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Lieberson_1961a

Lieberson_1961a

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A Societal Theory of Race and Ethnic Relations
Stanley Lieberson
 American Sociological Review
, Vol. 26, No. 6. (Dec., 1961), pp. 902-910.
 American Sociological Review
is currently published by American Sociological Association.Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available athttp://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtainedprior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content inthe JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained athttp://www.jstor.org/journals/asa.html.Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printedpage of such transmission.The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academic journals and scholarly literature from around the world. The Archive is supported by libraries, scholarly societies, publishers,and foundations. It is an initiative of JSTOR, a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community takeadvantage of advances in technology. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.http://www.jstor.orgWed Oct 31 10:31:22 2007
 
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902
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEWIt should not be implied, of course, thatthe general model to account for residentialmobility developed in this article has ade-quate empirical foundation. The relevantstudies to date have differed sufficiently ingeneral purposes, in populations studied, andin methodological detail to make it possiblethat the differences in their findings areartifacts thereof. Yet a theoretical schemeincluding both life-cycle and career patternvariables is in accord with the general com-plexity of social relationships and threatenstheintegritl~ f neither Rossi's analysis northe present study. Further, consideration ofcomplaints as immediate pre-condition formobility places independent, intervening,and dependent variables in the pote~ltiallymost fruitful relation to one another.
A SOCIETAL
THEORY
OF RAGE
AND 
ETHNIC RELATIONS
STANLEYLIEBERSON
University of WisconsinIn endeavoring to understand the wide variations between societies
iit
the nature and processof race and ethnic relations,
it
is necessary to consider the conditions inherent in contactbetween such populations. Assuming that race and ethnic groups difler in their social, political,and economic institutions, then contact involves the presence of diflerent and, to some extent,incompatible social organizations. Further, groups will presumably difler in the capacity toimpose their social order upon other nationalities. On these assumptions, the nzajor hypothesisproposed
is
that the race relations cycle
iit
societies where a migrant population imposes itssocial order differs slzarply from the cycle in societies where the indigenous popldlation issuperordinate.
N
the relations of races there is a cycleof events which tends everywhere torepeat itself."
l
Park's assertion servedas a prologue to the now classical cycle ofcompetition, conflict, accommodation, andassimilation. A number of other attemptshave been made to formulate phases or stagesensuing from the initial contacts betweenracial and ethnic gr~ups.~owever, the sharp
1Robert E. Park,
Race and Culture,
Glencce,
Ill.:
The Free Press, 1950, p. 150.2For example, Emory
S.
Bogardus,
"A
Race-Relations Cycle,"
American Journal of Sociology,
35
(January, 1930), pp. 612-617;
W.
0.
Brown,"Culture Contact and Race Conflict" in E. B.Reuter, editor,
Race and Culture Contacts,
New
York: McGraw-Hill, 1934, pp. 34-47;
E.
FranklinFrazier,
Race and Culture Contacts in the ModernWorld,
New York: Alfred
A.
Knopf, 1957, pp. 32ff.; Clarence
E.
Glick, "Social Roles and Types inRace Relations" in Andrew
W.
Lind, editor,
RaceRelations in World Perspective,
Honolulu: Uni-versity of Hawaii Press, 1955, pp. 243-262
;
EdwardNelson Palmer, "Culture Contacts and PopulationGrowth" in Joseph
J.
Spengler and Otis DudleyDuncan, editors,
Population Theory and Policy,
Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press, 1956,
pp.
41011.15;A. Grenfell Price,
White Settlers and Native Peo-
contrasts between relatively harmonious racerelations in Brazil and Hawaii and the cur-rent racial turmoil in South Africa and In-donesia serve to illustrate the difficulty instating-to say nothing of interpreting-aninevitable "natural history" of race andethnic relations.Many earlier race and ethnic cycles were,in fact, narrowly confined to a rather spe-cific set of groups or contact situations.Bogardus, for example, explicitly limited hissynthesis to Mexican and Oriental immigrantgroups on the west coast of the United Statesand suggested that this is but one of manydifferent cycles of relations between immi-grants and nativeAmerican~.~imilarly, theAustralian anthropologist Price developedthree phases that appear
to
account for therelationships between white English-speakingmigrants and the aborigines of Australia,
ples,
Melbourne: Georgian House,
1950.
For sum-maries of several of these cycles, see Brewton Berry,
Race and Ethnic Relations,
Boston: Houghtcn Mif-flin, 1958, Chapter
6.
Bogardus,
op. cit.,
p.
612.
 
