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The aim of the study was to investigate how successfully pupils had learned content
in content and language integrated learning (CLIL) and to assess pupils’ affective
learning factors, such as motivation and self-esteem, in CLIL. Learning was presented
in terms of achievement level, which was described as the relationship between mea-
sured levels of intelligence and school success. The study indicated that there were
no major differences in learning, whether the language used in instruction is the
pupils’ mother tongue or a foreign language; pupils of different intelligence levels
had similar chances to succeed in both cases. However, it was discovered that there
may not be as many overachievers among the pupils in CLIL as among the pupils in
the Finnish language instruction group. Achievements in the Finnish language, i.e.
the mother tongue, were not negatively affected by CLIL. In terms of the affective fac-
tors, the study indicated that CLIL pupils had a low self-concept in foreign languages,
although pupils had a strong motivation to learn.
doi: 10.2167/le635.0
Introduction
CLIL teaching has been increasing rapidly in Finland and in some other
countries as well, due to European integration and internationalism. This has
created major challenges for language teaching and there is also a greater need
for communicative competence. To meet these requirements some new solutions
for language teaching have been developed, to enable a pupil to spend more time
for language learning and to develop his communicative skills intentionally. In
CLIL, a pupil usually studies some subject or a content theme in a foreign
language. English is the most popular foreign language in Finland, but German,
French and Russian are also used as languages of instruction. Finland’s two
official languages are Finnish and Swedish, the latter being a minority language
in Finland. This gives, in addition to CLIL, the opportunity to offer traditional
immersion teaching where pupils whose mother tongue is Finnish study subjects
and themes in Swedish.
The differences between CLIL and immersion are the following factors: in
CLIL pupils usually learn to read and write through their mother tongue
whereas in immersion the foreign language has a role in this cognitive de-
velopment. This is maybe the most noticeable difference between these two
types of instruction (Malmström, 1993). Immersion teachers are bilingual and
0950-0782/07/04 328-14 $20.00/0
C 2007 J. Seikkula-Leino
LANGUAGE AND EDUCATION Vol. 21, No. 4, 2007
328
CLIL Learning: Achievement Levels and Affective Factors 329
their mother tongue is the language which is foreign for their pupils (Swain
& Lapkin, 1982: 5). When pupils start their school in immersion, any former
knowledge of this foreign language is not required. It is even recommended for
pupils not to have any previous knowledge of the foreign language in question.
Thus, all pupils would have the same starting level (Vesterbacka, 1991b: 64–65).
In CLIL, there are no common requirements for pupils’ and teachers’ foreign
language skills. In immersion, at least 50% of teaching should be through the
foreign language whereas in CLIL, according to the European Union, at least
25% of teaching should be carried through a foreign language. Immersion in-
cludes the objective for pupils to become fluent in both languages. In CLIL,
there is variation according to the goals concerning foreign language learning.
Both immersion and CLIL focus primarily on foreign language learning, which
is perhaps the greatest similarity between these two teaching types.
Immersion teaching was developed in Finland during the 1980s. CLIL teach-
ing was introduced most noticeably in the 1990s. This was made possible by the
new Finnish school laws in the 1980s and 1990s. The proliferation of different
forms of CLIL and immersion has raised some questions. Could the combina-
tion of a foreign language and the language which is the pupils’ mother tongue
(that are both used as a media for learning) have some impact on the learning
of content or the mother tongue, for example?
The following article will present research results that are linked to the learn-
ing, self-esteem and motivation of the pupils in CLIL. As CLIL has not been
widely studied, research on immersion teaching is also included to support the
analysis and observations.
Learning in CLIL
Research on CLIL is relatively young. However, some studies in this field
have been conducted. The pupils’ mother tongue skills have been studied in the
first and second grades. The language class succeeded better than the so-called
normal class in the reading speed test. However, in the sections testing mechan-
ical writing skills, reading comprehension and vocabulary, the language class
did not do as well as the class studying in Finnish (Koivumäki & Stara, 1994).
Hämäläinen (1998) has reached similar results when studying the development
of vocabulary in the pupils’ mother tongue from the second to fifth grades. Espe-
cially the pupils in upper classes demonstrated remarkably weaker vocabulary
skills than their peers in Finnish language classes. It has to be noted that these
results are important as the research group was fairly large. The study included
139 pupils in CLIL and 170 pupils in Finnish language teaching. The vocabulary
test included mainly vocabulary connected to nature and the environment.
