Professional Documents
Culture Documents
2012
294.3
86.35
-90
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2012. 880 .: .
ISBN 978-5-94303-043-7
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294.3
86.35
ISBN 978-5-94303-043-7
, 2012
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Moscow
Almazny Put
2012
294.3
86.35
-90
Reviewers: DS in History, Professor N.L. Zhukovskaya (Moscow), DSin
Philosophy, Professor A.S. Kolesnikov (St. Petersburg), DS in Philosophy,
associate Professor E.E.Surova (St. Petersburg), DS in History, Professor
E.V.Petrov (St. Petersburg)
Editorial board: A.M.Alekseev-Apraksin, DS in Cultural Studies (St.
Petersburg); S.GBatyreva, DS in Arts (Elista, Kalmykia); B.I.Zagumen
nov, PhDin Philosophy (StPetersburg); N.N.Iovleva, PhD in Biology
(St.Petersburg);
L.M.Korotetskaya,
PhDinPhilosophy
(Novosibirsk);
R.A.Kushnerik, PhDinHistory (Ust-Koksa, Altai Republic); E.V.Leontyeva,
PhD in History (Moscow); E.V.Malyshkin, PhDinPhilosophy (St.Petersburg);
V.M.Montlevich (St.Petersburg); N.A.Nagornaya, DS in Philology (Belgorod);
G.N.Chimitdorzhieva, PhD in Philology (Ulan-Ude, Buratiya)
Compiling Editor: V.M.Dronova (St. Petersburg)
Translators: A.Zyatkova (Moscow), P.Kalachin (Zagrzany, Poland),
A.Kozyaeva (St. Petersburg), O.Krivovyaz (St. Petersburg), I.Kunilova
(Ekaterinburg), E.Leontyeva (Moscow), E.Marusik (Krasnoyarsk), E.Proskurina
(St. Petersburg), J.Safina (Irkutsk), I.Sitnikov (Ekaterinburg)
-90
ISBN 978-5-94303-043-7
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428
Rime movement was initiated in one such sovereignty. Dege (sDe dge) had
prized a history of religious tolerance and as such offered the atmosphere of
intellectual liberalism. A good example of this was provided by the royalty,
since the Dege court held an official protectorate over six large monasteries of
various religious denominations Sakya (Sa skya), Nyingma (rNying ma)
and Kagyu (bKa brgyud). In the mid-1860s, the tendency to cooperate and
form political alliances practiced in Dege met with the sudden and unwanted
rise of influence of the Gelug church from Central Tibet, perceived as a threat
to the Dege autonomy as well as source of sectarian prejudice.
At the same time, the general state of the Tibetan cultural life was calling
for a renewal. For all the tolerance known in Dege, the broader religious
scene abounded with sectarian feuds which occasionally lead to bloody wars;
many minor and less influential meditation lineages were disappearing; and
as for scholarship, it was in the state of intellectual ossification.2
Rime: the main actors of the play
The material for this article is part of a doctoral thesis composed at the Central Asian
Studies department of the Humboldt University in Berlin, Germany.
2
Compare: Smith, Gene E.; Schaeffer Kurtis R. Among Tibetan texts: history and
literature of the Himalayan Plateau, Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2001, chapter 17.
3
Jam mgon blo gros mtha yas; Jam dbyangs dbang po; mChog gyur bde chen
g.ling pa. For life stories see: Dudjom Rinpoche. The Nyingma School of Tibetan
Buddhism: Its Fundamentals and History. Trans. Gyurme Dorje, Matthew Kapstein.
Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2002, pp 841848 on Chogling; pp. 849858 on
Khyentse; pp. 859868 Kongtrul.
1
430
431
shall see, the agents of the revival did cooperate and share specific views,
while favoring a generalized common goal of philosophical and practical
unification, restoration and reform.9
The philosophy and practice of Rime
In fact, if Kongtrul and associates did employ the term Rime, it seems
however, that they did so without initial plans for initiating a social movement.