THEORY OF RACE AND ETHNIC RELATIONS Maoris in New Zealand, and Indians of theUnited States and Canada.4This paper seeks to present a rudimentarytheory of the development of race and ethnicrelations that systematically accounts for dif-ferences between societies in such divergentconsequences of contact as racial nationalismand warfare, assimilation and fusion, and ex-tinction. It postulates that the critical prob-lem on a societal level in racial or ethniccontact is initially each population's mainte-nance and development of a social order com-patible with its ways of life prior to contact.The crux of any cycle must, therefore, dealwith political, social, and economic institu-tions. The emphasis given in earlier cycles toone group's dominance of another in theseareas is therefore hardlys~rprising.~Although we accept this institutional ap-proach, the thesis presented here is thatknowledge of the nature of one group'sdomination over another in the political,social, and economic spheres is a necessarybut insufficient prerequisite for predictingor interpreting the final and intermediatestages of racial and ethnic contact. Rather,institutional factors are considered in termsof a distinction between two major types ofcontact situations: contacts involving sub-ordination of an indigenous population by amigrant group, for example, Negro-white re-lations in South Africa; and contacts involv-ing subordination of a migrant populationby an indigenous racial or ethnic group, forexample, Japanese migrants to the UnitedStates.After considering the societal issues in-herent in racial and ethnic contact, the dis-tinction developed between migrant and in-digenous superordination will be utilized inexamining each of the following dimensionsof race relations: political and economic con-trol, multiple ethnic contacts, conflict andassimilation. The terms "race" and "ethnic"are used interchangeably.
DIFFEF33NCES
INHERENT IN
CONTACT
Most situations of ethnic contact involveat least one indigenous group and at leastone group migrating to the area. The only
4
Price,
op.
cit.
6
Intra-urban stages of contact are not con-sidered here.
exception at the initial point in contact wouldbe the settlement of an uninhabited area bytwo or more groups. By "indigenous" ismeant not necessarily the aborigines, butrather a population sufficiently established inan area so
as
to possess the institutions anddemographic capacity for maintaining someminimal form of social order through gen-erations. Thus a given spatial area may havedifferent indigenous groups through time.For example, the indigenous population ofAustralia is presently largely white and pri-marily of British origin, although the Tas-manoids and Australoids were once in posses-sion of the area.O A similar racial shift maybe observed in the populations indigenous tothe United States.Restricting discussion to the simplest ofcontact situations, i.e., involving one migrantand one established population, we can gen-erally observe sharp differences in theirsocial organization at the time of contact.The indigenous population has an establishedand presumably stable organization prior tothe arrival of migrants,i.e., government, eco-nomic activities adapted to the environmentand the existing techniques of resource util-ization, kinship, stratification, and religious~ystems.~n the basis of a long series ofmigration studies, we may be reasonably cer-tain that the social order of a migrant popu-lation's homeland is not wholly transferred totheir new ~ettlernent.~igrants are requiredto make at least some institutional adapta-tions and innovations in view of the presenceof an indigenous population, the demographicselectivity of migration, and differences inhabitat.For example, recent post-war migrationsfrom Italy and the Netherlands indicate con-siderable selectivity in age and sex fromthe total populations of these countries.Nearly half of 30,000 males leaving theNetherlands in 1955 were between
20
and39 years of age whereas only one quarterof the male population was of these ages9
6
Price,
op.
cit.,
Chapters
6
and
7.
7
Glick,
op.
cit.,
p.
244.
gSee, for example, Brinley Thomas, "Interna-tional Migration" in Philip
M.
Hauser and OtisDudley Duncan, editors,
The
Study
of Population,
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959, pp.523-526.
9
United Nations,
Demograflhic Yearbook,
1957,
pp. 147, 645.

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