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Background and Rationale.
Traffic-related air pollution has been implicated as a serious public health threat by agrowing and increasingly convincing body of epidemiologic literature, which has linkedtraffic pollutant exposure with non-specific mortality(Friedman et al. 2001), cancer(Pearson et al. 2000; Knox 2005), and a variety of cardiovascular(Bigert et al. 2003) andrespiratory effects (Friedman et al. 2001; Brunekreef et al. 1997; Wjst et al. 1993; Weilandet al. 1994). In addition, risks from this exposure are disproportionately borne by racialminority and socio-economically disadvantaged subpopulations (Green et al. 2004;Apelberg et al. 2005; Gunier et al. 2003). While the adverse health consequences,epidemiology, and social disparities are already compelling, it is clear that furtherelucidation is necessary of the magnitude, chemical composition, and variability ofhuman exposure, and source-to-effect mechanisms. Community exposure to a complexarray of traffic-related pollutants is determined by vehicle volume, as well as variedemissions characteristics of vehicles, such as differing tailpipe emissions, heat soak, tireand brake wear, and road dust re-suspension. This underlying variability in emissionsdrives highly dynamic concentrations of traffic-related pollutants, which are furthermodified by meteorology, source proximity, and human time-activity patterns.Automobiles and trucks are a major source of air pollution including such toxins andirritants as carbon monoxide (CO), nitrogen oxides (NO
x
), volatile organic compounds(VOCs), particulate matter, and particle-bound polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons(PAHs). In the urban environment, high-density traffic is brought in close proximity todensely populated communities. This is particularly true in some older East Coast citieslike Baltimore where row-house neighborhoods are within a couple of meters of heavilytraveled urban corridors.Environmental justice is a term used to describe the movement concerned withinequities in the distribution of adverse environmental and health consequences ofindustrial activities and environmental policies (U.S.EPA 2004a). The movement grewfrom early observations that a seemingly unequal burden of pollution fell ondisenfranchised and disadvantaged communities, often characterized by lower incomesand high proportions of minorities (Brown 1995). With the issuance of PresidentialExecutive Order 12898 in 1994, achieving “environmental justice” was integrated intothe missions of all federal agencies (Clinton 1994). The U.S. Environmental ProtectionAgency (EPA) defines environmental justice to mean that “no group of people,including a racial, ethnic, or a socioeconomic group” should be disproportionatelyaffected by “industrial, municipal, and commercial operations or the execution offederal, state, local, and tribal programs and policies” (U.S.EPA 2004a).There is ample evidence that minority and low-income communities bear adisproportionate burden of exposure to many environmental contaminants (Brown1995; Institute of Medicine 1999), including air pollution (Samet et al. 2001; Schweitzerand Valenzuela 2004). Because nationwide ambient monitoring data are available forthe criteria air pollutants (carbon monoxide, lead, nitrogen dioxide, ozone, particulatematter, and sulfur dioxide), we have some means for assessing exposure and risk indisadvantaged and minority communities. However, considerably less is known about
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