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Secret Societies and Subversive Movements Nesta Webster

Secret Societies and Subversive Movements Nesta Webster

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Published by: RepentChristian on Nov 26, 2012
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Boswell Publishing Co., Ltd.,London, 1924OMNI PublicationsP.O. Box 566, Palmdale, CA 93550Canadian Intelligence Service55 - 8th Ave. S.E.High River, AB T1V 1E8 
"There is in Italy a power which we seldom mention in this House . . . I mean thesecret societies. . . . It is useless to deny, because it is impossible to conceal, that agreat. Part of Europe--the whole of Italy and France and a great portion of Germany,to say nothing of other countries--is covered with a network of those secret societies, just as the superficies of the earth is now being covered with railroads. And what aretheir objects? They do not attempt to conceal them. They do not want constitutionalgovernment: they do not want ameliorated institutions . . . they want to change thetenure of land, to drive out the present owners of the soil and to put an end toecclesiastical establishments. Some of them may go further. . ."(DISRAELI in the House of Commons, July 14, 1856.)
It is a matter of some regret to me that I have been so far unable to continue the seriesof studies on the French Revolution of which The Chevalier de Boufflers and TheFrench Revolution, a Study in Democracy formed the first two volumes. But the stateof the world at the end of the Great War seemed to demand an enquiry into thepresent phase of the revolutionary movement, hence my attempt to follow its courseup to modern times in World Revolution. And now before returning to that firstcataclysm I have felt impelled to devote one more book to the Revolution as a wholeby going this time further back into the past and attempting to trace its origins fromthe first century of the Christian era. For it is only by taking a general survey of themovement that it is possible to understand the causes of any particular phase of itsexistence. The French Revolution did not arise merely out of conditions or ideaspeculiar to the eighteenth century, nor the Bolshevist Revolution out of political andsocial conditions in Russia or the teaching of Karl Marx. Both these explosions wereproduced by forces which, making use of popular suffering and discontent had longbeen gathering strength for an onslaught not only on Christianity, but on all social andmoral order.It is of immense significance to notice with what resentment this point of view is metin certain quarters. When I first began to write on revolution a well-known Londonpublisher said to me, "Remember that if you take an anti-revolutionary line you willhave the whole literary world against you." This appeared to me extraordinary. Whywould the literary world sympathize with a movement which from the FrenchRevolution onwards has always been directed against literature, art, and science, andhas openly proclaimed its aim to exalt the manual workers over the intelligentsia?"Writers must be proscribed as the most dangerous enemies of the people," saidRobespierre; his colleague Dumas said all clever men should be guillotined. "Thesystem of persecution against man of talents was organized. . . . They cried out in thesections [of Paris], 'Beware of that man for he has written a book! `"(1) precisely thesame policy has been followed in Russia. Under Moderate Socialism in Germany theprofessors, not the "people," are starving in garrets. Yet the whole press of ourcountry is permeated with subversive influences. Not merely in partisan works, but inmanuals of history or literature for use in schools! Burke is reproached for warning usagainst the French Revolution and Carlyle's panegyric is applauded. And whilst everyslip on the part of an anti-revolutionary writer is seized on by the critics and held upas an example of the whole, the most glaring errors not only of conclusions but of facts pass unchallenged if they happen to be committed by a partisan of themovement. The principle laid down by Collot d'Herbois still holds good: " Tout est.permis pour quiconque agit dans sens de la révolution."All this was unknown to me when I first embarked on my work. I knew that Frenchwriters of the past had distorted facts to suit their own political views, that aconspiracy of history is still directed by certain influences in the Masonic lodges andthe Sorbonne; I did not know that this conspiracy was being carried on in this country.Therefore the publisher's warning did not daunt me. If I was wrong either in myconclusions or facts I was prepared to be challenged. Should not years of laborious

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