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REVOLUTION
The greatest revolution of our generation is thediscovery that human beings, by changing theinner attitudes of their minds, can change theouter aspects of their lives
 The Hungarian Revolution 1956 The Iranian Revolution 1978-79 1867-2000: A people’s history of Mexico 
Compiled byKapil Arambamhttp://kapilarambam.blogspot.com
 
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Details are included rom Columbia University Research Project interviewswith participants which are a nice complement to the inormation in our otherHungary '56 articles.Beore October..."It's all a load o shit, that's what it is!"[1]This accurate description o Hungarian socialism in the early 'ties came roma worker in prison, overheard by a Communist intellectual locked up duringa purge. This rare contact with a worker, and even rarer contact with whatworkers thought o the 'workers' state' helped this particular intellectual to losehis "aith in Marxism". As the saying went about prisons in Hungary, "We area three-class society - those who have been there, those who axe there, andthose who are heading there." The large number o workers in prison, eitheror political oences or or thet, showed up the system: even Imre Nagy, thewatered-down Stalinist entrusted by Moscow in 1953 to liberalise Hungary (thatis, to hold the workers in check) had to admit by December 1955 that "the mostalarming act is that the majority o those convicted are industrial workers". [2]Thet was a necessity or workers to compensate or socialist living standards.These had dropped by 17-20% in the years 1949-53 as a result o an idiotic'Five-Year Plan' devoted to heavy industry and steelworks in a largelyagricultural country with no iron ore or coking coal. 3 Similarly, the impositiono co-operatives on unwilling peasants led to a all in their meagre incomes,and 1952 saw the worst ever yields in Hungarian agriculture. Ocial statisticsrevealed that while 15% o the population was above the 'minimum' standardo living, 30% were on it and 55% below. A day's pay or a state arm workerwouldn't buy a kilo o bread; in 15% o working-class amilies not everyone hada blanket; one in every ve workers had no winter coat.[4]In these conditions, thieving rom the state and 'beating the system' werethe things to do to survive. No moral stigma attached to them at all, rather,everyone was at it to relieve their poverty. Pilering and spontaneous sabotagewent together with high labour turnover (oten as local managements got rid o'troublemakers'), waste in actories, utile planning and alsied output guresto meet ridiculous production targets. Workers had to do unpaid overtime to'celebrate' anniversaries that the Party o Hungarian Workers (MDP) designatedas great occasions. Home businesses thrived on materials taken rom work;copper was stolen rom shipyards; a buyer at a Budapest hospital complained"Nowadays even nailing it down is no guarantee against thet". In the statestores, sta would cheat customers and sell short weight, except to relativesand riends. Butter was rarely seen in shops as it was pre-packed and weighed,it oered no scope or ddling, and so wasn't ordered much by shops.Workers and peasants went beyond thet, absenteeism and what the MDPleadership liked to call 'laziness' and 'wage-swindling'. The third banner in theocial procession on May Day 1953 proclaimed "Glory to the immortal Stalin,star which guides us towards reedom, socialism and peace". Seven weeks laterthe workers o East Berlin rioted or their vision o reedom and were quickly putdown by Russian tanks. 20,000 workers went on strike at the Rakosi iron andsteel works in Budapest's Csepel district against low pay, production normsand ood shortages. There were wildcat strikes in Diosgyor, and mass peasantdemonstrations in the countryside. To avoid urther outbreaks, Russia ordereda change o leadership and a change o policy.Matyas Rakosi, who styled himsel "Stalin's Hungarian disciple" but was morepopularly reerred to as 'arsehole' by Hungarian workers, was required to makeway or Imre Nagy, who had managed not to be involved in the purges andgeneralised terror o the late 'orties. His 'new course' outlined in late June1953 was designed to ease the load on the workers and peasants, producehigher living standards, end the internment camps and turn the economyaway rom heavy industry. Because he was opposed by the hard-line Stalinistsaround Rakosi and Brno Cero, Nagy is presented by some as popular andliberal. In act he was much like the rest. Ater Stalin's death, he talked o him asthe "great leader o all humanity"; the whole Stalinist era was a period o "trialand error". In late 1954 Nagy elt able to say "We have created a new countryand a happy and ree lie or the people"; meanwhile Rakosi and Gero arguedthat workers' living standards were too high.Although Nagy may have elt that the removal o some o Stalinism's worsteatures constituted a 'ree lie', his 'liberalism' was met by even moreabsenteeism, indiscipline and slacking by workers. A typical Nagy speechrom that period shows why. "The production results o the third quarter showthat, i the labour drive to mark these elections is carried out with the sameenthusiasm and vigour as the revolutionary shit that was worked in honouro the Great Socialist October Revolution, and i management and workerscan get the same improvement in worker discipline - in which there are stillgrave deciencies - as in production, then MAVAG will be able to take its placeamongst the ranks o the elite plants."