 23(3): 243-261. ROBERTSON, Philip (2001), Hong Kong Documentary: The Genre That Never Was, Metro, 126:99-103. SCOTT, Paul (1996),What do we have to know this for? The Broadcasting for Remote Aboriginal Communities Sheme and Tertiary Curricula, AJR, 18 (1): 25-38. SEARLE, Samantha (1995), Our ABC?: The 1994 Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras Parade Broadcast, MIA, 78: 13-15. SMAILL, Belinda (2001), SBS documentary and unfinished business: Reconciling the nation, Metro, 126: 34-40. STERNBERG, Jason; Christina George & Joshua Green (2000), Teenagers and the fragmenting media environment in Asia: An Australian Pilot Study, APME, 9: 59-76. SUMMERHAYES, Catherine (2001), Going back for the wounded, Metro, 127/128: 30-41. TURNER, Geoff (1993), News media chronicle: 1992-93, ASJ, 2: 318342. TURNER, Geoff (1994), News media chronicle: 1993-94, ASJ, 3: 390431. TURNER, Geoff (1995), News media chronicle: July 1994 to June 1995, ASJ, 4: 228-275.
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TURNER, Graeme (1996), Maintaining the news: A comparative analysis of news and current affairs services provided by the ABC and the commercial sector, Culture and Policy, 7 (3): 127-164. TURNER, Graeme (1996), Post journalism: News and current affairs programming from the late 80s to the present, MIA, 79 (4): 78-91. Van ACKER, Elizabeth & Ian Ward (1996), Election campaign coverage: Television as a commercial rather than political medium, AJC, 23 (1): 64-76. (content analysis) WEBB, Rod (1997), Enter the dragon: SBS-TV and the remaking of Australian culture, Culture and Policy, 8 (2): 105-114. WILSON, Helen (2001), Sydneys Olympic: Television hosts, Metro, 133: 238-244. WILLIAMS, Deane (2001), Out of place: SBSs Australia by numbers, Metro, 126: 42-46. WILLIAMS, Deane (2001), International documentary film-maker: John Heyer, Metro, 129/130: 248-253. WILLIAMS, Ridley (1993), Journocam and beyond: A look into the future of ENG, AJR, 15 (1): 93-98. WILSHIRE, Peter (2001), Still breathing: a matter of life and death An interview with Director Charlotte Roseby, Metro, 133: 186-189. ZUBRYCKI, Tom & Sally Browning (2000), The Diplomat, Metro, 124/125: 24-29.
Textual analysis
ADKINS, Barbara (1992), Arguing the point: The management and context of disputatious challenges in radio current affairs interviews, AJR, 14 (2): 37-49. BAKER, David & Katrina Mandy Oakham (1999), Dishing up the docks: The MUA dispute as a case study of successful agenda setting, AJR, 21 (3): 127-149. BRADY, Veronica (1994), Representations and ideology, Studies in Western Australian History, 15: 7-13. DAY, Anna (1999), Australian editorial election cartoons: Is there a change afoot?, AJR, 21 (2): 117-133. DAY, Anna (1999), Political cartoonists relationship with their editors, the politicians and the public, World Association of Press Councils Oceanic Regional Conference Proceedings, Sydney: The Australian Press Council 44-46. DENTREMONT, Nicole & Neil Mudge (1999), Mediated government? Australian TV network use of federal parliamentary proceedings in
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daily news programs, World Association of Press Councils Oceanic Regional Conference Proceedings, Sydney: The Australian Press Council 55-57. DOWLING, Peter (1999), Truth versus art in nineteenth-century graphic journalism: The colonial Australia case, Media History, 5 (2): 109125. EDWARDS, Jane (1994), Private cancer, public cancer: Guilt and innocence in popular literature, AJC, 21 (2): 1-13. HARMON, Mark (1998), Coverage of Australian by CNN World Report and US television news network news, ASJ, 7: 74-83. HATCHER, Caroline & Patsy McCarthy (1999), Shaping reality for the Sydney Olympic bid, Australian Journal of Communication, 26 (3): 21-36. LOUW, P Eric & Eric Loo (1997), Constructing Hansonism: A study of . Pauline Hansons persona in Australian press, APME, 3: 4-31. McKAY, Susan (1993), Representations of the Vietnamese in the letter columns of the daily press, AJC, 20 (1): 99-115. McKAY, Jim & Philip Smith (1995), Exonerating the hero: Frames and narratives in media coverage of the O.J. Simpson story, MIA, 75: 57-66. McKEE, Alan (2001), A beginners guide to textual analysis, Metro, 127/ 128: 138-149. MACLENNAN, Gary (1993), The Burnie Mill dispute and the media: Class conflict or collective catastrophe, AJR, 15 (1): 6-71. MEADOWS, Michael, Cratis Hippocrates & Kitty van Vuuren (1997), Targeting the media: Comparing print and