"...excluded from the instruments of political transmission and bereft of institutionalsupport, and sometimes without a class of specialists and developed codes of communication…. their memories tenuous, their heroes shadowy, and their traditions…patchy and poorly documented."
8
Nonetheless, the threats posed to Berber language and identity by newlyindependent states' policies of centralization and Arabization, coming on top of themassive upheavals generated by European colonialism and imperialism, and toppedoff by the often pernicious homogenizing effects of globalization processes on localcultures, has also had a salutary effect. The quest for cultural authenticity, perceivedas the basis of collective dignity and hence freedom, is a world-wide contemporary phenomenon in which Berber intellectuals and activists actively participate. As Smithsays, if "the secret of identity is memory, the ethnic past must be salvaged and re-appropriated, so as to renew the present and build a common future in a world of competing national communities."
9
No wonder, then, that the Amazigh movement places a premium on memory work.{A} The Pre-Modern PastMoroccan history, as it appears in the official education curriculum, isexplicitly "nationalist/dynastic," incorporating Islamic history into a specificMoroccan historical experience, beginning with the arrival of Islam, through theestablishment of the Idrisid dynasty in 788 A.D. by Idris I, a descendant of the familyof Ali, the Prophet Muhammad's son-in-law. Although Berbers are subsumed in thishistory, they at least carry some implicit standing: the Idrisis are known to havemarried Berber women, and Moroccan dynasties between the 11
th
-14
th
centuries wereBerber-based.
10
By contrast, narrative history as taught in independent Algeria'sschools has been strikingly lacking of any Algerian-centered orientation. As such,9797
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