[5] No amount o apologetics can coverup the straightorward capitalist content o such a speech.Workers' cynicism spread outside the workplace: in 1954 there were threedays o rioting ater the World Cup nal deeat by West Germany in the beliethat the game had been thrown or hard currency. Games o any kind againstRussia were rarely without trouble. The MDP sent intellectuals and writers outinto the country at large during 1953 to explain Nagy's 'new course': or most itwas a rst sight o the miserable conditions o the peasants and workers. Theysoon ound out that the 'toiling masses' had little time or the Literary Gazette oror 'building socialism'. A young Communist commented "The workers hatedthe regime to such an extent that by 1953 they were ready to destroy it andeverything that went with it."Workers expressed this themselves: "The workers did not believe in anythingthe communists promised them, because the communists had cheatedtheir promises so oten." A worker rom the Red Star Tractor actory: "UnderCommunism, we should have a share in governing Hungary, but instead we'rethe poorest people in the country. We're just regarded as actory odder."Another worker: "The Communists nationalised all the actories and similarenterprises, proclaiming the slogan, 'the actory is yours - you work or yoursel.'Exactly the opposite o this was true."Among the students the peasants' and workers' sons were most preparedto speak their minds. They were more insolent than the middle-class ones.They were also less likely to engage in abstract ideological discussions butstuck to concrete issues - like ood shortages. Disillusion and anti-communismwere widespread amongst Hungarian youth. "We spoke less about political
Te Hungarian Revolution: 1956
Tis is an anonymous account of the events of the near revolution of 1956, containing interesting information frominterviews with participants.
 
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subjects, but i we did, we were cursing the Russians, that was most o the timewhat it amounted to." "We were the rst generation that was not scared. Aterall we had nothing to lose and we also had the eeling that we couldn't bearthis or an entire lie."Discontent and workers' opposition thus existed long beore 1956. However,the American assessment in December 1953 by an army attaché was that"There are no organised resistance groups in Hungary; the populationdoes not now, nor will they in the uture, have the capacity to resist activelythe present regime;". With a similar attitude, the Russian leader Khrushchevthought that i he'd had ten Hungarian writers shot at the right moment, nothingwould have happened. A week beore the revolt a reader's letter to the LiteraryGazette complained about the uselessness o the intellectuals' debates: "Theworking class is, and will remain, politically passive or good, and uninterestedin such hair-splitting...and without them what good can we do?"[6] However,a Yugoslavian political analyst was more perceptive, commenting nine daysbeore the uprising, "People reuse to live in the old way, nor can the leadershipgovern in the old way. Conditions have been created or an uprising." The AVH('Allamvedelmi Hatosag', State Security Force) sensed trouble toot they andthe Russian troops garrisoned in Hungary were put on alert ve days beoreOctober 23rd.Much has been made o the dissatisaction o Communist writers andintellectuals and their supposed leading role in the revolution. The intellectuals'program was only a criticism o Stalinism. Their 'Peto Circle' debating clubwanted orderly reorm and a change in the leadership (because the StalinistsRakosi and Gero had returned to power replacing Nagy, now out o public liealtogether). The Peto Circle did not encourage the revolt: it considered thatprecipitate actions could lead to a catastrophe. They were seen by workersas Communists and supporters o the regime. Nagy became a ocus or thiskind o 'opposition', which avoured working through MDP channels, and wascertainly against demonstrations. Most o these people came out against theuprising: two such journalists thought that the crowds behaved "like idiots" onOctober 23rd. One writer though, Gyula Hay, was honest enough to see whowas stirring up that: "I am perectly willing to accept that it was not I who awokethe spirit o reedom in youth: on the contrary, it was youth who pushed metowards it." Workers started to take an interest in what the writers were gettingup to in mid-September 1956, when a meeting o the Writers' Union saw theStalinists deeated in elections. A Literary Gazette account o that meeting sold70,000 copies in hal an hour. Such a rebu to the authorities was bound tobe o interest now.The occasion o the reburial o a rehabilitated Communist, Laszlo Rajk, avictim o an earlier purge, was used by workers to demonstrate en masse.Some 200,000 attended in the rain on October 6th: an observer commented"perhaps i it had not rained, there would have been a revolution that day,"There had been no dierence between Rajk and Rakosi