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Vadim Borisov & Simon Clarke - The rise and fall of social partnership in post-socialist Europe

Vadim Borisov & Simon Clarke - The rise and fall of social partnership in post-socialist Europe

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Published by Stipe Ćurković
post-socialism, trade unions, social partnership, transition, eastern europe
post-socialism, trade unions, social partnership, transition, eastern europe

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Published by: Stipe Ćurković on Nov 29, 2012
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12/04/2012

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The rise and fall of social partnership in post-socialistEurope: the Commonwealth of Independent States
Vadim BorisovSimon Clarke
1
 Most of the discussion and research on post-socialist industrial relations has focused onthe states of Central and Eastern Europe that are now or are prospectively members of theEuropean Union, and most particularly on the significance of tripartite institutions andthe
extent to which there has been a convergence with the „European Social Model‟
.Despite substantial differences in detail between countries (Avdagic 2005), the overallpattern of development of tripartism across the region has been fairly uniform. Tripartiteinstitutions were established in all countries immediately after the collapse of Communism, with the aim of securing a degree of social and political stability throughthe transition, but in general these institutions had only limited scope and servedprimarily an ideological purpose (Martin and Cristescu-Martin 1999). The trade unionmovement was politically divided between the successors to the traditional Communistunions, which at least rhetorically sought protection for their members from the ravagesof neo-liberal reform, and the new anti-Communist unions which initially supported suchreform. Both wings of the trade union movement were oriented to the political processand made little effort to organise or recruit in the emerging private sector, so the tradeunion movement as a whole suffered a severe membership decline and was increasinglyconfined to the representation of public sector employees and the residues of the old stateindustrial sector. The decline in trade union membership, divisions within the trade unionmovement and the narrowing of its sectoral base meant that trade unions were powerlessto prevent tripartite institutions from falling into abeyance during the latter half of the1990s, as governments sought to by-pass trade union resistance to continued marketreforms. However, the EU accession process required national governments of thecandidate countries to resurrect or revitalise the institutions of social dialogue and in mostcountries the trade unions were able to make use of this development to achieve somegains, although whether or not these gains will be sustained following EU accessionremains to be seen (Tóth and Neumann 2004; Clarke 2005
)
.In this paper we want to assess the development of social dialogue
in the „hidden half‟ of 
Europe,
2
those European countries which are not and have no realistic expectation of becoming, members of the European Union, by reviewing developments in the countriesof the Commonwealth of Independent States, which comprises the former Soviet
1
Vadim Borisov is a senior researcher in the Institute for Comparative Labour Relations Research (ISITO)Moscow. Simon Clarke is Professor of Sociology at the University of Warwick. Correspondence should beaddressed to Professor Simon Clarke, Department of Sociology, University of Warwick, Coventry CV47AL, UK; e-mail: simon.clarke@warwick.ac.uk 
2
Just how many European states there are outside the European Union is somewhat indeterminate becauseof territorial and jurisdictional disputes. In the international trade union movement all of the former SovietRepublics are considered to be part of Europe, including not only Russia, Belarus, Ukraine and Moldovaand the Caucasus Republics of Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, but also the Central Asian Republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan.
 
Republics, with the exception of the three Baltic States. This review will show that thedevelopment of social partnership in the CIS countries followed a similar pattern to thatof East and Central Europe through the 1990s, but that there has not been a similarresurgence of social dialogue in the new century, but rather a polarisation between thosecountries in which the regime has sought to restore the former soviet relationship with thetrade unions by subordinating the traditional unions fully to state structures and thosecountries in which the state has effectively renounced social dialogue and has sought tomarginalise the unions. In the most extreme cases of the latter, Georgia and Ukraine,there has been some tendency to trade union renewal.
3
 