CLIL Learning: Achievement Levels and Affective Factors 331
The study conducted by Qiang (2000) observed the development of the cog-
nitive skills of Tibetan children in bilingual teaching. It showed that the pupils
who were taught in their mother tongue succeeded better in it than those who
had participated in bilingual teaching. Moreover, especially older pupils study-
ing in a foreign language lagged behind their peers as regards content, i.e.
mathematics. It has to be noted that it is somewhat difficult to compare the re-
sults concerning teaching in a foreign language in this case because the cultural
starting point varies from the Western and Finnish background. However, the
study was wide as it included altogether 508 pupils who were in the second
and fourth grade. The pupils’ potentially different backgrounds were taken into
consideration.
Pupils have been observed to learn very well in teaching content in a foreign
language. For example a continuing study made by Merisuo-Storm (2000) in-
dicated that the development of the pupils’ reading and writing skills during
their first year at school did not show any remarkable difference between those
who were taught in Finnish and those who were taught in a foreign language.
The study also aimed at surveying how weaker and more skilled pupils devel-
oped in these different teaching methods, and no remarkable differences were
noticed. The study included 80 pupils who were studying in a language class.
The comparison group included 59 pupils who were studying everything in
Finnish.
Merisuo-Storm (2002) reached similar results in a more comprehensive study
which monitored pupils during their first two years at school. Pupils studying
in a foreign language developed better reading skills than those who were
studying in Finnish. This study included 134 pupils in CLIL. It is to be noted
that teaching in a foreign language accounted for approximately 20% of all
teaching. Moreover, the pupils had studied a few years in CLIL. The research
made by Rahman (2001) also supports the above conclusion that the pupils’
skills in their native language develop well in CLIL. The study looked into the
spelling of compound nouns of sixth graders in CLIL. Pupils in CLIL succeeded
better than pupils learning in their mother tongue when they had to write essays
in which the focus was on the correct spelling of compound nouns.
Affective factors
The self-concept of pupils in language-oriented classes has been studied with
7–10-year-old pupils and it has been observed to be very positive. The study also
looked into the linguistic self-concept of the pupils, which was very positive as
well. Gender differences were minimal (Hyvönen & Lahdenranta, 1994: 112–
116).
School motivation has been studied in immersion classes, pupils in CLIL and
in so-called normal classes. The pupils’ foreign language was Swedish and they
were in the second or third grades. The immersion pupils showed the most
motivation. Pupils in CLIL were more motivated than the pupils being taught
in Finnish. All classes explained success mainly with internal factors. Pupils
in CLIL attributed their success to competence whereas those in immersion
and in Finnish classes emphasised the will to try. Pupils in Finnish-speaking
classes often linked success to the task being easy, which indicates feelings of
332 Language and Education
helplessness and low motivation (Filppula, 1996). Heinilä and Paakinen (1997)
have reached similar results as well. Pupils in CLIL enjoyed studying in a foreign
language and they were motivated to study a foreign language.
It is worth noting that the studies on immersion and CLIL are not wholly
comparable, as these teaching methods are somewhat different. CLIL practices
also vary by school and research results concerning immersion are not totally
applicable to CLIL, even though there are similarities. The results cannot be
aligned to situations in which a child is learning in a different language but
where no attention is paid to the development of his mother tongue skills.
Many researchers in the USA, the Scandinavian countries and Germany have
observed that when children participate in bilingual teaching as immigrants or
as members of a linguistic minority group, their performance is not as good as
that of their peers (cf. Hoffmann, 1991). However, these pupils can reach the
same level as pupils learning in their native language. This requires that pupils
have obtained bilingual teaching for 4–7 years (Thomas & Collier, 2002).
Theoretical Framework
The theoretical framework of the study first focused on general learning
and then on different aspects of foreign language and CLIL. Learning in CLIL
was seen in this study mainly as a constructive learning process (Julkunen,
2002; Meriläinen, 2002; Rauste von Wright, 1997) where the acquisition of a
foreign language and the communicative use of it formed the basis for language
learning (e.g. Ellis, 1985; Krashen & Terrell, 1984). Learning was presented in
terms of achievement level, which is described as the relationship between
measured levels of intelligence and school success. If a pupil does not reach
the level of school success predicted by his intelligence, he could be defined
as an underachiever and in the opposite situation he could be defined as an
overachiever. A pupil whose achievements are in line with his intelligence level
can be called an achiever according to his abilities. In this study, intelligence
was seen as theoretically grounded to the traditional intelligence theories such
CLIL Learning: Achievement Levels and Affective Factors 333
as Spearman (1904, 1927) and Thurstone (1938) but also to some new theories
like Sternberg (1986) who stresses more on the active process of intelligence.
