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Where Are All the Bodies Buried

Where Are All the Bodies Buried

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Published by Rolf Auer
Are deaths REALLY deaths? Do the "numbers" add up? You be the judge.

Please download if having difficulty viewing highlights.--RA
Are deaths REALLY deaths? Do the "numbers" add up? You be the judge.

Please download if having difficulty viewing highlights.--RA

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Categories:Types, Research
Published by: Rolf Auer on Mar 05, 2013
Copyright:Attribution Non-commercial


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Where Are All the Bodies Buried? by Michael Parenti (2000) 
Posted on April 16, 2012by dandelionsalad
byMichael ParentiFeatured Writer Dandelion Salad Michael Parenti Blog www.michaelparenti.org www.thirdworldtraveler.comZ magazine, June 2000 April 13, 2012
Image via Wikipedia
NATO commits acts of aggression
 In March 1999, NATO forces launched an 11-week nonstop aerial attack uponYugoslavia that violated the UN charter, NATO’s own charter, the U.S. Constitution,and the War Powers Act. Yugoslavia had invaded no UN or NATO member. TheCongress had made no declaration of war. No matter. The “moral imperatives” andhumanitarian concerns were heralded as being so overwhelming that legalities wouldhave to be brushed aside. Here were mass atrocities perpetrated by the demonic Serbsand their fiendish leader, Slobodan Milosevic not seen since the Nazis rampagedacross Europe; something had to be done-so we were told.Thus, a week before the bombings began, David Scheffer, U.S. State Departmentambassador at large for war crime issues, announced that “we have upwards of about100,000 [ethnic Albanian] men that we cannot account for” in Kosovo. A month later,the State Department claimed that up to 500,000 Kosovo Albanians were missing andfeared dead. By mid-May U.S. Secretary of Defense William Cohen stated that 100,000military-aged men had vanished and might have been killed by the Serbs. Not longafter-as public support for the war began to wane-Ambassador Scheffer escalated the100,000 figure to “as many as 225,000 ethnic Albanian men aged between 14 and 59
 who remained unaccounted. He considered this to be one of the greatest genocidalcrimes against a civilian population. Indeed it was, if true. As the war dragged on and NATO officials saw press attention drifting toward thecontrary story-namely that civilians were being killed by NATO’s bombs-NATO steppedup its claims about Serb “killing fields.” Widely varying but horrendous figures fromofficial sources went largely unchallenged by the media and by the many liberals whosupported the “humanitarian rescue operation.”Just before the end of the air campaign, British Foreign Office Minister Geoff Hoon saidthat “in more than 100 massacres” some 10,000 ethnic Albanians had been killed(averaging 100 victims per massacre). Though substantially reduced from the 100,000to 500,000 bandied about by U.S. officials, this was still a considerable number. A dayor two after the bombings stopped, the Associated Press, echoing Hoon, reported that10,000 Albanians had been killed by the Serbs. No explanation was offered as to howthis figure was arrived at, given that not a single war site had yet been investigated andNATO forces were just beginning to roll into Kosovo. A few weeks later, the New York
Times reported that “at least 10,000 people were slaughtered by Serbian forces duringtheir three-month campaign to drive the Albanians from Kosovo.” The story went on totell of “war crimes investigators, NATO peacekeeping troops, and aid agenciesstruggling to keep up with fresh reports each day of newly discovered bodies andgraves.”On August 2, another remarkable pronouncement, this time from the irrepressibleBernard Kouchner, the United Nations’ chief administrator in Kosovo (and head of Doctors Without Borders and friend of KLA leaders), who claimed that 11,000 bodieshad been found in common graves throughout the province. He cited as his source theInternational Criminal Tribunal for the Former Republic of Yugoslavia (ICTY). But theICTY mass graves. Some weeks after its arrival, the FBI team returned home, oddlywith not a word to say about their investigation. Months later, the London FinancialTimes reported that the FBI had found not thousands but 200 bodies at 30 sites.Forensic experts from other NATO countries had similar experiences in Kosovo.