Political situation in Republic of moldova. election from 2009

Cracking the BDM

A very recent lesson of history

Reaching the end of the current legislature, 2005-2009, it is appropriate to make aretrospective over the political developments in this period, considering some trends,scenarios, groupings and procedures from the perspective of an electoral cycle. Thisexercise is not gratuitous, and clearly pursues to make a diagnosis of political situationsand stakeholders so as to be able to anticipate with better certainty what may follow inthe perspective of the up-coming electoral competition for the parliamentary elections.We shall particularly focus in this article on the tepid grouping on the eve of that poll,which was attributed the role of a „united opposition”, of democratic alternative to thecommunist governance, the

Bloc „Democratic Moldova”

headed by then the generalmayor of Chişinău

Serafim Urechean.

Let us remind that nearly to the electoral campaign in 2005 the

Russian politicaltechnologists

have put themselves out to put together all their political tools fromChişinău in this mega-project with powerful connections in Moscow. It is true that besides the Russians’ effort to put together this

electoral structure of single use

someother Western institutions also have put themselves out to bring together under theUrechean’s name a range of separated and bizarre groupuscules on the Moldovan political spectrum. However, by the mid of electoral campaign, being warned that theyare making, willingly or unconsciously, the Russians’ game, these Western activists backed out and gave out any support favouring the group concerned.Thus, this mammoth-construction, eclectic and shaky from the very beginning,may be also called

Russian matryoshka

,

in which belly a range of smaller matryoshkas were comprised, which immediately after the elections gushed out oneafter another from the shell where they sheltered. And since

Serafim Urechean

wasgiven the role of

electoral locomotive

, all the dubious and exotic characters of local political fauna were lifted up in the wagons. Let us take them successively.

1.

Dumitru Diacov

with his party that’s called

democratic

, originating from the

Komsomol nomenclature

and from

circles that are closed to specialservices

from Soviet time, then in 1994 he got on the top of the

DemocraticAgrarian Party of Moldova (DAPM)

. A DAPM wing was broken by thethen president of the republic

Petru

Lucinschi

in 1998 and recycled into the

Bloc for a Democratic and Prosperous Moldova

with

„Swallow”

aselectoral symbol. Precisely Lucinschi has installed Diacov in front of the new political formation.

2.

Dumitru Braghiş

with his

social-democrats

originating from the former

Komsomol

headed by him until 1991. In December 1999 he is installed by

Petru Lucinschi

in the position of

prim-minister.

In 2001 the

„Braghiş”Government

participates in parliamentary elections as

„Braghiş” Alliance

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and gets into the parliament in this formula due to administrative resourcesused by him as the prime minister in office.

3.

Vladimir Filat,

originating from obscure circles that were active on theterritory of Romania, brought in

1998

in Chişinău and installed in the positionof

head of Privatisation Department

, then, in

1999

,

state minister andhead of the Chancellery of „Sturza” Government.

Installed in thegovernments of the time under protection of

Lucinschi

and

Diacov

, he also belonged to the

Bloc for a Democratic and Prosperous Moldova,

with

„Swallow”

as symbol.

4.

Vitalia Pavlicenco

, a person who succeeded to be member of the CommunistParty during the soviet time, after which she was member of many phantom- parties. The most long standing political project of which he was a part wasthe

Party of Democratic Forces,

headed by Valeriu Matei, who

came to hispolitical end

on elections held in 2001.

5.

Vladimir Braga,

former chairman of the county Council of Chişinău and of the district of Ialoveni, practically unknown to public opinion, but consideredas being a heavy tool in the area where he used to hold positions in local public administration.

6.

A separate category were the

padding people

who were either

cash-bringers

for the elections of 2005, or

votes-bringers

as having the imagined VIP statusattributed to them.Although Moscow, eager to punish Vladimir Voronin for rejecting the Kozak Memorandum in November 2003 and to remove his party from governance, hasmassively supported the Bloc „Democratic Moldova” of Urechean, BDM gets just28.33%, representing 34 mandates in the Parliament with seats.