Moreover, the theoretical framework was built on the affective factors of
learning, like Borba’s (e.g. 1989, 1994) self-esteem theory, Burns’ (1979, 1982) and
Shavelson et al.’s (1976) self-concept theory, Laine and Pihko’s (1991) self-concept
theory of language learning and Weiner’s (1974, 1984, 1992) causal attribution
theory. According to Borba (e.g. 1989, 1994), self-esteem consists of five basic
building blocks: security, selfhood, affiliation, mission and competence. The
study sought for the self-concept of the pupils in the said sectors of self-esteem.
Thus, it was possible to demonstrate what kind of self-esteem pupils in CLIL
have.
Self-esteem is closely linked to self-concept. The main difference between
self-concept and self-esteem is that the latter is also connected to the individual
emotional factors. As opposed to self-esteem, self-concept is a more objective
description of oneself. Self-concept includes, for instance, social, physical and
emotional self-concept as well as a learning self-concept (Burns, 1979, 1982;
Shavelson et al., 1976). The section of the learning self-concept included in this
study is the foreign language self-concept. The foreign language self-concept
includes all the knowledge, ideas, ideals and evaluation of oneself as a language
learner – the instrumental, integrative and cognitive orientation towards foreign
language learning (Laine & Pihko, 1991: 15–16). In addition to self-esteem, the
aim was, hence, to highlight the foreign language self-concept of the pupils in
CLIL in more detail.
The causal attribution theory of Weiner (1974, 1984, 1992) is based on the in-
terpretation of an individual’s way to explain his successes and failures. These
successes and failures can be explained through various causal attributes. Suc-
cess at school can be evaluated in the following ways: I succeeded because I
was good; I failed because I did not try hard enough. Especially, if the outcome
is unexpected, people tend to look for reasons and explanations. An individual
attributes his success/failure mainly to four different factors: competence, at-
tempt, the level of difficulty or facility of the task and coincidence. The various
models of explanation of failure and success have an impact on the goal-oriented
performance and hence, on the lowering, maintenance or rise of motivation. This
study aimed at assessing the motivation of pupils in CLIL from the standpoint
of causal attribution.
Methodology
The study subjects included 217 pupils from grades 5 and 6 in a Finnish
comprehensive school; 116 of them were enrolled in CLIL classes. There were
ten classes in this study. In the CLIL classes, 40–70% of instruction was carried
out in English. The starting point for defining under- and overachievers was
to highlight how well the pupils fared in different teaching methods in view
of their competence (i.e. their potential intelligence). Thus, it was possible to
control the way pupils may have been selected to the CLIL classes (the majority
of pupils had been selected to the CLIL classes through entrance examinations
and thus, it is probable that their school performance is higher than average).
Regression procedures have been carried out in this study, in order to make
334 Language and Education
Results
Grouping individual achievement levels and content learning in CLIL
Pupil’s individual achievement levels were classified in this study and pupils
were divided into three different groups: underachievers, achievers and over-
achievers. Differences in achievement levels between CLIL and non-CLIL classes
can be seen in Figure 1.
In conclusion, it can be said that there were no significant differences in general
learning between the two groups, CLIL and non-CLIL classes, when comparing
them on the basis of their achievement levels. A CLIL pupil could just as well
of pupils in non-CLIL classes. Pupils in CLIL still wanted to achieve more exter-
nal goals than internal ones ( p = 0,040*) even though motivation for reaching
internal objectives seemed to develop by age.
Discussion
The learning of CLIL pupils did not differ significantly from the way pupils
learn when they study in their mother tongue. Yet some differences can be
observed: the results seem to indicate that pupils who are taught in their native
language tend to overachieve more strongly than those in CLIL. Moreover, it
can be observed that the pupils who are strongly overachievers, i.e. both in
Finnish as a mother tongue and in mathematics, are hardly present among CLIL
pupils. Hence, teaching in a pupil’s mother tongue provides the pupil with more
opportunities to reach maximum results. However, one must bear in mind that
CLIL pupils learn a foreign language to a very high standard, which is unlikely
to happen to such extent in teaching conducted only in Finnish.