“French investigator denied providing any such information to Kouchner or anyoneelse. To this day, it is not clear how he came up with his estimate.The Kosovo-based Council for the Defense of Human Rights and Freedoms, staffed inpart by KLA officials, first promulgated the figure of 10,000 missing, purportedly basedon interviews with refugees. The U.S. State Department and Western media echoedthe council’s estimate. But the number had to be taken on faith because the councilwould not share its list of missing persons. As in the Croatian and Bosnian conflicts, the image of mass killings by vicious brutalSerbs was ceaselessly hyped. Humanitarian organizations, KLA militants, NATO andState Department officials, and the news media fed off each other. Through a processof unconfirmed assertion and tireless repetition, evidence became irrelevant.Unsubstantiated references to mass graves, each purportedly filled with hundreds or even thousands of victims were daily publicized as established facts. From Junethrough August 1999, the New York Times alone ran eighty articles, nearly one a day,that made some reference to mass graves in Kosovo. Yet when it came down to hardevidence, the graves seemed to disappear, as the FBI discovered for itself.In mid-June, the FBI sent a team to investigate two of the sites listed in the war crimesindictment against Slobodan Milosevic, one said to contain 6 victims and the other 20.The team lugged 107,000 pounds of equipment into Kosovo to handle what was calledthe “largest crime scene in the FBl’s forensic history,” but it came up with no reportsabout were frustrated at Izbica,” reported the New York Times (July 18), “when a widelypublicized mass grave in which they expected to find about 150 bodies turned out to beempty.” It must have been “dug up with a backhoe and the bodies spirited off,investigators said, between the indictment and the arrival of NATO troops.” A Spanishforensic team was told to prepare for at least 2,000 autopsies, but found only 187bodies, usually buried in individual graves, and showing no signs of massacre or torture, contrary to the stories bandied about by humanitarian groups and local
residents. Most seemed to have been killed by mortar shells and firearms. As reportedin the Times of London (October 31), one Spanish forensic expert, Emilio PerezPuhola, acknowledged that his team did not find one mass grave. He dismissed thewidely publicized references about mass graves as being part of the “machinery of war propaganda.”That same edition of the London Times reported that Stratfor, a private research team,basing their analysis on reports from forensic teams involved in the exhumation of bodies, determined that the final total of those killed in Kosovo came to “hundreds notthousands.”In July 1999, the Washington Post reported that 350 ethnic Albanians “might be buriedin mass graves” around a mountain village in western Kosovo. Might be? Suchspeculations were based on sources that NATO officials refused to identify. Gettingdown to specifics, the article mentions “four decomposing bodies” discovered near alarge ash heap, with no details as to who they were or how :hey died.By late August 1999, the frantic hunt for dead bodies continued to disappoint NATOofficials and their media minions. The Los Angeles Times tried to salvage the genocidetheme with a story about how the wells of Kosovo might be “mass graves in their ownright.” The Times claimed that “many corpses have been dumped into wells inKosovo
Serbian forces apparently stuffed
many bodies of ethnic Albanians intowells during their campaign of terror.” Apparently? When the story got down tospecifics, it dwelled on only one well in one village-in which the body of a 39-year-oldmale was found, along with three dead cows and a dog. Neither his nationality nor cause of death was given. “No other human remains were discovered,” the Timeslamely concluded. An earlier New York Times story (July 18) told of French investigators who pulled thedecomposed bodies of eight women from wells in the destroyed village of Cirez, actingon reports from local residents. Unconfirmed reports, from 44 villages in the districtaround Decani, of 39 dead bodies in wells, had yet to be investigated. As far as I know,there were no further stories about bodies in wells, which would suggest that no morebodies were found. At one reported grave site after another, bodies were failing to materialize in anysubstantial numbers-or any numbers at all. In July 1999, a mass grave in Ljubenic,near Pec-an area of extensive fighting-believed to be holding some 350 corpses,produced only seven after the exhumation. In Izbica, refugees reported that 150 ethnic Albanians were executed in March. But their bodies were nowhere to be found. InKraljan, 82 men were supposedly killed, but investigators discovered not a singlecadaver. In Djacovica, town officials claimed that 100 ethnic Albanians had beenmurdered, but there were no bodies because the Serbs had returned in the middle of the night, dug them up and carted all of them away, the officials believed. In PustoSelo, villagers claimed that 106 men were captured and killed by Serbs at the end of March, but again no remains were discovered. Villagers once more suggested that

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