politically, personalrivalry resulting in Rajk's trial and execution as a 'Titoist ascist'. The workers''support' or Rajk's rehabilitation was purely symbolic: on the other side o thecoin, a top Communist said that "i Rajk could have seen this mob he wouldhave turned machine guns on to them." The same day 2-300 students inarchedaway ater the burial using the slogan, "We won't stop halway, Stalinism mustbe destroyed" Despite shouting this, the students weren't stopped by thepolice, who assumed that any kind o demonstration must be an ocial one.October 23rdIt was the students who were responsible or the event that sparked o theinevitable. On October 16th students in Szeged had broken away rom theocial organisation and set up a new association. They sent delegatescountrywide to encourage similar breaks. By the 22nd there were similargroups in most o the universities and large schools. News had reachedBudapest o events in Poland, where the Soviet army had encircled Warsawas the Polish Communist Party changed its leadership under pressure rombelow. A meeting at the Polytechnic in Budapest resolved to march on the 2Jrdin support o sixteen demands. These included support or the Polish struggleor reedom; the removal o Soviet troops; the election o MDP ocials; a newgovernment under Imre Nagy; a general election; "the complete reorganisationo Hungary's economic lie under the direction o specialists"; the right to strike;the "complete revision o the norms in eect in industry and an immediateand radical adjustment o salaries in accordance with the just requirements oworkers and intellectuals"; and a ree press and radio.[7]This mixed bag o demands could not even have begun to be met by theregime - therein lay its explosive potential. Yet underlying the demands wasthe all-too-common illusion that what had been mismanaged by 'bad' leaderscould be rectied by 'good' leaders elected to replace them. The element onaivety was compounded by the way the students asked workers or supportbut not or them to strike; they wanted a silent march only. The Interior Ministrybanned the march, which made more people resolve to go. The ban waslited ater the march went ahead anyway. Although the march started silentlyas the students wished, it became more militant as workers o the morningshit joined in ater 4 o'clock. The early slogans o support or the Poles wereovertaken by shouts or reedom and "Russians go home.'" Someone cut thecommunist symbol out o a national fag and the fag o the revolution made itsrst appearance - red, white and green with a hole in the middle. More peoplelet work to join a demonstration that they weren't orced to take part in; soldierswere sympathetic and joined in too.By dusk there were 200,000 people (about one-sixth o the whole populationo Budapest) in Parliament Square. The authorities turned o the lights,whereupon newspapers and government leafets were set alight. The crowddemanded that Imre Nagy speak to them, but by the time he turned up themood had gone beyond listening calmly to speeches. Appalled by the sight oso many people and by the fags with holes, Nagy made the mistake o startingwith the word 'Comrades!' This was greeted with boos and shouts o "We're nolonger comrades!" The people had already rejected the whole HDP, not justthe Stalinists, and the 'oppositionists' were too moderate. The disappointmentwith Nagy turned into positive talk o a strike, and a crowd o youths marchedto the Radio building.At 8 o 'clock there was an ocial broadcast by Erno Gero in which he said:"We condemn those who seek to instil in our youth the poison o chauvinismand to take advantage o the democratic liberties that our state guaranteesto the workers to organise a nationalist demonstration."[8] This did nothingto calm the situation. The crowd outside the Radio demanded access, withmicrophones in the street "so that the people can express their opinions." Adelegation was taken in by the AVH to the Radio boss, Mrs Benke: she checkedtheir ID cards and ound they were workers rom the long machinery plantand an arms actory. Similarly, Kopacsi, the Budapest police chie, questionedsome youths picked up on the demonstration and discovered they were actoryworkers, some with Party cards.When the delegation ailed to reappear, the Radio building was attacked anddeended: at about 9 o'clock the rst shots were red with many dead andwounded. The crowd had got weapons rom sympathetic police and soldiersbeore the AVH's rst shots, and as the news spread, workers rom the arsenalsbrought more. The revolution had now started in earnest. An observer elt that"it was at Stalin's statue that the workers o Budapest appeared on the scene."When the crowd had trouble getting it down, two workers etched oxy-acetylenegear to cut it down. The boots remained on the plinth, with a road sign saying'Bead End' stuck on them. Hungarian troops were greeted as riends and alliesby the crowds; workers were arriving rom Csepel in lorries with ammunition.Arms actories were raided and the telephone exchange taken.The authorities called on the sappers in a nearby barracks, and told themthat ascists had risen against the government. The sappers were met byworkers who told them the truth. More sappers arrived to deend the HDF's
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