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Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies

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The Andalusi origins of the Berbers?

Ramzi Rouighia a Department of History, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA, USA Online publication date: 18 March 2010

To cite this Article Rouighi, Ramzi(2010) 'The Andalusi origins of the Berbers?', Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies, 2: 1,

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Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies Vol. 2, No. 1, January 2010, 93108

The Andalusi origins of the Berbers?

Ramzi Rouighi*
Department of History, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA, USA
Journal 10.1080/17546551003619647 RIBS_A_462473.sgm 1754-6559 Original Taylor 2010 0 1 2 rouighi@email.usc.edu RamziRouighi 000002010 and & of Article Francis Medieval (print)/1754-6567 Francis Iberian Studies (online)

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Building on the contributions of H.T. Norris, Joaqun Vallv Bermejo, Eduardo Manzano Moreno, Maya Shatzmiller and others about the Berbers, this article uses the difference between the political situation in al-Andalus and the Maghrib in the eighth century to argue for a possible Andalusi origin of a particular use of the category Berber. Since before the Arab conquests the sources did not imagine that the Berbers inhabited northwest Africa and that today it is common to do so, the article introduces the idea of a Berberization to account for that transformation. It argues that al-Andalus was an important early site of production of a specific notion of what Berber meant and seeks to show categories such as Arab and Berber did not refer to an unchanging objective reality and that they did not always carry the same connotations or support the same understandings. Embracing the limits posed by the historical record, the article participates in the effort of historians to replace ideologically informed convictions with a more nuanced delineation of the boundaries of the knowable. Keywords: Berbers; Berberization; al-Andalus; Maghrib; Origins; Umayyads; Arabs; eighth century; ninth century; Chronicle of 754

In his discussion of the historical sources and the methodological questions associated with the study of early medieval Iberia, the historian Pedro Chalmeta Gendrn criticized the obsession with origins and the loss of historical neutrality. He also linked the production of anachronisms with presentist concerns that did not bring about a new knowledge of the past.1 When it comes to the Berbers, his assessment stands. Shaped and reshaped in the process of serving constituencies medieval and modern, the discourse on Berber origins continues to be entangled in myth and ideology, its historicity seriously weakened by anachronism. These conditions explain why anyone who knows anything about the Berbers will find the title of this article very odd. How could the Berbers originate in al-Andalus when everyone knows they are the original inhabitants of North Africa? One of the goals of this article is to show that asking the question in this way is part of the problem and that it stands in the way of securing the soundness of historical interpretations of the past. It argues that rather than assuming the trans-historical existence of Berbers from prehistoric times to the present, an idea too often considered benign enough to repeat, it is more fruitful to ascertain the conditions of the emergence of the category Berber in historical sources and to track its evolution over time. The notion that the history of the Berbers should begin with the first humanoid skeletons found in northwest Africa is flawed. Consequently, this article has little to say about the past of the humans that
*Email: rouighi@email.usc.edu 1 Chalmeta Gendrn, Invasin e islamizacin, 25.
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eventually came to be known as Berbers. The origins it seeks to illuminate are the historical circumstances that saw the emergence of a particular conception that lumped together various groups in northwest Africa under the single umbrella category Berbers. In order to set this argument in relation to historiographic developments, I will begin by identifying what I believe are critical scholarly assumptions that have shaped the way scholars have articulated the question of Berber origins. I focus on assumptions, rather than the position of particular scholars or the evolution of positions, primarily to show that my argument continues a trend towards closer attention to chronological specificity. If it is at all provocative, the title of the article seeks to encourage historians to reassess the validity of those certainties that are at least partially based on anachronistic notions, and accept a less confident, but sound, perspective even when it raises more questions than it is able to answer. When it comes to Berber origins, by far the most influential and widespread assumption is the idea that the Berbers are indigenous to North Africa.2 The prevalence of this idea contrasts sharply with the knowledge that, as Michael Brett and Elizabeth Fentress put it, the term [Berber] is first recorded in Arab authors.3 To imagine the Berbers as having existed in northwest Africa prior to the Arabs is therefore anachronistic. Given the popularity of this idea, it is doubtful that a mere statement of the obvious would satisfy anyone who subscribes to it. An explanation is therefore in order. Prior to the first Muslim raids in the seventh century, there is no textual evidence for the use of the category Berber to refer specifically and exclusively to northwest Africans. True, the Greek / and the Latin barbarus/i refer to some groups in northwest Africa before that time. However, pre-Islamic authors used these categories to describe a great many other groups around the Mediterranean, and even beyond it. In the pre-Islamic period, there was no people known as the Berber people.4 This does not mean, however, that there was no one in northwest Africa before the Arabs. It just means that those who were there were not known collectively as Berbers and that it is therefore anachronistic to use a later category to describe them. Why is this important? When they uncritically espouse the perspective of later sources, historians lose their neutrality vis--vis the processes they study and come to take the side of the sources without explaining why doing so is valid. In this particular case, doing so also undermines our ability to date the emergence of the category and thus to situate it in its historical context. In any case, the category Berbers does not apply prior to the conquests of the seventh century and historians who study the ancient period should use the categories that are proper to their sources and analyze the problems they raise. Casting the Berbers as the indigenous inhabitants of North Africa, historians have imagined that the Arabs conquered pre-existing Berbers. Obviously, the Arabs could only describe a conquest of the Berbers once they had decided that the various peoples they conquered were to be known as Berbers. In any case, one way modern scholars have supported the idea that the Berbers were in northwest Africa before the coming
2See for example, Brett and Fentress, The Berbers, 10; Fierro, Abd al-Rahman III, 11; Felipe, Identidad y onomstica, 18; Manzano Moreno, Conquistadores, Emires y Califas, 29; Modran, Les Maures et lAfrique Romaine, 11. Scholars sometimes merely assume that the Berbers were there before the Arabs invaded. See for example, Cruz Hernndez, The Social Structure of al-Andalus, 5183. 3Brett and Fentress, Berbers, 283, n. 5. 4Cf. Felipe, Leyendas rabes, 380.

