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Abraham Lincoln Says He Was Never Nor Will He Ever Be For Equality For the Black Races 1860

Abraham Lincoln Says He Was Never Nor Will He Ever Be For Equality For the Black Races 1860

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Published by diligentpurpose
The part that was left out of the Lincoln movie.

http://ecclecticskeptic2.chipin.com/research-expenses
The part that was left out of the Lincoln movie.

http://ecclecticskeptic2.chipin.com/research-expenses

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Published by: diligentpurpose on Jan 24, 2013
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This copy is for your personal, noncommercial use only. You can order presentation-ready copies fordistribution to your colleagues, clients or customers, pleaseclick here or use the "Reprints" tool that appears next to any article. Visitwww.nytreprints.com for samples and additional information.Order a reprint of this article now. »November 8, 1860
THE COMING ADMINISTRATION.; Views, Opinions,Sentiments and Purposes of Abraham Lincoln.HISPOSITION ON SLAVERY.Is he Sectional and Ultra, orConservative and National? WHAT THE REPUBLICANSMUST DO. HOW MR. LINCOLN REGARDS SOUTHERNMEN. THE REAL ISSUE ON THE SUBJECT OF SLAVERY.HOW REPUBLICANS REGARD THE DRED SCOTTDECISION. THE FUGITINE SLAVE LAW. ADMISSION OFSLAVE STATES. COLUMBIA. DOMESTIC SLAVE-TRADE.WHEN THE SLAVERY QUESTION BECAME OFPARAMOUNT IMPORTANCE. MR. LINCOLN ON THEEQUALITY OF NEGROES AND WHITES. FURTHERSTATEMENTS CONCERNING NEGRO EQUALIY. MR.LINCOLN'S VIEWS ON THE SUBJECT OF NEGROEQUALITY. MR. LINCOLN'S VIEWS ON SLAVERY ANDSOUTHERN RIGHTS. PERSONAL.
Now that ABRAHAM LINCOLN is to be President of the United States during the next term, all parties areequally interested in understanding his precise position on the great question by which the country has been,and still is, so profoundly agitated. During the canvass it suited the purposes of his opponents to represent himas an Abolitionist -- as a man utterly reckless of the rights and interests of the Southern States, and disposedto make war upon Slavery, wherever it exists, regardless less of its effect upon the prosperity of the country and the stability of the Union. It was to little purpose that his friends denied the truth of these representations; what they said was charged to the natural zeal of political partisans. But now that the election is over, and theresult fixed, we have all one common interest in ascertaining upon what principles his Administration willprobably be conducted.Fortunately his public speeches, made long before his name had ever been mentioned in connection with thePresidency, afford ample material for such a judgment. And we are quite sure we shall do the public anessential service by publishing the following extracts from those speeches, giving his views upon each of theprominent points to which the Slavery agitation has given rise:MR. LINCOLNS DECLARARATION OF THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT.From Mr. Lincoln's Speech at Sprinfield, June 17, 1858.
 
MR. PRESIDENT, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVETION: If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could better, judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year,since a policy was initiated, with the avowed object, and confident promise, of putting an end to Slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly,augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. "A housedivided against itself cannot stand." I believe this Government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved -- I do not expect the house to fall -- but I do expect it willcease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents, of Slavery will arreestthe further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new -- North as well as well as South.MR. LINCOLN'S EXPLANATIONS OF HIS MEANING IN THIS DECLARATION.From Mr. Lincoln's Reply to Douglas, July 10, 1858.In this paragraph which I have quoted in your hearing, and to which I ask the attention of all, JudgeDOUGLAS thinks he discovers great political heresy. I want your attention particularly to what he has inferredfrom it. He says I am in favor of making all the States of this Union uniform. He draws this inference from thelanguage. I have quoted to you. He says that I am in favor of making war by the North upon the Smith for theextermination of Slavery; that I am also in favor of inviting (as he expresses it) the South to war upon theNorth, for the purpose of nationalizing Slavery. Now, it is singular enough, if you will carefully read thatpassage over, that I did not say that I was in favor of anything in it. I only said what I expected would takeplace. I made a prediction only -- it may have been a foolish one perhaps.I did not even say that I desired thatSlavery should be put in course of ultimate extinction. I do now, however, so there need be no longer any difficulty about that. It may be written down in the great speech.Gentlemen, Judge DOUGLAS informed you that this speech of mine was probably carefully prepared. I admitthat it was. I am not master of language; I have not a fine education; I am not capable of entering into adisquisition upon dialectics, as I believe you call it; but I do not believe the language I employed bears any such construction as Judge Douglas puts upon it. But I don't care about a quibble in regard to words. I know  what I meant, and I will not leave this crowd in doubt, if I can explain it to them, what I really meant in theuse of that, paragraph.I am not, in the first place, unaware that this Government has endured eighty-two years, half slave and half free. I know that I am tolerably well acquainted with the history of the country, and I know that it has enduredeighty-two years, half slave and half free. I believe -- and that is what I meant to allude to there -- I believe ithas endured, because during all that time, until the introduction of the Nebraska bill, the public mind did restin the belief that Slavery was in course of ultimate extinction. That was what gave us the rest that we hadthrough that period of eighty-two years; at least, so I believe. I have always hated Slavery, I think as much asany Abolitionist -- I have been an Old Line Whig -- I have always hated it, but I have always been quiet about ituntil this new era of the introduction of the Nebraska bill began. I always believed that everybody was againstit, and that it was in course of ultimate extinction. [Pointing to Mr. BROWNING, who stood near by.]BROWNING thought so; the great mass of the nation have rested in this belief that Slavery was in course of ultimate extinction. They had reason so to believe. The adoption of the Constitution and its attendant history 
 