When the learning results are separately observed in Finnish as a mother
tongue and mathematics, this study shows that as regards Finnish as a mother
tongue, the pupils’ learning results were similar in both Finnish and CLIL
classes. CLIL pupils overachieved even more strongly than those in Finnish
teaching, even though the difference was not remarkable. Another outcome
worth mentioning is that in one class where more than 75% of all teaching was
conducted in a foreign language, 29% of the pupils were overachievers. The
class in question was very large and the pupils had not been selected on the
basis of general competence; the requirement for enrolment had been a good
knowledge of the English language. The classroom teacher of this class was a
native speaker of English who never addressed the pupils in Finnish. The for-
mal teaching of Finnish as a mother tongue was given by a specialist teacher of
Finnish as a mother tongue. Hence, the results of this study strongly support
the idea that the mother tongue skills of pupils learning in a foreign language
were not weaker than the skills of those learning in their mother tongue. More-
over, it must be noted that both weak and highly intelligent pupils had learned
Finnish as a mother tongue to a fairly similar level: there were no great differ-
ences between underachievers, those learning according to their competence
and overachievers in the groups of intellectually weak, quite weak, quite good
and very good pupils. In view of previous research on the development of a
pupil’s mother tongue skills either in CLIL or in Finnish teaching, it can be said
that this study supported the results obtained by, for instance, Cummins (1995),
Genesee (1988), Gaya (1994: 38–42), Meriläinen (2002) and Vesterbacka (1991b:
166–168) in their research on immersion as well as the research conducted by
Merisuo-Storm (2000, 2002) and Rahman (2001) on CLIL, which showed that
the learning of a pupil’s mother tongue is not disturbed by the participation in
CLIL.
The previous paragraph brought into consideration the research results con-
cerning one class, showing that some pupils may demonstrate very strong de-
velopments in their mother tongue even though their teaching is conducted
mainly in a foreign language. Such results remind us of those obtained by
Sampera (1994) and Vesterbacka (1991a: 24) according to which the skills of
CLIL Learning: Achievement Levels and Affective Factors 337
immersion pupils in their mother tongue may even generally speaking exceed
those of other pupils. It is possible that the pupils’ thinking and metalinguistic
skills have developed as they have had to operate between two languages (cf.
Cummins, 1995). However, we must note that the class in question also included
slightly more underachievers than other classes in average. This provides a rea-
son to suspect that some pupils may not have had linguistics skills strong enough
to cope with such a wide scope teaching in a foreign language. On the other
hand, several other reasons can be traced behind such underachievement
(cf. Butler-Por, 1987), wherefore, in this case, it is difficult to draw any con-
clusions as regards the underachieving pupils in question.
The results indicate that pupils in CLIL had fairly good mathematical skills.
Both weak and talented pupils had learned relatively well according to their
level. However, it is possible that the teaching of mathematics in a foreign lan-
guage has an impact on how well the pupils manage to proceed in the subject
and hence, it may not be possible to reach top results in relation to the poten-
tial competence of the pupils. Such results are supported by earlier studies on
immersion which have shown that the mathematical skills of the pupils were
almost similar in the immersion classes and in the so-called normal classes
(cf. Cummins, 1995; Genesee, 1988). Nevertheless, this study does not sup-
port the assumption that pupils studying in a foreign language would succeed
better in mathematics than pupils who study maths in their mother tongue
(cf. Sampera, 1994). To some extent, it can be assumed that CLIL pupils do
not reach maximum results in mathematics (cf. Gaya, 1994: 30–35; Qiang 2000).
Pupils themselves report to have experienced problems in understanding the
teaching of mathematics (Julkunen, 1999, 2000). Moreover, the teachers’ section
of this study indicated that the teachers sometimes feel they have problems
reaching the basic goals. Since the medium of teaching is a foreign language, the
way in which a pupil learns the foreign language may have an impact on their
ability to learn mathematics also. The affective filter has an impact on learning a
foreign language (Krashen, 1982, 1985; Ellis, 1990): when teaching is conducted
in a foreign language, it is probable that the affective filter has also an impact in
the learning of content. In addition, pupil’s skills in the foreign language itself
steer the learning of content.