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of the Arabs, has been by analyzing their Islamization and Arabization.5 However, since the Arabs introduced the idea that the multiplicity of groups who lived in northwest Africa was to be lumped together under the single category Berber, what we have instead is a process of Berberization of the discourse on northwest Africa, northwest Africans, and their pasts.6 Imagining that the Berbers were indigenous North Africans is problematic in yet another way: before the Arabs, there was no North Africa. The Arabic Maghrib is the earliest category that covered all of northwest Africa into a single unit. The ancient Greek and Latin categories Africa, Numidia, Mauretania, and Libya did not correspond to what the Arabs called the Maghrib. While some may have doubts about this, it should be clear that medieval Arabic authors often included al-Andalus in their notion of the Maghrib, something no ancient notion did. It is thus with the establishment of the Maghrib, as both a conquered region and concept, that northwest Africa, and then northwest Africans, became subjects of narration and analysis.7 While I will not examine its emergence in time, it should be clear that the concept of Maghrib is an essential component of the process of Berberization. Conceiving of the Berberization of knowledge as a process is particularly helpful here because it forces us to distance ourselves from the perspective of later medieval authors who take the existence of Berbers as a people for granted. In fact, by the ninth century, the category Berber ( ) was already fully entrenched in the Maghrib and al-Andalus. This means that the earliest stages of Berberization, in the seventh and eighth centuries, present historians with a serious challenge. Modern ways of knowing, scholarly and not, have tended to add to the problem because they have imagined the Berbers as those who lived in North Africa before the Arabs, and thus as the authentic or legitimate bearers of the regions history. In spite of differences in nuance found in interpretations articulated in relation to imperial divide and conquest, colonial civilizing mission, or nationalist agendas, the framing of the question has been the same.8 They all consider the Arabs as outsiders who may have conquered and ruled over the Berbers but did not change the basic fact of their existence. The idea that the application of Berber to northwest Africans was a process that began in Arabic sources after the conquests, though widely recognized, lost its critical importance because it was systematically fit within a discourse on relations between already constituted and unchanging Arabs and Berbers. All one needed to do was analyze the degree or extent of the Islamization and Arabization of the Berbers, or their retention of pre-Islamic customs and characteristics. The idea of Berberization builds on the work of scholars whose concerns and approaches challenged this prevailing perspective. First among these is H.T. Norris whose The Berbers in Arabic Literature posed the question of ideological character of
5See for example, Bulliet, Conversion to Islam; Viguera Molns, The Muslim Settlement of Spania/al-Andalus, 2930. Equally problematic is the scholarly tendency to describe the Romanization or Christianization of the Berbers or their conquest by Vandals and Romans. See Fentress, Romanising the Berbers; Merrills, Vandals, Romans and Berbers. 6Cf. Bosch-Vil, A propsito de la berberizacin de al-Andalus. See also, Benaboud and Tahiri, Berberising al-Andalus. These scholars use the idea of Berberization in a markedly different sense. 7Following French colonial habits, scholars often use North Africa to mean northwest Africa. Equally problematic is the category Berbrie, which still appears in scholarship. For example see, Guichard, Structures sociales; Martinez-Gros, Lidologie Omeyyade. 8Hannoum, Translation and the Colonial Imaginary; and Colonialism and Knowledge in Algeria; Lorcin, Imperial Identities; Trumbull IV, Empire of Facts.

