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Israel's Sacred Terrorism

Israel's Sacred Terrorism

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Published by: Truth Spreader on Nov 25, 2012
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Livia Rokach - Israel's sacred terrorism
PREFACE TO THIS EDITION 
IN PURSUIT of its objectives of disseminating accurate information about the Middle East,the Association of Arab-American University Graduates, Inc. thought it in the publicinterest to publish this study, which analyzes Israeli-Arab relations in the late 1940s and1950s in the light of the personal diary of Moshe Sharett. 1 Head of the Jewish Agency'sPolitical Department from 1933 to 1948, Sharett became Israel's first foreign minister( 1948 1956), under David Ben Gurion), and was prime minister in 1954 and 1955.Since this book was first published five years ago, a number of occurrences have takenplace that point up its enduring significance. Although this work deals primarily withevents of the 1950s, it is of more than historical interest. Indeed, the information itprovides makes it clear that the record of the past quarter century could easily have beenpredicted; the only novel quality is the ferocity with which the Zionist strategy of thefifties has been carried out in the decades that followed.No longer does the Zionistmovement feel compelled to hide its true intentions. Its regional alliances with thePhalanges party and other right-wing elements in South Lebanon, and its specialrelationship with the United States, propel it like a juggernaut in pursuit of imperial goals.The first edition of this book appeared when the Middle East and the United States werepreoccupied with the Egyptian-Israeli negotiations that led to the 1978 Camp DavidAccords and the Egyptian-Israeli treaty of March 1 979, and with the Israeli Invasion of South Lebanon of March 1978. Subsequently,the Camp David formula not only has failedto produce the comprehensive settlement promised by President Jimmy Carter, it in factcontributed to a second Israeli invasion of Lebanon in, June 1982. By neutralizing Egypt,the Egyptian-Israeli treaty allowed Israel to proceed confidently with its plans to crushPalestinian resistance and obliterate the Palestinian national identity, with a view toperpetuating its occupation of the West Bank, Gaza Strip and Golan Heights. Today, thePalestine question is further from a peaceful and just resolution thin at any time in thepast, while Lebanon continues to hemorrhage and to divide along sectarian lines.The Camp David Accords, and the subsequent Reagan Plan introduced in September1982, were grounded in flawed assumptions about lsrael's"security" and Arab threats tothat security. Recent developments in the region have exposed the Reaganadministration's complicity in the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon,2 which was calculatedto produce results deemed beneficial both to American strategic interests and to Israeliexpansionist goals. The interests of the Reagan administration and lsrael's Likudgovernment coalesced around three objectives: the destruction of the Palestinianinfrastructure in Lebanon, the redrawing of the political map in Lebanon, and thereduction of Syria to manageable proportions. Pax Americana and pax Israelica were to berealized through the campaign cynically dubbed "Peace for Galilee."The 1982 "operation," as well as its predecessor, the "Litani Operation" of 1978, werepart of the long-standing Zionist strategy for Lebanon and Palestine, which this transitionof the Sharett diary illuminates. In fact,that strategy, formulated and applied during the1950s, had been envisaged at least four decades earlier, and attempts to implement itare still being carried out three decades later. On November 6, 1918, a committee of British mandate officials and Zionist leaders put forth a suggested northern boundary for aJewish Palestine "from the North Litani River up to Banias." In the following year, at theParis peace conference, the Zionist movement proposed boundaries that would haveincluded the Lebanese district of Bint Jubayl and all the territories up to the Litani River.The proposal emphasized the "vital importance of controlling all water resources up to
 
their sources."During the Paris conference, Chaim Weizmann and David Ben Gurion (who later became,respectively, lsrael's first president and first prime minister) attempted to persuadePatriarch Hayik, who headed the Lebanese delegation, to abandon South Lebanon inreturn for a promise of technical and financial assistance to develop the area to the north,which they hoped, would become a Christian state.The Zionist military forces that invaded Palestine in 1948 also occupied part of the districtof Marjayun and Bint Jubayl, and reached the vicinity of the Litani River, but were forcedto withdraw under international pressure. Then, in 1954, the leaders of the newlyestablished state of Israel renewed Zionist claims on Lebanese water when PresidentEisenhower's envoy Eric Johnston proposed a formula of sharing the Litani waters amongLebanon, Syria and Israel. Israel, in fact, threatened to use force against Lebanon toprevent the utilization of the Litani waters to develop South Lebanon.While these threats were made during the period covered in the Sharett diary, considerwhat actually happened later, during the 1960s, '70s, '80s: In 1967, lsrael's war againstthree Arab states not only gave Israel possession of eastern Palestine (the West Bank),Gaza, the Sinai and the Syrian Golan Heights, but also enabled Israel to capture theheadwaters of the Jordan and Manias rivers. In addition, Israel destroyed Jordan's EastGhor Canal and its Khaled Dam on the Yarmuk River, which flows into lsrael's NaharivaPool. In the 1978 "Litani Operation," Israel established firm control over the WazzaniRiver, which flows into the Jordan, as well as almost the entire length of the HasbaniRiver. And in the 1982 "Operation Peace for Galilee," the entire length of the Litani Rivercame under Israeli control."The goal of profoundly altering water distribution in the region could be achieved onlywithin the context of a vassal state in Lebanon with a puppet government, an endeavorabout which the Sharett diary has much to say (p.22 ff.). In fact, Ben Gurion's plan, in1954, to establish such a puppet governments plan enthusiastically endorsed by MosheDayan was finally put in motion nearly a quarter of a century later. Dayan's "officer" didindeed emerge, even bearing the same rank of "just a major" Major Sa'd Haddad,whomIsrael encouraged to proclaim secession from Lebanon in April 1979.lsrael's defenseminister, Ezer Weizmann, announced his government's support of Haddad's canton of "Free Lebanon": "I consider Haddad a Lebanese nationalist and as far as I know he wantsBeirut to become the capital of a free independent Lebanon once more withoutinterference from the Syrians or the Palestinians."4 Support for Haddad, and byimplication for a Zionist-Phalangist alliance, was also voiced by right-wing Lebanesepoliticians. Stated Camille Chamoun, "We need such a Lebanese force to struggle in theSouth for the liberation of Lebanon, and not just a part of Lebanon, and Sa'd Haddad isnot a traitor."But the Zionist proxy "mini-state," which was set up in a border strip six miles wide andsixty miles long, was repudiated by the world community. A United Nations force, theUnited Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), was mandated to help reestablish theauthority of the central Lebanese government in the South. Israel, however, defied therelevant United Nations resolution (which was supported even by the Carteradministration) and persisted in its support of Haddad. After a March 1981 agreement bythe Syrian and Lebanese presidents to reassert - in cooperation with UNIFIL - theauthority of the Beirut government in the South, Israel and Haddad's militia bombarded aUNIFIL position, killing three Nigerian soldiers (March 16, 1981).Israel's destabilization of Lebanon, in pursuit of a Maronite-dominated client state, has

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