Around 1842 Lodro Thaye writes in his autobiography, which also included
several other elucidations on his unbiased attitude:
From this point on, the lotus of my faith in all the teachings of the Sage
(without sectarian distinctions) and in the holders of those teachings unfolded
in an unbiased manner (= ris su ma chad pa).10
The designation Rime itself is an antonym based on the phrase ris su
ma chad pa (from ris = party, bias, ma chad pa = unceasing, unbroken,
undivided, thus: non-biased)11. Conscious non-sectarianism is therefore
the first of the basic characteristics of the ideal presented by great triad
and their colleagues. The other principles include non-partiality regarding
philosophical viewpoints; the concern with the practice of meditation as
Like Ngawang Zangpo in: Jamgon Kongtrul Lodro Thaye. Sacred ground: Jamgon
Kongtrul on pilgrimage and sacred geography. Trans. Ngawang Zangpo. Ithaca:
Snow Lion, 2001; or: Jamgon Kongtrul Lodro Thaye. Jamgon Kongtruls Retreat
Manual. Trans. Ngawang Zangpo. Ithaca: Snow Lion, 1994.
9
A definition of a movement by an Internet resource http. dictionary. reference.com
(last access 05.02.2010) Movement = a diffusely organized or heterogeneous group
of people or organizations tending toward or favoring a generalized common goal:
the antislavery movement; the realistic movement in art. Also compare: Powers,
John. Introduction to Tibetan Buddhism. Ithaca: Snow Lion, 2007, p 359365. This
last author even calls Rime a countermovement, thus emphasizing the fact that the
Rime was a reaction to sectarian strife, stiffness and domination. Schuh in Einleitung
zu Tibetische Handschriften und Blockdrucke beschrieben von Dieter Schuh also
uses the word Bewegung = movement.
10
The autobiography of Jamgon Kongtrul, p.86. The original reads: di nas brtsam
te rin par thub bstan ris su ma chad pai bstan dang bstan dzin thams cad la dad pai
padma phyogs med du grol. (quoted after Schuh, Dieter. Einleitung zu Tibetische
Handschriften und Blockdrucke beschrieben von Dieter Schuh. In: Gesammelte
Werke des Kong-sprul-Blo-gros-mtha-yas, vol. 6 fols. 7r3). The term ris med
already appears in the Derge rgyal rabs and later in Khyentses writings. See The
Twenty-Five Great Sites of Khams, p. 13233.
11
Synonyms discussed in: Hartley, Lauran. A Socio-Historical Study of the Kingdom
of Sde-dge in the Late Nineteenth Century: Ris-med Views of Alliance and Authority.
Unpublished MA thesis. Indiana University, 1997, p. 49.
8
432
The Twenty-Five Great Sites of Khams, p.117. Also see: Samuel, Geoffrey.
Civilized shamans: Buddhism in Tibetan societies. Washington: Smithsonian
Institution Press, 1993.
13
Rin chen gter mdzod; bKa brgyud sngags mdzod; Dam sngags mdzod; sGrub
thabs kun btus.
14
rNying ma pa; Mar pa bKa brgyud; Shangs pa bKa brgyud; Sa skya pa; bKa
gdams pa; dGe lugs pa; Jo nangs pa.
15
Jamgon Kongtrul Lodro Taye. Myriad worlds: Buddhist cosmology in Abhidharma,
Klacakra, and Dzog-chen. Ithaca: Snow Lion, 1995, p. 33.
16
Among Tibetan texts, p.197. Bon (bon) was often incorporated, see for instance
Tsering Thar. Shar rdza hermitage: a new bonpo center in Khams. In: Khams
Pa histories : visions of people, place and authority ; PIATS 2000: Tibetan studies,
Leiden 2000. Ed. Lawrence Epstein. Leiden: Brill 2002, p. 9.