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Arabic sources.9 Although the book did not analyze the changing historical conditions that account for the multiplicity of representations, and thus tended to collapse them into a trans-historical Berbers and unchanging Arabic literature, it still set the terms for a reappraisal of the socio-historical and intellectual foundations of the ethnography and ethnology that developed following the Muslim conquests.10 In a series of daring statements, Joaqun Vallv Bermejo has argued that the texts written after the Muslim conquest of Iberia use the category barbar to refer not to northwest African Berbers, as everyone has assumed. Instead, he proposed that the barbar of al-Andalus referred to groups of Visigoths.11 The argument I present here is an expansion of Vallv Bermejos line of questioning insofar as it draws attention to linguistic usage in the eighth century in relation to politics. While it will argue for a different interpretation of the sources, this article clearly follows in the footsteps of Vallv Bermejos pioneering work. In a different vein, Maya Shatzmiller has sought to organize and characterize extant Arabic sources that pertain to the origins of the Berbers.12 Based on her analysis of the sources, she argued that as far as the chronological and thematic development of the origin myth, there were two distinct phases.13 The first phase spanned the period from the ninth century through the twelfth century; the second includes sources written between the twelfth and the sixteenth centuries. In addition, Shatzmiller argues that as far as the first phase was concerned, an Oriental school composed of geographers and historians produced the basic data (donnes de base) on top of which the Iberian and Ifr qiyan schools built their myths.14 Significantly, Shatzmiller identified al-Andalus as an important site for the production of narratives and knowledge about Berber origins, both of which I consider as critical contributions to Berberization. However, she tends to focus on later medieval authors like Ibn Khaldu n (13321406) and does not fully explain the impact of the successive social and intellectual mutations that accounts for the myths he relayed.15 More recently, Eduardo Manzano Moreno has argued that the early history of alAndalus is best understood in terms of the dominance of a centralized Umayyad administration rather than competing Arab or Berber tribal forces.16 Manzano Moreno expressed dissatisfaction with ideological, essentialist, postmodernist, and structuralist interpretations, all of which failed in critical ways to be historical.17 He insisted on the importance of historical facts and events, process, and chronology.18 While the sharp contrast he sets between theory and facts sounds odd because it allows for the existence of objective facts, his attention to the chronology of facts and events is commendable. Unfortunately, because of his perspective, the relation between the chronology of events and that of the sources is often lost. He tends to mine later
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Espaa en el siglo VIII. See also Vallv Bermejo, Nuevas ideas sobre la conquista rabe de Espaa. 12Shatzmiller, Le mythe dorigine Berbre. 13Shatzmiller, Le mythe dorigine Berbre, 146. 14Shatzmiller, Le mythe dorigine Berbre, 147. 15Shatzmiller, Le mythe dorigine Berbre, 146. 16Manzano Moreno, Conquistadores, Emires y Califas, and Berberes de al-Andalus. 17Manzano Moreno, Conquistadores, 22. 18Manzano Moreno, Conquistadores, 1516.

