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Power and Democratic Weakness-Neoconservatism and Neoclassical Realism

Power and Democratic Weakness-Neoconservatism and Neoclassical Realism

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Power and Democratic Weakness: Neoconservatism and Neoclassical Realism
Jonathan D. Caverley Northwestern University j-caverley@northwestern.edu
Abstract
While realists and neoconservatives generally disagreed on the Iraq invasion of 2003, nothinginherent in either approach to foreign policy accounts for this. Neoconservatism’s enthusiasmfor democratization would appear to distinguish the two., but its rejection of all other liberalmechanisms in world politics suggests that the logic linking democracy and American securityshares little with liberalism. Inspecting the range of neoconservative thought reveals a unifyingtheme: the enervating effects of democracy on state power and the will to wield it in a dangerousworld. Consequently, the United States enjoys greater safety among other democracies due to amore favorable distribution of relative power. Viewing regime type through the prism of state power extraction in a competitive, anarchic world puts neoconservatism squarely in theneoclassical realist camp. The article concludes by suggesting why the rest of InternationalRelations should care about this new “neo-neo” debate.
 
2
 No shortage of analyses of neoconservatism in International Relations (IR) exists; realists in particular have weighed (and inveighed) upon its flaws.
1
Brian Schmidt and Michael Williamsargues “the core elements of the neoconservative Bush Doctrine stand in direct contrast to manyof the fundamental tenets of realism.”
2
John Mearsheimer states “neo-conservatives and realistshave fundamentally different views about how the world works and what American foreign policy should look like.” If anything, realists claim neoconservatism to be the stepchild of liberalism. Schmidt and Williams claim “neoconservatism embraces a liberal theory of international relations,” while Mearsheimer claims, “Neo-conservative theory—the Bushdoctrine—is essentially Wilsonianism with teeth.”
3
 The difference between the relatively high consensus against the Iraq War by realists andits equally strong backing by neoconservatives surely contributes to this antagonisticrelationship. Advocates and opponents of the war based their cases on “fundamentally differentviews about the basic dynamics of interstate relations.”
4
Michael Desch links both liberalismand neoconservatism to the war, offering realism as the sensible foreign policy alternative.
5
Thisarticle claims that such claims are not only wrong, but ironic.To do this, the article first argues that while neoconservatives vary in their interpretationsof international politics and recommendations for foreign policy of international politics, the coretenets of neoconservatism are sufficiently consistent and its policy influence sufficiently clear tomerit treatment as an IR theory. Francis Fukuyama’s “realistic Wilsonianism” and CharlesKrauthammer “democratic realism”—as well as the “democratic globalists” they both attack— agree on fundamentals: power continues to be the fundamental currency of international relationsin a dangerous world, and the spread of democracy is not simply its own reward, but improvesAmerican national security.While spreading democracy has been a long-standing element of most schools of Americanforeign policy thought, neoconservatism’s especially aggressive approach suggests that theneoconservative logic linking democracy and American security differs from its rivals. Thereasoning behind the urge to spread democracy is apparent throughout neoconservative foreignand domestic policy writing: the enervating effects of democracy on the creation and use of state power. Consequently, the United States enjoys greater safety among other democracies becausethe resulting distribution of relative power is more favorable to American interests in acompetitive, state-centric, and anarchic world. To alter Krauthammer’s formulation slightly,
1
The author would like to thank David Edelstein, Christopher Layne, Benny Miller, NunoMonteiro, Jonathan Monten, Kevin Narizny, Keven Ruby, Brian Schmidt, John Schuessler, ToddSechser, Stephen Walt, Michael Williams, Thomas Wright, Robert Zarate, two anonymousreviewers, and the participants and organizers of 
 Millennium
’s “After Liberalism” conference.
2
Brian C. Schmidt and Michael C. Williams, 'The Bush Doctrine and the Iraq War: Neoconservatives Versus Realists',
Security Studies
17, no. 2 (2008): 194.
3
Ibid.: 202. John J. Mearsheimer, ‘Hans Morgenthau and the Iraq War: Realism Versus Neo-Conservatism,’
openDemocracy
(2005), http://www.opendemocracy.net/democracy-americanpower/morgenthau_2522.jsp.
4
Stephen M. Walt, 'The Relationship between Theory and Policy in International Relations',
 Annual Review of Political Science
8, no. 1 (2005): 28.
5
Michael C. Desch, 'America's Liberal Illiberalism: The Ideological Origins of Overreaction inU.S. Foreign Policy',
 International Security
32, no. 3 (2007).
 
3
neoconservatism can best be described as democratic
neoclassical 
realism. To say the least, thiscomplicates realism’s claim as an alternative approach.
6
 This remainder of this article seeks to accomplish four tasks. First, it argues for a seriousappraisal of neoconservatism as a theory distinct from the policies of the George W. BushAdministration, and systematically lays out the sources for distilling a neoconservative theory.
7
 Second, it shows how neoconservatism and realism share identical starting assumptions and thatneoconservatism rejects all but one of the liberal mechanisms that reduce international securitycompetition. Having isolated attention to regime as the only feature distinguishingneoconservatism from its realist colleagues, the next section explores the neoconservativemechanism of democratic weakness. Third, the essay explores the considerable overlap betweenthis approach and the recent “neoclassical” attempts to create a realist theory of foreign policy.The conclusion points out flaws jointly shared by neoconservatism and neoclassical realism, andsuggests why the rest of IR should care.
1
 
How IR Should Address Neoconservatism
Despite the claims from neoconservative’s “godfather” that “there is no set of neoconservative beliefs concerning foreign policy, only a set of attitudes derived from historicalexperience,” IR should treat this school of thought seriously for three reasons.
8
First, as thisessay will show, neoconservatism is far from what Robert Keohane would describe as an“unexamined jumble of prejudices, yielding conclusions that may not logically follow from theassumptions.”
9
Its core logic is quite consistent.
 
Keohane also argues that “the more seriously the maxims are taken, the more important isthe task of critical analysis,” and by this standard, neoconservatism wins hands down over structural realism.
10
Few would suggest that this school of thought has not affected recent U.S.foreign policy. Even if one regards neoconservatism, to borrow Richard Ashley’s description of neorealism, as an “orrery of errors,” one should seek to rid oneself of these dangerous biases by“knowing thy enemy.”
11
 Finally, like so much of IR, the foreign policy aspect of neoconservatism developedlargely as a response to the realism’s failings as a guide to foreign policy. Yet realists offer their foreign policy recommendations as the sane alternate to neoconservatism. It therefore behoovesus to systematically specify the difference between these two approaches, and this requirestreating the former as a theory.
1.1
 
 Identifying neoconservative theory
To this end, this essay reverses the present convention when discussing neoconservatism,focusing on ideas primarily, policy recommendations secondarily, and personalities not at all.
6
In this article, “realism” refers to the larger theoretical tradition that encompasses classical,structural, neoclassical versions. They are united by shared assumptions about internationalrelations described in the article.
7
“Bush” refers heretofore to the 43rd President of the United States.
8
Irving Kristol, 'The Neoconservatism Persuasion',
The Weekly Standard 
8, no. 47 (2003).
9
Robert O. Keohane, 'Realism, Neorealism, and the Study of World Politics', in
 Neorealism and  Its Critics
, ed. Robert O. Keohane (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986), 4.
10
Ibid., 3. Walt, 'Relationship between Theory and Policy'.
11
Richard K. Ashley, 'The Poverty of Neorealism',
 International Organization
38, no. 2 (1984).

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