television news coverage of indigenous affairs, AJR, 19 (2): 73-87. MORGAN, George (1992), Gulf War stories and the fallacies of liberal media analysis, Metro, 91: 25-27. MUDGE, Neil & Nicole dEntremont (1999), Mediated government? Australian TV network use of federal parliamentary proceedings in daily news programs, World Association of Press Councils Oceanic Regional Conference Proceedings, Sydney: The Australian Press Council 55-57. ROWE, David & Deborah Stevenson (1995), Negotiations and mediations: Journalism, professional status and the making of sports text, MIA, 75: 67-91. SEDORKIN, Gail (1999), Tracking the infotainment trend, AJR, 21 (2): 76-86. VAN ACKER, Elizabeth (1995), The portrayal of feminist issues in the print media, ASJ, 4: 174-199.
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WEARING, Michael (1993), Professional discourse and sensational journalism, AJC, 20 (1): 84-98.
Women
ATMORE, Chris (1994), Brand news: Rape and the mass media, MIA, 72: 20-31. BAIRD, Katrina (1994), Attitudes of Australian women sports journalists, ASJ, 3: 231-253. BROWN, Peter (1995), Gender, the press and history: Coverage of womens sport in the Newcastle Herald 1890-1990, MIA, 75: 24-34. CURRY, Rae (1993), Women in journalism: Why dont they make the grade?, ASJ, 2: 170-232. EWART, Jacqui (2000), Public journalism and the news gender agenda, APME, 9: 119-131. JACUBOWICZ, Andrew (1992), Media and cultural minorities in the 1990s, MIA, 63: 67-74. JENKINS, Cathy (1993), Women in the news: Still not quite visible, ASJ, 2: 233-243. JENKINS, Cathy (1996), The press and the Other: Coverage of the first women in Australias federal parliament, ASJ, 5: 82-200. LACEY, Geoff (1993), Females, Aborigines and Asians in newspaper photographs, 1950-1990, ASJ, 2: 244-269. LUMBY, Catherine (1997), The trickle-up effect: Feminism and the tabloid, Culture and Policy, 8 (2): 31-43. McGREGOR, Judy & Susan Fountaine (1999), The loneliness of the long distance gender researcher: Are journalists right about the coverage of womens sport?, AJR, 21 (3): 113-126. PAUWELS, Anne & Kellinde Wrightson-Turcotte (2001), Pronoun choice and feminist language change in the Australian media, AJC, 28(1): 69-82. REED, Rosslyn (1999), Celebrities and soft options: Engendering print journalism in the ear of hi-tech, AJR, 21 (3): 80-92. RING, Anne (1997), Keeping the sexist flame alive why do magazines keep doing it?, ASJ, 6: 3-40. TURNER, Geoff (1993), Towards equity: Womens emerging role in Australian journalism, ASJ, 2: 124-169. TURNER, Geoff (1994), News media chronicle: 1993-94, ASJ, 3: 390431. TURNER, Geoff (1995), News media chronicle: July 1994 to June 1995, ASJ, 4: 228-275.
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VAN ACKER, Elizabeth (1995), The portrayal of feminist issues in the print media, ASJ, 4: 174-199.
Work practices
AUSTRALIAN CENTRE FOR INDEPENDENT JOURNALISM (1993), Signposts: A Guide to Reporting Aboriginal, Torres Strait Islander and Ethnic Affairs, rev. ed., University of Technology Sydney. BELL, Philip & Kate Boehringer (1993), Australian politics: Still programmed after all these years, AJC, 20 (2): 1-13. BELL, Philip & Theo Van Leeuwen (1994), The Media Interview: Confession, Contest, Conversation, Kensington: University of New South Wales Press. BERTRAND, Claude-Jean (1994), The media in 2044: Not a forecast, a dream, ASJ, 3: 3-23. BOWMAN, Leo (1993), Interviewing: Establishing the context, AJR, 15 (2): 123-130. BOWMAN, Leo (1994), How journalists cultural dispositions affect news selection, AJR, 16 (2): 25-30. BROWNRIGG, Jeff (1997), Alfred Ewins makes a stand: A country newspaper editor at work, AJC, 24 (3): 27-40. CAFARELLA, Jane (2001), Training in the suburban newsroom, APME, 10: 6-15. CASTLE, Phillip (1999), Journalism and trauma: Proposals for change, APME, 7: 143-150. COAD DYER, Samuel & Andrea Jenkins (1994), Reporting of public opinion polls in New Zealand and Australia, AJR, 16 (2): 87-92. CONLEY, David & Geoff Turner (1995), Cape Melville affair coverage: What is news?, ASJ, 4: 145-173. CONLEY, David (1997), The Daily Miracle, Melbourne: Oxford University Press. CONLEY, David (1998), Birth of a novelist, death of a journalist, ASJ, 7: 46-73. CRAIG, Geoffrey (1993), Looking twice: Thoughts on the practice of photojournalism, AJR, 15 (1): 103-117. CRONAU, Peter (1995), Secretly speaking: What the media told the ASIS inquiry, Reportage, 5, Sydney: Australian Centre for Independent Journalism. CRONAU, Peter (1995),Self-censorship: The most insidious gag, PJR, 2 (1): 11-15.
