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The American Empire and 9/11(full-length Version with Notes)

David Ray Griffin

Introduction

After the attacks of 9/11, I accepted the blowback thesis, according to which the attacks were revenge for U.S. foreignpolicy. This view led me to undertake an extensive study ofthe American empire, the very reality of which had been anembattled issue.The American EmpireIn his 2002 book

American Empire

, Andrew Bacevich pointedout that it had long been a “cherished American tradition[that] the United States is not and cannot be an empire.”The words “American empire” were “fighting words,” so thatuttering them was an almost sure sign that the speaker was aleft-wing critic of America’s foreign policy.1 As Bacevich also pointed out, however, this had allrecently changed, so that even right-wing commentators werefreely acknowledging the existence of the American empire.As columnist Charles Krauthammer put it in 2002: “People arecoming out of the closet on the word ‘empire.’”2 Given this consensus about the

reality

of the Americanempire, the only remaining issue concerned its

nature

. This

1Andrew J. Bacevich,

American Empire: The Realities and Consequences of U.S. Diplomacy

(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2002), 30, 218-19.2Quoted in Emily Eakin, “All Roads Lead To D.C.,”

New York Times

, WeekIn Review, March 31, 2002.

empire was generally portrayed, especially byneoconservatives, as benign. Robert Kagan spoke of “TheBenevolent Empire.”3Dinesh D’Souza, after writing that“America has become an empire,” added that happily it is“the most magnanimous imperial power ever.”4 Commentators from the left, however, presented aradically different view. A 2003 book by Noam Chomsky wassubtitled

America’s Quest for Global Dominance

.5RichardFalk wrote of the Bush administration’s “global dominationproject,” which posed the threat of “global fascism.”6 Chalmers Johnson, once a conservative who believed Americanforeign policy aimed at promoting freedom and democracy,described the United States as “a military juggernaut intenton world domination.”7 Bacevich, although still a conservative, had come toaccept the left’s assessment of this empire. He ridiculedthe claim “that the promotion of peace, democracy, and humanrights and the punishment of evil-doers--not the pursuit ofself-interest--[has] defined the essence of Americandiplomacy.”8Pointing out that the aim of the US militaryhas been “to achieve something approaching omnipotence,”

3Robert Kagan, “The Benevolent Empire,”

Foreign Policy

, Summer 1998: 24-35.4Dinesh D’Souza, “In Praise of an American Empire,”

Christian ScienceMonitor

, April 26, 2002.5Noam Chomsky,

Hegemony or Survival: America’s Quest for GlobalDominance

(New York: Metropolitan Books, 2003).6Richard Falk, “Will the Empire Be Fascist?”

Global Dialogues

, 2003;“Resisting the Global Domination Project: An Interview with Prof.Richard Falk,”

Frontline

, 20/8 (April 12-25, 2003).7Chalmers Johnson,

The Sorrows of Empire: Militarism, Secrecy, and theEnd of the Republic

(New York: Metropolitan Books, 2004), 33, 4.8Bacevich,

American Empire

, 7, 46.

Bacevich mocked the idea that such power in America’s hands“is by definition benign.”9 The historical evidence clearly supports this non-benign view of the American empire. Part of this evidence isthe fact that U.S. political and military leaders havearranged “false-flag operations” as pretexts for war. We didthis to begin the wars with Mexico and the Philippines andto begin the full-out attack on Vietnam.10 Also important is Operation Northwoods, a plansubmitted by the Joint Chiefs of Staff to President Kennedycontaining “pretexts which would provide justification forU.S. military intervention in Cuba.” Some of the ideas, suchas the proposal to “blow up a U.S. ship in Guantánamo Bayand blame Cuba,”11would have required killing Americans.This history shows that U.S. military and politicalleaders have not been averse to using the same tricks asmilitary and political leaders in other countries withimperial ambitions, such as Japan, which in 1931manufactured the Mukden incident as a pretext for takingcontrol of Manchuria,12and Nazi leaders, who in 1933 setthe Reichstag Fire as a pretext for rounding up leftists andannulling civil rights,13then in 1939 had German troops

9Ibid., 133, 52.10On Mexico, see Richard Van Alstyne,

The Rising American Empire

(1960;New York, Norton, 1974), 143. On the Philippines, see Stuart CreightonMiller,

Benevolent Assimilation: The American Conquest of thePhilippines, 1899-1903

(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982), 11, 57-66, 237, 245-47. On Vietnam, see Marilyn B. Young,

The Vietnam Wars1945-1990

(New York: HarperCollins, 1991), 116-21, and George McT.Kahin,

Intervention: How American Became Involved in Vietnam

(GardenCity: Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1987), 220-23.11See James Bamford,

Body of Secrets: Anatomy of the Ultra-SecretNational Security Agency

(2001: New York: Anchor Books, 2002), 82-91.12See Walter LaFeber,

The Clash: U.S.-Japanese Religions throughoutHistory