12
433
18
434
Blos gros phun tshogs. Rdzong gsar lo rgyus. Unpublished manuscript, 19992004,
p. 23. Jackson, David Paul. A saint in Seattle: the life of the Tibetan mystic Dezhung
Rinpoche. Somerville: Wisdom 2003, p. 536, ??ntidevas Bodhisattva-caryavatara
according to the tradition of Paltrul Rinpoche. Commentary By Khenpo Kunpal.
Chapter One With Oral Explanations by Dzogchen Khenpo Choga, Volume One.
Trans. by Andreas Kretschmar. Kathmandu: Tibetan Computer Company, 2003, p. 128.
23
Shantidevas Bodhisattva-caryavatara according to the tradition of Paltrul Rinpoche,
p.232; Among Tibetan texts, p. 233; Rdzong gsar lo rgyus, p. 20.
24
Jamgon Kongtrul Lodro Thaye. Sacred ground: Jamgon Kongtrul on pilgrimage
and sacred geography. Trans. Ngawang Zangpo. Ithaca: Snow Lion, 2001, p. 97.
25
Mchog gyur bde chen g.ling pa. Bod kyi gnas chen rnams kyi mdo byang dkar
chags o rgyan gyi mkhas pa padma byung gnas kyis bkos pa. In: The Collected
Rediscovered Teachings (Gter ma) of Gter chen mChog-gyurglin-pa. Reproduced
from a set of the Rtsi-rke blockprints and unpublished manuscripts from the
library of the late Mchog-glin sprul-sku. vol.30, New Delhi: 1977, fols. 140.
22
435
and declared Khams to host five key power places (gnas) and twenty-five
other major sites, symbolizing the body, speech, mind, qualities and activity
of enlightenment; and additionally four extraordinary locations and eight
places of a special power to train the minds of sentient beings.26
Such local initiative was vital to define Khampa territory. Prior to the
discovery of the scripture Eastern Tibet had been a splintered, shapeless
area, with foreign powers at all sides seeking to incorporate parts of the vast,
fertile and strategically important region by delineating its borders to suit their
purposes again and again. The inner conflicts did much to further hinder any
attempts of unification, such as the bloody Nyarong (Nyag rong) conquests of
the early 1860s, which ultimately compromised the independence of Khampa
states more than they helped to unify Eastern Tibetan territories. Especially
Qing cartography sought to define their perimeters so as to prevent the multiethnic fringe from developing autonomy and to keep foreign forces at bay.27
The new way of perceiving Eastern Tibet as a pure field empowered by
Padmasambhava also became means to legitimize the religious and secular
power held by the Rime triumvirate and their associates.28 The Location
List, both as one of the first fruits of the new union of religious leaders and
as an original topographic design, consisted a factor in the delineation of
the territory of the new movement. The scripture, revealed by Chokling and
transcribed by Kongtrul, outlined a chart of holy sites, whose identification,
ritual opening and popularization would traditionally depend on the revealer
and his assistants. This guaranteed that the specific ideas and interests of
the Rime alliance would find their spatial reference points an issue
important for any new movement, but especially vital in the Tibetan context
of perceiving landscape as a living organism, capable of communicating and
translating whole cosmologies, not to mention ideologies. Consequently, the
new map became a way to articulate the ideas of the non-sectarian group.
Hermitages as new religious centers
In 1859, two years after the extraction of the list of the power places
of Amdo and Kham Chokling, whose competence as Treasure Revealer
(gTer ston), an envoy of Padmasambhava, had recently been authorized by
Khyentse Wangpo as well as other hierarchs, met with Kongtrul and advised
that each of the 25 power sites be cultivated for hermitic purposes:
436
If a temple and retreat center are built at each of twenty-five great areas
of sacred ground in Do-Kham [eastern Tibet], this will pacify all troubles,
especially border wars, in the Himalayan region in general, in Amdo and Kham
in particular, and specifically within each temples respective district. These
[areas of sacred ground] are locations of pacifying power. A person to construct
these buildings will appear in connection with each area of sacred ground29.