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CULLEN, Trevor (1997), Better aids coverage, Pacific Journalism Review, 14 (1): 71-73. DELANO, Anthony (1997), Prepare for do-it-yourself news, BJR, 8 (1): 53-56. DENTREMONT, Nicole & Elizabeth Dougall (1999), Building bridges: Enlightening foreign correspondents through the virtual classroom, APME, 7: 86-100. DOWNIE, Sue (2000), Journalism training In Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam, APME, 8: 99-112. DUNBAR, Jane (1994), Newspaper coverage of Mabo: An evaluation of performance, AJR, 16 (2): 116-124. DUNN, Anne (1993), Towards the tapeless newsroom: The development of D-Cart, MIA, 67: 77-82. EWART, Jacqui (1999), Design dominates sub-editing, AJR, 21 (3): 93112. FORDE, Susan (1999), Journalistic practices and newsroom organisation in the Australian independent and alternative press, AJR, 21 (3): 6079. GALVIN, Camille & Mark Pearson (1994), Cosmetic surgery: Newspaper reportage of The Medical Journal of Australia, AJC, 21 (2): 109-121. GREEN, Kerry & Lyle Radford (1993), Digital cameras: Industrial problems?, AJR, 15 (1): 99-102. GREEN, Kerry (1994), Computer-assisted reporting sources from cyberspace, ASJ, 3: 219-230. GREINER, Nick (1993), The smart-alec culture: A critique of Australian journalism, ASJ, 2: 3-10. GRUNDY, Bruce (1993), EARCs inquiry into government PR: A summary and appraisal, ASJ, 2: 288-304. GUTHRIE, Bruce (1996), Pressing on: civic journalism, politics and commercialism, Ormond Papers, 13: 65-70. HURST, John & Michael Provis (1996), The relationship between local government and the news media, MIA, 79 (4): 108-119. JOHNSON, Graham (1994), Computer-based research for journalism, ASJ, 3: 201-219. JOSEPHI, Beate (1998), The influence of newsroom layout on news, ASJ, 7: 164-176. JOSEPHI, Beate (2000), Newsroom research: Its importance for journalism studies, AJR, 22(2): 75-87. JOSEPHI, Beate (2000), Learning the all important angle: Young reporters at South China Morning Post, APME, 9:
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HART, Elizabeth (2001), Journalism education and rural newspaper standards, APME, 10: 31-37. KESHVANI, Nisar (2000), Trends in the online newsroom: A study of the straits times interactive, APME, 9: 106-118. KIRKPATRICK, Rod (2001), Are community newspapers really different?, APME, 10: 16-21. LANGER, John (1994), A calculus of celebrityhood: Where would news fit into the equation, AJR, 16 (1): 73-79. LAWE DAVIES, Chris (1993), The governments relations with the media, in B. Stevens & J. Wanna (eds), The Goss Government, Melbourne: Macmillan: 78-86. LAYTON, Suzanna (1995), The demographics of diversity: Profile of Pacific Island journalists, ASJ, 4: 123-143. LEWIS, Glen (1997), The media and the Pauline Hanson debate: Cheap talk or free speech?, AJC, 24 (1): 9-22. LINCOLN, Robyn & Paul Wilson (1994), Media coverage of missing persons: Help or hindrance, AJR, 16 (2): 103-115. LITTLEMORE, Stuart (1996), The Media and Me, Sydney: ABC Books. LOO, Eric (1993), Ethnic newsworthiness: Pragmatic research on editors attitudes, AJR, 15 (1): 87-92. MASTERTON, Murray (1992), A new approach to what makes news, AJR, 14 (1): 21-26. McGREGOR, Judy & Susan Fountaine (1999), The loneliness of the long distance gender researcher: Are journalists right about the coverage of womens sport?, AJR, 21 (3): 113-126. McKAY, Jim & Philip Smith (1995), Exonerating the hero: Frames and narratives in media coverage of the O.J. Simpson story, MIA, 75: 57-66. MEADOWS, Michael (1997), Perfect match: The media and Pauline Hanson, Metro, 109: 86-90. MEADOWS, Michael; Cratis Hippocrates & Kitty van Vuuren (1997), Targeting the media: Comparing print and television news coverage of indigenous affairs, AJR, 19 (2): 73-87. NOLAN, David (1999), Doing justice to Pauline: Strategies of representation in television current affairs, APME, 6: 24-39. MORGAN, Frank (2001), Better press for suburbia: Preparing young journalists for suburban Newsroom, APME, 10: 22-30. OCONNOR, Terry (1993), Hold the Front Page, Bowen Hills, Brisbane: Queensland Newspapers. OAKHAM, Mandy (1997), Dont Bury the Lead, Melbourne: Deakin University Press.
