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WNDI 2k6 Statism K Kritik of the State1. index2. shell3. national service serves state agenda4-5. national service = state ownership of citizens6. national sercive
totalitarianism7. voluntary service
mandatory service8. democracy promotion
war 9-12. threat construction justifies the state13. “the state helps people” = ultimate form of statism14. kritik solves benefits of service15. rejection of state
functioning institutions16. u.s. rejection of state snowballs17. state run services fail18. individual service is best19. draft links20. draft
war 21-22 kritik solves oppression, sexism, racism, etc.23. state
war 24-26. kritik solves war, extinction, environment27. kritik solves caitalism28. kritik solves space29-30 a2 perm31-32. a2 kritik = utopian33. a2 transition = violent, a2 heg good34. a2 excludes people of color, a2 soviet system bad35. personal action is keySummary:The plan not only acts through the US government, but also expands national service, which is a cover for expanding State power. State power causes lots of bad things like extinction. The alternative is to reject theState.1
 
WNDI 2k6 Statism K A: The Link  National service programs perpetuate elitism, state interests, and imperialismAmanda Moore
McBride
, Assistant Professor and Research Director, Center For Social Development,Washington University, “Limitations of civic service: critical perspectives,”
2006
, accessed July 10, 2006 athttp://cdj.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/abstract/41/3/307Community, national, and international service policies and
 
 programs exist worldwide. Anecdotally, their  prevalence has
 
increased dramatically in recent years. Their proliferation indicates a tacit presumption of their positive nature. While
 
acknowledging the benefits of these programs, we call attention to the possiblelimitations of service, including elitism, state interests, and imperialism. We emphasize implications for  policy,
 
 practice, and research.B: The Impacts1. In this framework the centralized military authority of the State makes nationalism and war inevitableGraham
Purchase
, University of Sydney, ANARCHISM AND SOCIETY,
1997
, p 97Although the Nation-State has greatly exacerbated many of the social and moral evils of nationalism, of itself, cultural difference has been as much a hindrance as it has been beneficial to social developments.Unfortunately, international or intertribal wars have been as prominent a feature of human life as that of cooperation. Racism, ethnocentrism, colonialism, and genocide are all byproducts of nationalism andcultural diversity. Anarchism has never claimed that conflict can be eliminated or that such problems can bequickly and easily resolved. All that anarchism asks is that the various parties might solve their differencesamongst themselves without the weight of State-military authority baking one side or the other. Every timethe Russian Republic has driven their tanks into Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, theUkraine, etc., they have merely asserted their might, not their right, accomplishing nothing in the peacefulresolution of such conflicts. The holocaust in Germany during World War II or Stalin’s purges in the 1930s best illustrate the dysfunctional disintegrating and destructive effects of overzealous nationalist sentimentswhich are rendered a thousand times more terrible through the development of the centralized militaryauthority of the Nation-State.2. The existence of nuclear weapons in the hands of the State makes extinction inevitableJoel
Kovel
, AGAINST THE STATE OF NUCLEAR TERROR,
1983
, p xiiThe state of being is conditioned by the nuclear state apparatus, while conditioning that apparatus in turn.The technocracy of the state apparatus and the paranoia of the state of being mutually determine oneanother. The fusion of the two states into one is the product of an unholy process of terrorism which I shalldescribe in some detail in the main body of this work. But the fact of the fusion itself, the fact that we cantalk of a nuclear state and mean both the missile-bearing apparatus, and the state of being that bears upunder this apparatus, signifies that the nuclear crisis is not a mater of technically adjusting the nature andnumber of warheads, but the agony of a whole civilization. By pushing society to the edge of doom, thenuclear state bursts asunder the seams of rationalization within which the West’s domination of nature andother people has been contained.C: The Alternative is to reject the State systemAbandoning the state system makes war unfeasible and undesirableKirkpatrick 
Sale
, “The ‘Necessity’ of the State,” in REINVENTING ANARCHY, AGAIN, edited byHoward Erlich,
1996
, p 43Moreover, the difficulties for any large power trying to subdue a host of smaller societies are trulyformidable and would be additionally so if those societies, in a human-scale world, were effectivelygoverned, harmonious and homogeneous, and concertedly self-protective. The problems that Nazi Germanyhad controlling a Europe of large nation-states were bad enough, but they would have been infinitelygreater if each little community had been independent, without connections to centralized systems of administration and control, with effective traditions of local autonomy and defense. The material game of conquering – and controlling – a small society that offered a great deal in the way of resistance and verylittle in the way of exploitable riches would hardly seem worth the military candle.2
 