This plan evokes associations with the mTha temples constructed by
emperor Songtsen Gampo (Srong btsan sgam po, 569650) in order to
tame the influences within the Tibetan landscape that would obstruct the
establishing of a new religion, but also to guard the frontiers of his empire.
The new movement was clearly looking for ways to spread its influence and
mark its territory, and it did so in the manner of establishing hermitages at
places proclaimed to be sacred, or by declaring that the already founded
centers for meditation in retreat, significant for the activity of the Rime
masters, stood on sacred ground. This way, the power that the Rime exercised
in Dege was etched into in the landscape of Kham. Sacred geography would
become one of the main tools for grounding and broadening their power.
What is more, the spiritual coherence created by the new map revealed by
Chokling would generate a web of interrelated meditation sites, a structure
unified, sustained and justified by the doctrines and practices promoted by
the non-sectarian movement.
There are similar patterns in Tibetan past. It was not uncommon for
chronicles (lo rgyus) and hagiographies (rnam thar) to report on a monastery
that was established at a site identified as power place in accordance to avision
by the founders root lama (rtsa bai bla ma).30 Other sources, such as
those belonging to the multifaceted gnas yig genre, also account for popular
power places crowned over time with the founding of a convent. However,
this traditional procedure found its own mode of expression in the 19th
century Kham. This time it was not great institutions, but mainly hermitages
independent from monasteries, that marked the expansion of the Rime.
By the power of the disclosure of the new map of holy sites, some of the
retreat centers that had already been used by the non-sectarian association
were elevated to the status of sacred ground. For Kongtrul, Chokling and
their allies this fact had great consequences, for both their religious activities
and political standing. This is how the widespread Himalayan cult of holy
sites, practically applied through the ritual of pilgrimage (gnas skor ba/gnas
Quoted after Sacred Ground, p. 136.
Blazing splendor: the memoirs of the Dzogchen Yogi Tulku Urgyen Rinpoche. Ed. by
Erik Pema Kunsang Schmidt. Kathmandu: Rangjung Yeshe Publications, 2005, p. 13.
29
30
437
mjal ba) became a decisive factor in the development of the new hermitages.
As latest pilgrimage sites, the venues did not only become increasingly
popular, but also opened access to a potential mode of income.
This brings up another important factor which spoke in favor of
expanding the Rime influence through the more modest retreat sites. It has
to do with the lack of resources. It seems that during the second half of
the 1800s, the economic, social and religious status quo in Dege or the
neighboring kingdoms did not encourage the movement to rely on founding
new monastic institutions. By that time, many great convents had already
been existing and they consumed much of the means and attention of the
principal financial and political promoters. The most significant force in the
upholding of religious activities in Dege, the ruling dynasty, had since the
late 18th century been engaged in the traditional support of six great monastic
institutions. As for these convents, they were in status of corporate landowners under royal custody, bound by the unique tie of mutual benefits and
sustained with reincarnate (sprul sku) candidates from wealthy clans. As
such they were structures awarded with enough authority to counterbalance
the power of the local chiefs31. This created a unique power structure that left
little room for new factors to appear.
The great Rime triad, later Mipham and some other lamas of the
subsequent generation that were associated with the non-sectarian movement,
all became the official chaplains of the House of Dege. Although they
received some reward in connection with their ritual services or occasionally
even land, this support was by no means regular or sufficient to administer
new monastic establishments. Moreover, for Kongtrul, Khyentse and
colleagues, it was not enough to settle in the existing hermitages, habitually
associated with a monastery by means of doctrinal and financial support,
as this meant dependence on those institutions. Exerting greater influence
and instigating reform required more self-reliance, which implied acting
out of a self-created locus of power. Therefore, while the heads of great
Dege convents like Palpung, Dzongsar, Dzogchen or Kathog32 actively
took part in perpetrating the Rime thought and activity still, widening
the area of ones influence in 19th century Kham meant opting for original
ways to win new territories. When founding centers for retreat, functioning
independently of the great convents, the Rime group presented themselves
as reformers, who questioned the traditional position of convents as leaders
See A Socio-Historical Study of the Kingdom of Sde-dge in the Late Nineteenth
Century, p. 38.