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PATCHING, Roger (2000), Work experience at major events: Is It worth the bother?, APME, 11: 129-140. PEARSON, Mark (2000), Reflective practice in action: Preparing Samoan journalists to cover court cases, APME, 8: 22-33. PLACE, Nic (1992), Journalists and trauma: The need for counselling, ASJ, 1: 113-158. PUTNIS, Peter (1994), Displaced, Re-cut and Recycled: File-Tape in Television News, Gold Coast: Centre for Journalism Research and Education, Bond University. PUTNIS, Peter (1994), File-tape: A key to understanding television news, Metro, 100: 59-62. PUTNIS, Peter (1994), Minority groups in the news: Representation and the use of file tape, MIA, 72: 74-83. REED, Rosslyn (1999), Celebrities and soft options: Engendering print journalism in the ear of hi-tech, AJR, 21 (3): 80-92. RICHARDS, Ian (1994), Encountering death for the first time, AJR, 16 (1): 115-120. ROBIE, David, (1999), South Pacific newsroom training and research: Trends and dilemmas, World Association of Press Councils Oceanic Regional Conference Proceedings, Sydney: The Australian Press Council 63-67, ROMANO, Angela (1996), Piercing together the jigsaw: The professional culture of foreign correspondents in Indonesia, MIA, 79 (1): 49-56. ROMANO, Angela (2001), Inculcating public journalism philosophies into newsroom culture, AJR, 23(2): 43-62. ROMANO, Angela (1999), Foreign correspondents in Asia Pacific, APME, 7: 3-15. SCHAUBLE, John (1999), Knighted in their profession: How foreign correspondents are selected by Australian press, APME, 7: 108-114. SCHULTZ, Julianne (1992), Investigative reporting tests journalistic independence, AJR, 14 (2): 18-30. SIMONS, Lynette (2001), Workplace training at SBS radio, APME, 10: 49-67. STARCK, Nigel (1995), The NSW invasion: How Adelaides journalism students went on internship interstate, AJR, 17 (1): 148-153. STEVENSON, Deborah & David Rowe (1995), Negotiations and mediations: journalism, professional status and the making of sports text, MIA, 75: 67-91. TANNER, Stephen & Nigel McCarthy (2001), Cultural specific training in corruption reporting for Pacific Island journalists, APME, 11: 113128.
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TAPSALL, Suellen & Len Granato (1997), New CAR curriculum will influence the practice of journalism, AJR, 19 (2): 14-23. TARBELL, Ida (1995), Investigative journalism; A tradition of enquiry, Snoop, 4, Sydney: Australian Centre for Independent Journalism. TIFFEN, Rodney (1993), The press, in Stuart Cunninhgam & Graeme Turner (eds), Media in Australia: Industries, Texts, Audiences, Sydney: Allen & Unwin: 171-179. TOOHEY, Brian (1995), Reporting on business: A case of market failure, Reportage, 5, Sydney: Australian Centre for Independent Journalism. TURNER, Geoff (1992), Media coverage of the Queensland drought rorts saga: Learning Fitzgerald lessons, AJPS, 27: 230-241. TURNER, Geoff (1995), A quantitative approach to quality in Australian newspapers, Gazette: International Journal for Mass Communication Studies, 55: 131-144. TURNER, Geoff (1996), News media chronicle: July 1995 to June 1996, ASJ, 5: 265-311. UNWIN, Alston (1994), Psychiatric aspects of hostage siege negotiations, ASJ, 3: 39-51. VINES, Josie (2000), News values and country non-daily reporting, APME, 10: 3-48. WARD, Ian (1992), The Courtesans: A review essay, ASJ, 1: 171-183. WARD, Ian (1995), Bringing the voters back in: A Canadian model for Australia?, ASJ, 4, 29-49. WHELAN, Kathleen (1993), Photography of the Age: Newspaper Photography in Australia, Sydney: Hale & Iremonger. WHITE, Aidan (1995), Journalists and human rights, Reportage, 5, Sydney: Australian Centre for Independent Journalism. WHITE, Doug, Sybe Jongeling & Trevor Gilmour (1996), Use AIDA to solve your infoglut problems: Technology takes on the editors, AJR, 18 (1): 135-141. WILLIAMS, Ridley (1993), Journocam and beyond: A look into the future of ENG, AJR, 15 (1): 93-98. WITHNALL, Janice (1996), Critical thinking: A necessary skill for quality journalism, AJR, 18 (1): 107-116. WITHNALL, Janice (1997), Journalism research: Our manner of knowing, AJR, 19 (1): 119-132. YEATES, Helen (1992), The State of Origin: The media state of play, AJR, 14 (2): 130-136. YOUNG, Peter (1992), The ascendancy of the military over the media in the Gulf, ASJ, 1: 73-86.
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ZAWAWI, Clara (1994), Sources of news who feeds the watchdogs, AJR, 16 (1): 67-71.
Grant Dobinson is an associate lecturer and Ms Sakai is a Masters student in the School of Journalism and Communication, University of Queensland.
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Notes for contributors