Even though the pupils in CLIL did not differ from their peers studying
in their mother tongue, Finnish, as regards self-esteem, it was notable that
their self-evaluation was more clearly marked by self-criticism. Learning in a
foreign language may have steered the development of the pupils’ self-esteem
to some extent, especially as the foreign language self-concept of the pupils was
significantly weaker in relation to that of the pupils studying in Finnish.
The pupils in CLIL felt much weaker in their understanding, reading, writing
and speaking skills of the foreign language than the pupils who were studying
in Finnish. Moreover, they felt that they were generally weaker as language
learners than the pupils who were taught in Finnish. These results are remark-
able especially when we take into consideration that in CLIL classes the pupils
indeed have a good knowledge of the foreign language.
Pupils in CLIL are forced to face the difficulties involved in learning content in
a foreign language. As the teachers involved in this study have described, CLIL
is very demanding for the pupils. Hence, learning in CLIL is in principle different
338 Language and Education
in the way that the so-called meaningful learning, which is one starting point for
constructivism (cf. Engeström, 1981; Novak & Govin, 1995: 182), steers the way
learning is constructed when taught in a foreign language. This means that at the
same time as the pupil is learning content, he is also resolving communicative
problems which are linked to operating in a foreign language. For the process
to function, the pupil needs to be extremely active in the learning situation.
It can also be seen that CLIL inevitably involves plenty of language that is
above the current competence of the pupil (‘input-hypothesis’, cf. Ellis, 1990;
Krashen, 1982; 1985: 2–3). Hence, the pupils may not typically always know
all the words used in teaching. This makes CLIL a complicated and demanding
situation for the pupil, requiring a good ability to concentrate (cf. Räsänen, 1994).
It is possible that the pupils may sometimes feel incompetent and inadequate,
which surely affects their ideas of themselves as learners of a foreign language
(cf. Laine & Pihko, 1991: 15–16). The experiences of failure in a certain specific
field correlate significantly to a certain section in one’s self-concept (cf. Gage &
Berliner, 1979). Thus, the pupils create a self-concept that is somehow biased in
relation to the real self and illustrates the individual’s cognitive beliefs of himself
(cf. Mc David & Harari, 1968). This leads to successful individuals considering
themselves failures (Epstein, 1980: 96; Kagan & Havemann, 1980).
The self-esteem of pupils in CLIL has not been studied much. Hyvönen and
Lahdenranta (1994) have conducted a study related to this area and it has yielded
results different from the current study. Their work observed that pupils in CLIL
had a very strong self-concept and especially their foreign language self-concept
was remarkably positive. However, the pupils involved in their research were
7–10-year-olds, which means that their results are not totally comparable to the
results of the current study. The pupils in the study of Hyvönen and Lahdenranta
were still clearly in their childhood, whereas the current study included pupils
who were already in their early adolescence, which has an impact on their
feeling of self and the development of their self-esteem. In addition, Hyvönen
and Lahdenranta used a fairly small study group.
All in all, this study indicates that pupils in CLIL were somewhat more mo-
tivated to study and to use a foreign language than pupils learning in Finnish.
However, let us note that their enthusiasm was relatively moderate. The research
results on the motivation of pupils in CLIL are more or less aligned to those ob-
tained in some previous studies (cf. Filppula, 1996; Heinilä & Paakkinen, 1997).
Conclusion
There are good opportunities to learn in CLIL, as pupils with an under or
above average level of intelligence have learned content, even though CLIL
teaching was implemented extensively in a foreign language. The results in this
study did not support the conclusion that the development of one’s mother
tongue could be negatively affected through the use of foreign languages.
On the other hand, learning in CLIL can be so challenging that the maximal
outcome of content learning is not always reached. It is a matter of choice
for a student to study in CLIL because in content and language integrated
learning there are rather good possibilities to develop the knowledge of a foreign
language.
CLIL Learning: Achievement Levels and Affective Factors 339
Correspondence
Any correspondence should be directed to Dr Jaana Seikkula-Leino, Faculty
of Education, Teacher Training School, Turku University, PL 13, Annikanpolku
9, 20611, Turku, Finland (jaana.seikkula-leino@utu.fi).
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