32
dPal spungs; Rdzong gsar; rDzog chen; Ka: thog.
31
438
439
440
441
442
443
and curriculum of the many centers for meditation in retreat, located in the
Dege and Nangchen area and spread their activity to new places.46, 47
Thus, the configuration of practice sites (ri khrod/sgrub gnas), power
places (gnas), monasteries, lineages of masters, doctrines and rituals that
were developed from the second half of the 19th century in Eastern Tibet
in a non-biased manner came to represent the religious and social make-up
of Kham until the arrival of Peoples Liberation Army in 1950. Such is the
meaning of tradition to most of the lamas from the meditation lineages
(sgrub brgyud) today, both in exile and in Eastern Tibet. Hence, as the Rime
continuators and revivers, they could generally be seen as long-term products
of the great non-sectarian revival era of the 19th century.48
. . (, )
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g.ling pa. : . : . . , . , , 2002, 841848 ; . 849858
; . 859868 .
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: , 1994.
9
- http. dictionary. reference.com
( 05.02.2010) = ,
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, .
, Bewegung = .
10
, . 86. : di nas
brtsam te rin par thub bstan ris su ma chad pai bstan dang bstan dzin thams cad
la dad pai padma phyogs med du grol. ( , .
, ,. :
Kong-sprul-Blo-gros-mtha-yas, vol. 6 fols. 7r-3).
ris med Derge rgyal rabs .
, . 132133.
8
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. .
, 1997, . 49.
12
, . 117. : , . : . :
, 1993.
13
Rin chen gter mdzod; bKa brgyud sngags mdzod; Dam sngags mdzod; sGrub
thabs kun btus.
14
rNying ma pa; Mar pa bKa brgyud; Shangs pa bKa brgyud; Sa skya pa; bKa
gdams pa; dGe lugs pa; Jo nangs pa.
15
:
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11
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Blos gros phun tshogs. Rdzong gsar lo rgyus. , 1999
2004, . 23. , . :
. : 2003, . 536, . .
, . .
. : , 2003, . 128.
23
, . 232;
, . 233; Rdzong gsar lo rgyus, . 20.
24
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2001, . 97.
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, , .28 Mchog gyur bde chen g.ling pa. Bod kyi gnas chen rnams kyi mdo byang dkar
chags o rgyan gyi mkhas pa padma byung gnas kyis bkos pa. :
(Gter ma) Gter chen mChog-gyur-glin-pa.
Rtsi-rke
Mchog-glin sprul-sku. 30, : 1977, 140.
26
, . 978.
27
, . 152153.
28
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31
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32
dPal spungs; Rdzong gsar; rDzog chen; Ka: thog.
455
456
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po), (Thugs sgrub yid bzhin nor bu), ,
(Dzong shod bDe
sheg Dus pa). .
, . : Mi la ras pa
. : , 55, 4. : , 2008. . 363410 (48).
39
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40
(Desum): : . . . : , 2008, . 157166.
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, . 109 244. :
. . -: http://www.
lotsawahouse.org/jkwbio.html. 30.11.2010.
41
459
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.43
,
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khang).
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: 1976; . . : , 1990.
44
(Karma pa), 15-
(mKha khyab rdo rje, 1871-1922) 16- (Rang byung Rig pai rdo rje, 1924-1981);
(Zhe chen rgyal tshab padma rnam rgyal, 1871-1926);
(Jam dbyangs blo gter dbang po, 1847-1914); (Dil
mgo Khyentse, 1910-1991).
42
43
460
461
,
19- .48
:
1. Blo gros phun tshogs. Rdzong sar jam dbyangs mkhyen brtsei dbang
po dang jam dbyangs chos kyi blo gros gnyis kyi rnam thar mdor bsdus su
brjod pa. Chengdu: Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1994.
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