Trade unions in the CIS 
The majority trade unions in all the CIS countries have their roots in the Republicanorganisations of the Soviet All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions (VTsSPS), whichdeclared its independence of the Party-state in 1987 and was transformed in October1990 into a confederal organisation of independent Republican trade union federations(the General Confederation of Trade Unions (VKP)), which were reconstituted, or at leastrenamed, at the same time. After the collapse of the Soviet Union these federationsretained their traditional structures and, to a considerable extent, their traditionalpractices, although over the next few years they lost some of the rights and privileges thatthey had enjoyed in the Soviet Union, such as the right of legislative initiative, statutoryresponsibility for health and safety and the control of social insurance funds. Trade unionmembership has fallen dramatically, although trade union density in most countriesremains high by international standards (ranging from around 25-35% of theeconomically active population in Georgia, Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan, through 40-60%in Moldova, Ukraine, Russia, Armenia, Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan to over 60% inUzbekistan, Tajikistan and Belarus).There has been some fragmentation of the traditional unions, most notably in Moldova,where a separate federation was established in the Russian-occupied industrial region of Transdniestr (FST) and the national federation split in 2001. In Azerbaijan the TradeUnion Council of Azerbaijan was reconstituted as the Azerbaijan Trade UnionConfederation in 1993, which is a much looser confederation of 30 independent memberorganisations. In Russia there has been some turnover of affiliations to the Federation of Independent Trade Unions of Russia (FNPR) as sectoral unions have affiliated anddisaffiliated. In Kazakhstan, mainly as a result of disputes about the distribution of tradeunion property, the Almaty
Oblast‟ Council of trade unions, with 340,000 memb
ers, leftthe Federation of Trade Unions of Kazakhstan (FPRK) in 1999 and in 2002 sevensectoral and a few other trade union organisations (amounting to about 10% of themembership) left FPRK and tried unsuccessfully to create a new federation, the
3
This paper is based primarily on the findings of an INTAS project (03-51-6318) on
„Trade unions in post
-socialist society: overcoming the state-
socialist legacy?‟
, covering Russia, Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova,Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, on interviews and observation conducted by Vadim Borisov invarious CIS countries and on reports prepared by the Moscow offices of the ILO and ICFTU, to whom weare very grateful. Country Reports from the INTAS project can be accessed athttp://go.warwick.ac.uk/russia/Intas/2005workshop.htm.
 
Kazakhstan Trade Union Centre (KPTs). However, the crucial oil and gas trade uniondisintegrated and the remaining six unions returned over time to FPRK.New independent trade unions began to be formed on the basis of strike activity in thefinal years of the Soviet Union but the vast majority were very small workplaceorganisations which rarely proved to be sustainable outside the transport and miningsectors. This process of creation and demise of small new trade unions and workerorganisations has continued in the post-Soviet era in most Republics. In a few countriesthere has been a consolidation of some of these unions into federations
of „free‟ trade
unions, many of which have been supported financially by the US through the AFL-CIO,some having gained affiliation to the international trade union organisations, ICFTU orWCL. However, these alternative unions have
had a strong „social movement‟ character,
often to the neglect of their trade union functions (Ost 2002). They are dwarfed in size bythe traditional unions and have only played a significant role in Russia, Belarus, Ukraineand Kazakhstan. There has also been some independent worker activism in Georgia andAzerbaijan, but here there has been no consolidation of the new trade unions intofederations.
Social partnership and the trade unions in the CIS countries.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union the new Republican governments, whose politicallegitimacy was problematic, quickly came to appreciate the potential threat posed byprotest actions on the part of workers facing deteriorating living and working conditions,which could easily be exploited by political opponents and escalate from economic topolitical demands. The immediate priority of all the governments was politicalstabilisation and the achievement of social peace.In some of the Central Asian Republics there was a high degree of continuity with the oldregime and, most notably in Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, the collapse of the SovietUnion was followed by an intensification of repression, including the ruthless repressionof social protest and of any oppositional political or trade union activity. The completeabsorption of the trade unions into the state apparatus means that it is hardly appropriateto speak of social partnership in these two countries.The Trade Union Federation of Turkmenistan is completely controlled by the state to theextent that in 2001 the functions of the Minister of Social Welfare and the Chairman of the Trade Union Federation were combined and in 2003 the former Minister of Defenceand Deputy Prime Minister, Redzhepai Arazov, was appointed President of the UnionFederation by State President Saparmurat Niyazov.
 
All sectoral trade union structureshave been eliminated, and there is no legislation providing for any trade union rights,although the trade union still claims that 1.3 million of the 2.3 million economicallyactive population are members.The Federation of Trade Unions of Uzbekistan (FPU) retained all of the structures andpractices of the Soviet era intact and claims a membership of 6.2 million out of aneconomically active population of 9.7 million. The election of a new FPU President, MsDilbar Dzhihangirova
 
(the only woman trade union President in the CIS countries), in1997, was associated with the development of a more active role for FPU, withparticipation in the elaboration of economic and social reforms being a priority for the

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