WNDI 2k6 Statism K  National service is a cover to achieve hidden goals of the StateDoug
Bandow
, senior fellow at the Cato Institute, FREEDOM DAILY, “Service to Whom?” September 
1997
, accessed July 15, 2006 at http://www.fff.org/freedom/0997e.aspFor instance, the state of Maryland and a number of local school districts require students to "volunteer" inorder to receive a diploma from high school. Some volunteerism advocates, led by the president, supportthis attempt to make compassion compulsory, the worst sort of oxymoron imaginable. It makes a mockeryof the idea of volunteerism.Similarly, proposals abound to use the tax law to bludgeon business into doing what government considersto be "responsible" behavior. Some advocates of this approach would add volunteerism to their indicia of corporate responsibility. But "philanthropy" motivated by such threats would be extortion, notvolunteerism.Alas, the idea of compulsory compassion is not new. The venerable national service movement goes back at least a century, to Looking Backward, a novel by lawyer and journalist Edward Bellamy. Bellamyenvisioned compulsory service for all men and women between the ages of 21 and 45, which, he said,would result in a peaceful and prosperous utopia. Bellamy's book had a tremendous impact. In its time, itwas outsold only by Uncle Tom's Cabin and Ben-Hur and was translated into 20 different languages. Some165 Bellamy clubs were started in 1890 and 1891 to push his egalitarian social system.Two decades later came William James, who spoke of the need for a "moral equivalent of war," in which allyoung men would be required to work for the community. He argued that "the martial virtues, althoughoriginally gained by the race through war, are absolute and permanent human goods," and that nationalservice provides a method for instilling those same values in peacetime.Today, at least, most national service advocates eschew such far-reaching utopian visions of socialtransformation. Nevertheless, the desire to create the good society through service has lived on. Declaredthe Potomac Institute in 1979:"International comparisons also fire some American imaginations. Millions of young people serve socialneeds in China as a routine part of growing up, many [are] commanded to leave the crowded cities and toassist in the countryside. Castro fought illiteracy and mosquitoes in Cuba with units of youth. Interestingcombinations of education, work, and service to society are a part of the experience of youth in Israel,Jamaica, Nigeria, Tanzania, and other nations. The civic spirit being imbued in youth elsewhere in theworld leaves some Americans wondering and worrying about Saturday-night-fever, unemployment, thenew narcissism, and other afflictions of American youth."William James's rhetoric 80 years ago remains the touchstone for national service advocates today. Insucceeding decades, a host of philosophers, policy analysts, and politicians proffered their own proposalsfor either voluntary or mandatory national service. Their objectives, as indicated by the Potomac Institute'sreport, usually involved far more than providing desired social services.Some advocates saw national service as a means to provide job training and jobs. Others thought it wouldencourage social equality. Still others predicted it would promote civic-mindedness. Many backed it inorder to expand access to college. And Margaret Mead saw it as a way to help liberate children from their  parents.The legislative process always shrunk such grandiose proposals into much more limited programs, such asthe Peace Corps, various local and state initiatives, and, in 1993, the National and Community ServiceTrust Act, which established the Corporation for National and Community Service. But many of thegrander goals remain: transforming participants, teaching values, combating balkanization, and expandingeducational opportunity.Thus, the heritage of national service — the desire that government involvement promote ends other thanservice — remains a critical factor in understanding politicians who promote "volunteerism." We have toask most fundamentally: service to whom and organized by whom?3
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