9Norris, Berbers in Arabic Literature. 10See also Azmeh, al-Arab wa-al-bar a bira. 11Vallv Bermejo, Abderramn III, 86; and
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sources without fully integrating the impact of later events on their composition. Nevertheless, his emphasis on chronology sets the stage for a discussion of the evolution of categories in relation to changing historical circumstances. Building on the contributions of all these authors, this article proposes that alAndalus was an early site of Berberization, a process that led to the production of a particular understanding of what Berber meant. Beyond that, it seeks to find out whether it is possible to distinguish between the Berberization that began in alAndalus in the eighth century from the one(s) that began almost a century earlier in Africa. The hypothesis I propose does not employ a philological analysis to track the evolution of the category. Since there are no extant Arabic sources, that would be simply impossible. Instead, it argues that the difference between the sociopolitical conditions in al-Andalus and those prevailing in many polities that developed in northwest Africa point to a crucial difference in meaning. In al-Andalus, the category Berbers came to refer to one of the Muslim components of the political alliance that supported the Umayyads. In al-Andalus, the category Berbers referred to Muslims from the first day of the conquests, something that it did not always do in Africa. In the Maghrib of the ninth century, the category referred generically to non-elite groups existing outside city-based dynastic rule. Non-Arab Africans who supported dynasties that emerged in the Maghrib in the second half of the eighth century were not known generically as Berbers but had specific tribal names such as Hawwa ra and Zana ta. Rather than seeing the Hawwa ra, for example, as Berbers a priori, it is better to imagine the historical conditions and narrative practices that made them into Berbers in our sources. By the ninth century, when the earliest Arabic texts appeared, the process of Berberization explains the existence of at least two modalities of representation: one that keeps the Berbers in northwest Africa as a vague Other, and another that portrays specific groups such as the Zana ta as Berbers. Importantly, distinguishing between these two is made difficult by the use of the same Arabic word. In order to show that these different notions were tied to particular political circumstances, I use the Latin Chronicle of 754 written at the time of the political turmoil that led to the victory of the Umayyad party. The chronicle shows that contemporaries analyzed the political situation in a way that clearly identified the Berbers of al-Andalus as a distinct political force. The analysis of Arabic texts written in the Maghrib more than a century later shows the existence of a number of political contexts in which the categories Berber and Arab were not politically important. The argument here is not only that the extant texts can be read in a particular way but rather that the political circumstances both warrant such an interpretation and make better sense with it. While I insist that my argument is tentative and that the evidence supporting it is scant, I show that the alternative is not much better. The prevailing view, which takes Berber to refer to a trans-historical social, historical, or linguistic reality and too often collapses the nuances that exist in the historical record by not paying enough attention to chronological, geographic, political, or intellectual differences between texts, is not satisfactory. Raising the possibility of the Andalusi origins of the Berbers is thus an attempt to deal with the challenges posed by the sources. Moreover, introducing the notion of the Berberization of learned discourse in the few extant Arabic texts makes no claim about the existence of alternative usages among non-elite elements or about their character. The views of the majority of the population are either unknown or mediated by the views of the elite.