It thundered andRussians has gathered them,

used to make jokes the journalists.And in those four years of nosy presence in the Parliament, the tumbledownelectoral group called BDM has teased in rags. We will show bellow how precisely thedissolution of BDM occurred and what consequences these re-groupings may have in perspective of up-coming parliamentary elections.

1. DUMITRU DIACOV

The first gang-breaker was Dumitru Diacov. It was the only possibility. This political adventurer, with a dubious past of Komsomol activist and that of beingcorrespondent of TASS Soviet news agency in Bucharest, became famous for thecapacity to betray his protectors and partners. To know the professional carrier beforeacceding in 1994 in the Parliament in Chişinău is determinant for correct understandingof the psychological and political profile of this character. To this end, we reproduce bellow a fragment taken from the free Wikipedia encyclopaedia that is accessible toanyone in Internet:„

Until 1977 he worked as editor and chief-editor of programs onTelevision of Moldova. Then, he works in leadership bodies of the Soviet

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Organization of Communist Youth (Komsomol). In period 1977-1979 he is secretary of the Komsomol Committee of the State Committee for Radio and Television, and then he becomes the instructor for ideology in the Central Committee of the Komsomol Organization of Moldova. Between 1981–1984 Dumitru Diacov works as head of department in the Central Committee of the Komsomol Organization of Moldova. Since1984 he was correspondent in Soviet Socialist Moldovan Republic of the Moscow daily „Komsomolskaya pravda” [Komsomol’ truth] (then official bodyof the communist youth of the USSR). He then comes in Moscow as counsellor of the Secretary of the USSR Komsomol Central Committee (Moscow) (1986--1988). Between1988and 1989he was consultant in the Foreign Affairs Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and then between 1989 and 1993he was the head of bureau of the TASS news agency in Romania , in Bucharest. In 1993 he comes back in the Republic of Moldova, working during a year as counsellor and head of Political Department of the Moldovan Embassy in Moscow

.

”The last detail of this fragment should be corrected. In 1993 Diacov does notcome back in Moldova, but in Moscow. And in 1994, in the electoral campaign for theParliament, he was placed on the list of Democratic Agrarian Party, that group being ananti-reformist one, an antinational and fully subordinated to imperial interests of Russia.Thus, Diacov is parachuted in the Parliament in Chişinău after prooving his loyaltytowards Moscow by his whole carrier, including his activity in framework of the sovietEmbassy in Bucharest between 1989 and 1993, where he works under cover of beinghead of the main soviet news agency in the capital of Romania. We mention, by theway, that Diacov was sent into the mission in Bucharest just several months before theevents in December 1989, an episode that represents a dark page in his biography. FromBucharest he is moved again to Moscow at the position of diplomat in the Embassy of Moldova, where he works side-by-side with

Valeriu Pasat

, and from there directly onthe top of political hierarchy of Chişinău.We remind that

Democratic Agrarian Party

, that „

party of power

”,

createdfrom top to the bottom

, had as pillars those three exponents of soviet nomenclature,who held the key-positions at that time:

Mircea Snegur

, president of the Republic of Moldova,

Petru Lucinschi

, president of the Parliament, and

Andrei Sangheli

, prime-minister. This

troika of the top of nomenclature,

being always in rivalry and provisionally put together under the umbrella of agrarians from

DAPM,

has broken onthe presidential elections held in 1996, where all three were candidates against eachother. On that poll Lucinschi won, and the biggest looser was Andrei Sangheli.Immediately after the conclusion of 1996 presidential elections those three started the preparations for the 1998 parliamentary elections.It is true,

Mircea Snegur

succeeded to detach in 1995 eleven MPs from DAPMfaction with

Nicolae Andronic

as leader, then the deputy speaker of the parliament,incorporating his own political entity, baptised the

Party of Renaissance andConciliation

. Shortly, Petru Lucinschi acted exactly like Mircea Snegur, tearing off from the same factions of agrarians, which initially counted 56 mandates, a number of

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