Australian Studies in Journalism welcomes manuscripts from any disciplinary perspective on topics associated with Australian journalism and news media. The range of areas of interest and relevance is vast. Examples of areas in which submissions are welcome include: studies of news media performance; analysis of government policy as it affects or relates to news media; legal studies of news media; cultural studies approaches to journalism; historical or biographical notes on former journalists (including creative writers or public figures whose background was in journalism); examinations of media coverage of institutions or aspects of Australian society; historical notes on particular newspapers or broadcast organisations; studies (especially comparative) of news media content; studies of interactions between news media and media consumers; studies of news flow and newsroom environments. Manuscripts will be assessed by selected members of ASJ's editorial advisory committee or by other specialists. The final decision on whether to accept a submitted paper will be the editor's. It will be assumed that no paper offered for publication is being simultaneously considered by another journal. If manuscripts are drawn from a thesis or another larger work, or if parallel papers have been published or presented, this should be made clear at the time of submission. If a manuscript is accepted for publication, the author will be asked to submit a copy on disk, including any recommended corrections. The editor reserves the right to make minor editorial corrections and changes without reference to the author. Referencing style: Sources should be indicated in the text by author-date method. For example, According to Turner (1992) . . Or . . . while others disagree (Turner 1992). [note no comma] If more than one author is cited: . . . disagree (Turner 1988; Williams 1990). A page number must be cited if any material is quoted. For example: . . . Turner (1992: 45) argues it can be misleading to expect newspapers to fit exactly into a two-press model. All works cited should be listed alphabetically as References at the conclusion of the manuscript. The style is: Lacy, Stephen, Frederick Fico & Todd F. Simon (1991), Fairness and balance in the prestige press, Journalism Quarterly, 68: 363-370. Souter, Gavin (1981), Company of Heralds, Melbourne: Melbourne University Press. Turner, Geoff (1992), Information underload: recent trends in the Courier-Mail information news content, Australian Studies in Journalism, 1: 43-72. Note that the titles of journals are italicised, while the article is in lower case. Newspaper articles should be cited in the same way as for journals: Porter, Henry (1992), Royals and the rat pack, Australian, 11 June: 11.
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Newspaper titles: Titles of newspapers and broadcast programs should be italicised, but not the definite article (whether or not it is part of the masthead). Thus, the Sydney Morning Herald, the Times, Four Corners. World Wide Web referencing: Information should include the authors name, year of publication, title of the Web page, Internet address and the date you visited the site. For example:
ABC Radio National, The Media Report (1998), Does the media understand the law and the constitution <www.abc.net.au/rn/talks/8.30/mediarpt/mstories/980507.htm> 7 May [accessed 26 April 1999].
Online Journal: e.g.
Name (year), Title of article, Name of Journal (Online), Volume: Number, <www.routledge.com/routledge/journal/mc.html> [accessed day month year]. Gilroy, P. (1998), Race ends here, Ethnic and Racial Studies (Online), 21:5. <journals.routledge.com/ers.html> [accessed 2 September 1998].
FTP Site:
Name (year), Title <ftp://........(as for journals)> day month [accessed day month year].
Listserv Messages:
Green, K. <joeblow@mailbox.uq.edu.au>, REPLY: Computer assisted reporting in JOURNET-L <journet-l@American.edu> 18 October 1995.
Usenet Group Messages:

Zanotto, J. (1995), <j.zanotto@mailbox.uq.edu.au> The Berlusconi factor in <soc.culture.italian> 3 October.
Email:
Bruggensetin, J. (1999), <jimbruggenstein@hotmail.com> Copy deadlines, Email message to The Queensland Independent <tqi@mailbox.uq.edu.au> 2 July.
Manuscripts should be submitted electronically and in duplicate hard copy to: The Editor Australian Studies in Journalism School of Journalism and Communication University of Queensland 4072 Qld Australia For further information, contact the editor: Phone: (07) 3365 3054 Fax: (07) 3365 1377 Email: g.dobinson@uq.edu.au

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Australian Studies in Journalism

Australian Studies in Journalism

Editorial . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 The politics of bias at the ABC

Ethics in journalism and Cheryl Kernot: A colloquium

People like us versus Statistical representations of readers

Book Reviews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223 Australian journalism research index

Australian Studies in Journalism

Australian Studies in Journalism 10-11: 2001-02, pp.332

The politics of bias at the ABC

Australian Studies in Journalism

The politics of bias at the ABC

Howards budget axe

Australian Studies in Journalism

The politics of bias at the ABC

Australian Studies in Journalism

The ABC of dumbing down

The politics of bias at the ABC

Australian Studies in Journalism

The politics of bias at the ABC

Australian Studies in Journalism

The politics of bias at the ABC

Australian Studies in Journalism

The politics of bias at the ABC

Australian Studies in Journalism

The politics of bias at the ABC

Australian Studies in Journalism

The politics of bias at the ABC

Australian Studies in Journalism

The politics of bias at the ABC

Australian Studies in Journalism

The politics of bias at the ABC

Australian Studies in Journalism

The politics of bias at the ABC

Australian Studies in Journalism

The politics of bias at the ABC

Australian Studies in Journalism

The politics of bias at the ABC

Australian Studies in Journalism

The politics of bias at the ABC

Australian Studies in Journalism

Australian Studies in Journalism 10-11: 2001-02, pp.3357

Ethics in journalism and Cheryl Kernot: A colloquium

Australian Studies in Journalism

Ethics and Kernot

Australian Studies in Journalism

1. Sex, secrecy and lying: can it be ethical?

Ethics and Kernot

Australian Studies in Journalism

Ethics and Kernot

Australian Studies in Journalism

Ethics and Kernot

Australian Studies in Journalism

Ethics and Kernot

Australian Studies in Journalism

3. The domestication of a feral Cheryl

Ethics and Kernot

Australian Studies in Journalism

Ethics and Kernot

Australian Studies in Journalism

Ethics and Kernot

4. Moral framing of the affair in Letters to the Editor

Australian Studies in Journalism

Figure 1: Letters to the editor July 4-July 10.