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Berbers in early Arabic sources Contributing to the Berberization of the past, early Arabic sources describe a conquest of the Maghrib, al-Andalus, and the Berbers. Since northwest Africa became the land of the Berbers after the conquest, these authors simply framed their narratives of the military campaigns in the terms of their own time. Ibn Abd al-Hakam (d. 871) Muslim armies h) in which the compiled a number of stories about the conquests (futu 19 conquered the Berbers. Yet, descriptions of the Berbers in Africa are rather vague. For example, the most common occurrence of the term in this text is in the context of a political or military struggle against the conquering Muslims. The Berbers are unbelievers (kuff a r) who are all killed [by Uqba b. Na fi],20 or deceitful and 21 scheming rallying together against [Uqba]. Yet, some Berbers became allies of the Muslims.22 Ibn Abd al-Hakam is very informative about the use of the term Berber in the instance, the word first appears in his text in the narrative of the ninth century. For conquest of Cyrenaica (Barqa), the province immediately west of Egypt, in what would be today eastern Libya. There, the author begins with a genealogy of the Berbers who migrated to the Maghrib after the defeat of their king Goliath.23 This genealogy serves to introduce the Berbers as a character of this saga. It is a departure from the narrative of military conquest and an insertion from a different genre of oral and written reports, those about the known peoples of the world. However, this aside is crucial in enabling the Berberization of the conquest narrative. The latter was not fully Berberized and the section which follows narrates the conquest of Cyrenaica without using the term Berber to describe the forces against which the Arabs actually fought. The category the author uses instead is [Cyrenaicas] people (ahlaha ).24 qiya Furthermore, when he describes the conquest of Ifr , the province of Africa under Byzantine control, the term Berber again does not occur.25 Berber does appear, mostly as a generic term describing an enemy or a vague Other, in the description of the conquest of the western regions of al-Maghrib and al-Andalus. The difference in the language of the conquests of what became the eastern Maghrib and that of the conquests of the western Maghrib and al-Andalus is worth noting. In any case, the Berbers are hardly an identifiable people with a common political agenda or culture. Instead, Berber is more like an epithet added to the name of a tribe, like the Anbiya, perhaps to identify them to eastern readers.26 Appending the Berber moniker, as Ibn Abd al-Hakam is wont to do, effects the Berberization of his narrative. This approach reminds one of the custom among modern historians of describing, for example, the Numidian king Masinissa (d. 148 BC) as a Berber.27 Reading the Egyptian Ibn Abd al-Hakam, one is certain that in the ninth century, the category did not apply to all the inhabitants of northwest Africa and that there was no suggestion that the Berbers were indigenous. In fact, the genealogy of the Berbers he cites suggests that they were understood as having migrated to the region from the
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19See Ibn Abd al- akam, History of the Conquest. H 20Ibn Abd al- akam, H History of the Conquest, 199. 21Ibn Abd al- akam, History of the Conquest, 199. H 22Ibn Abd al- akam, History of the Conquest, 199204. H 23Ibn Abd al- akam, History of the Conquest, 170. H 24Ibn Abd al- akam, History of the Conquest, 1701. H 25Ibn Abd al- akam, History of the Conquest, 1838. H 26Ibn Abd al- akam, History of the Conquest, 198. H 27For a recent example, see Brett and Fentress, Berbers, 27.