led the people to believe so; and that such was the belief of the framers of the Constitution itself, why did theseold men, about the time of the adoption of the Constitution, decree that Slavery should not go into the new Territory, where it had not already gone? Why declare that within twenty years the African Slave-trade, by  which slaves are supplied, might be cut off by Congress? Why were all these acts? I might enumerate more of these acts -- but enough. What were they but a clear indication that the framers of the Constitution intendedand expected the ultimate extinction of that institution? And now, when I say, as I said in my speech thatJudge DOUGLAS has quoted from, when I say that I think the opponents of Slavery will resist the furtherspread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in course of ultimate extinction,I only mean to say, that they will place it where the founders of this Government originally placed it.I have said a hundred times, and I have now no inclination to take it back, that I believe there is no right, andought to be no inclination in the people of the Free States to enter into the Slave States, and interfere with thequestion of Slavery at all. I have said that always; Judge DOUGLAS has heard me say it -- if not quite ahundred times; at least as good as a hundred times; and when it is said that I am in favor of interfering withSlavery where it exists, I know it is unwarranted by anything I have ever said. If, by any means , I have everused language which could fairly be so construed, (as, however, I believe I never have,) I now correct it.So much, then, for the inference that Judge DOUGLAS draws, that I am in favor of setting the sections at war with one another. I know that I never meant any such thing, and I believe that no fair mind can infer any suchthing from anything I have ever said."THE RIGHTS OF THE STATES.From Lincoln's Reply to Douglas, Sept. 15.LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: There is very much in the principles that Judge DOUGLAS has here enunciatedthat I most cordially approve, and over which I shall have no controversy with him. In so far as he has insistedthat all the States have the right to do exactly as they please about all their domestic relations, including thatof Slavery, I agree entirely with him. He places me wrong in spite of all I can tell him, though I repeat it againand again, insisting that I have no difference with him upon this subject. I have made a great many speeches,some of which have been printed, and it will be utterly impossible for him to find anything that I have ever putin print contrary to what I now say upon this subject. I hold myself under constitutional obligations to allow the people in all the States, without interference, direct or indirect, to do exactly as they please, end I deny that I have any inclination to interfere with them, even if there were no such constitutional obligation. I canonly say again that I am placed improperly -- altogetherly improperly, in spite of all I can say -- when it isinsisted that I entertain any other view or purposes in regard to that matter.From Lincoln's Speech in Cincinnati, September, 1860.I say that we must not interfere with the institution Slavery in the States where it exists, because theConstitution forbids it, and the general welfare does not require us to do so. We must not withhold an efficientFugitive Slave law because the Constitution requires us, as I understand it, not to withhold such a law. But wemust prevent the outspreading of the institution, because neither the Constitution nor general welware requiresus to extend it. We must prevent the revival of the African Slave-trade, and the enacting by Congress of aTerritorial slave code. We must prevent each of these things being done by either Congresses or Courts. Thepeople of these United States are the rightful masters of both Congresses and Courts, not to overthrow, the

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