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East. In other words, the earliest Arabic sources do not support the idea of the northwest African origin of the Berbers. That idea, one must therefore believe, is of later origin. In the more than half-century from the time of the first raids into Cyrenaica in the 640s to the crossing of the Mediterranean into Iberia in 711, the Arabs had grown accustomed to using the term Berber in the few ways I have described. Hence, it is no surprise that in the earliest Arabic source about the conquest of Iberia and the forma b (d. 852 or 853), an Andalusi tion of al-Andalus written by Abd al-Malik b. Hab who traveled to Egypt and listened to learned lectures there, the category Berber was used in a very similar fashion.28 In other words, the more generic blanketing of some northwest Africans generally prevails. For this Andalusi living long after the establishment of Muslim rule in Iberia, the Berbers were Muslims. Their military importance in al-Andalus made them both necessary to maintaining Muslim (Umayyad) rule and, as the events of his time showed, a threat to that very rule. In alAndalus, all Berbers were Muslims, even if they were not dominant. Their religion distinguished them legally and politically from other groups. This was definitely not the case in northwest Africa where some of those called Berbers were not Muslims. This fact is very important in the evolution of different understandings of the term. bs description of the Berbers, which relies on the accounts of the veterIbn Hab conquests who had settled in Egypt, tends to aggrandize the exploits of ans of the Arab generals such as Uqba b. Na fi (622683) and Mu sa b. Nusayr (640716).29 remains largely The representation of the Berbers is defined by this concern and stereotypical. Certainly, the main concern of these tales (futu h) was not ethnographic or sociological. Indeed, they conceive of a history of the Berbers before the Muslim conquest and are satisfied to imagine a mythological-genealogical Berber past. Thus, similarly to modern scholars, early medieval Arabic texts reify the category by projecting it into the past. Unlike them, however, they did not imagine that past in ostensibly historicizing terms. In the Maghrib, the situation was otherwise. The early tenth-century Maghrib Rustamid rulers of Ta r, who wrote about the Iba author Ibn al-Sagh d hart (778908), it once.30 Instead, he recorded oral had little use for the term Berber, only using scholars. Based on these oral reports, Ibn al-Sagh rs text identifies reports from Iba d particular tribal affiliations, such as Hawwa ra and Zana ta, without even trying to establish whether they were Berbers. In other words, being Berber was politically irrelevant under the Rustamids as there was no unified Berber party as such. Ibn Salla m (d. after 887) wrote the earliest surviving text by a non-Arab in scholar from the eastern Maghrib region of the Maghrib.31 Ibn Salla m was an Iba d the rule of the dominant eastern dynasties, s were opposed to qiya Ifr . The Iba d Umayyads (661750) and Abba sids (7501258), as well as their supporters in the qiya Maghrib such as the Aghlabids (800909) who ruled Ifr . Unsurprisingly, Ibn scholars, which emphasizes their Salla m presents a very positive view of the Iba d Islamic spirit exemplified by the piety, scholarship, and closeness to the original prophet Muhammad.
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concerns of Ibn Abd al-Hakam and Ibn Hab b and showed by the force of arms (anwatan) that they had reason to insist that al-Andalus was conquered (Conquistadores, 3442). 30Ibn al-Sagh r, Akhba r al-aimma, 52; and Motylinski, Chronique dIbn S aghir, 331. 31Ibn Sall a m, Kita b Ibn Salla m.
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28Ibn ab b, Kit a b al-Tar j. H 29Manzano Moreno analyzed the

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While Ibn Salla m relied on written and oral reports in his book, it seems that the Berbers appear only in oral reports. While the authors of the older written material seem to have had little use for the term, his contemporaries used the category more frequently. In fact, in his book Ibn Salla m reported narratives that praised those who were known as Berbers by then and portrayed them in a very positive light.32 Interestingly, Ibn Salla m included a number of anecdotes to illustrate the need to go beyond tribal differentiations and antagonism, associated with pre-Islamic Arabia (ja hiliya), and to embrace Islam as a new identity that transcends them.33 What stands out from Ibn Salla ms text is the importance of tribal politics within this Islamic polity. Using pre-Islamic Arabia as an example of un-Islamic behavior is part of a general tendency among early medieval authors to see the Berbers as generally similar to the Arabs. However, Ibn Salla ms use of the term Berber is never meant to explain a concrete historical situation. Instead, we see it appended to the name of a particular tribe, which becomes Berber by that mere act of labeling it as such in Arabic. Nothing in the text suggests that Berber referred to a single socio-historical group. In the late ninth century, this at least bilingual non-Arab Iba d scholar used an Arab Muslim framework to describe events and anecdotes. This suggests the integration of northwest Africans into the Muslim elite and their ability to be fully comfortable with their categories and referential universe.34 Of course, this was more than two centuries after the first Arab raids. At this point, it should be clear that the category Berber was not used in preIslamic northwest Africa to refer to any particular people, and that the earliest Arabic sources do not conceive of the Berbers as indigenous North Africans. So the question becomes: do we have any source from the early medieval period that describes the Berbers as a specific social or political group? My answer is positive. And, as the title of this essay suggests, the earliest occurrence of this special meaning was in al-Andalus, the area of Iberia under Muslim rule.
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Moors and Berbers While the earliest extant Arabic sources describing the conquest of al-Andalus and the period that followed were written in the ninth century, the earliest sources in Latin were written in the eighth. As one may expect, in none of these sources does the word Berber appear. In the late antique period, Latin authors use the category Moor (maurus) to refer to various groups in northwest Africa. Naturally, Iberian authors also used the category Moor prior to the Muslim conquest. John of Biclaro (b. ca. 540 d. after 621), a Visigoth chronicler educated in Byzantium, mentioned that Theodore, the prefect of Africa, was killed by the Moors, and that Theoctistus, magister militum, of the province of Africa, was overcome by the Moors in battle and killed.35 It would be a mistake to infer from such statements that the Moors were a single people or social group or that the term referred only to the inhabitants of the western province of Mauretania.36 Moreover, Moor was not the only category used to describe northwest
32Ibn Sall m, Kit b Ibn Sall m, 1215. a a a 33Ibn Sall m, Kit b Ibn Sall m, 84. a a a 34Ibn Sall m, Kit b Ibn Sall m, 118. a a a 35Wolf, Conquerors and Chroniclers, 5960. 36See Modran, Les Maures et lAfrique Romaine.
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Africans in Latin sources. Other groups were also identified. For instance, John of Biclaro referred to the Garamantes and Maccuritae.37 This clearly means that Moor did not mean something like Northwest African and certainly not original inhabitant of North Africa. The anonymous Iberian author of the Chronicle of 741 used the term Moor only once when he described the fall of Byzantine rule in Africa in 698.38 He explained that all the nobility of Africa, along with count Gregory, was destroyed to the point of extinction, after the battle line of the Moors turned in flight.39 This usage, which is reminiscent of later Arabic usage, sees the Moors as a non-descript military force whose betrayal led to the fall of Carthage.40 Scholars have generally assumed the Latin category Moor to be equivalent to the Arabic Berber. This assumption would be defensible if the Arabs had not used the category Berber before their conquest of northwest Africa. However, it is clear from pre-Islamic and early Islamic Arabic texts that the Arabs had used the category to refer to a number of groups outside northwest Africa.41 This means that Berber carried a history of usage that is clearly different from that of Moor.42 In addition, once the Muslims had crossed the Mediterranean into Iberia, the category Moor stopped referring exclusively to African groups. A simple equation of Moor with Berber in the early Islamic period is therefore difficult to maintain. In this regard, the Chronicle of 754 is a lot more helpful than the Chronicle of 741.43 Its author is remarkable for having relied on both Latin and Arabic sources and thus for combining a certain understanding of Moor with a notion of Berber that is otherwise unattested. Written in al-Andalus, the chronicle includes information about politics in Iberia from the year 611, when the Visigoths still ruled, to the period that saw the foundation of the first Muslim dynasty in the mid-eighth century. Two years after the presumed date of composition of the Chronicle of 754, the sole surviving son of the Umayyad dynasty, which had ruled from Damascus between 661 and 750, became the new ruler of al-Andalus. The accession of the Umayyad Abd al-Rahma n al-Da khil to the throne was the culmination of a series of violent struggles among leading Muslims in al-Andalus. While the lack of contemporary Arabic sources makes precise analysis of the situation difficult, nothing suggests that these conflicts were solely the result of the opposition between Arabs and Berbers. Ultimately, however, the victory of those, Arabs and Berbers, who allied themselves around the Umayyads, had long-lasting effects, especially on the writing of history.44 From 711 to 756, Muslim presence in Iberia changed from being primarily military in the early years of the conquest to a gradual settlement of northwest Africans and Arabs and the constitution of a new hierarchical society.45 The Chronicle of 754 is very informative about conflicts between parties that could seize power or seriously
a m []a c r a m []a c r

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a Africa. Those elites who supported the Arabs were not exactly the same as those who supported the Romans even if the sources continue to use Africa and African after the Muslim conquest. 41See for example, al-W qid , Futu al-sh m, 2: 203; al-J i , Ras il al-J i , 1: 216. a a a h z a a h z h 42Cf. Norris, Berbers in Arabic Literature . 43Lpez Pereira, Crnica Mozrabe de 754; and Wolf, Conquerors, 11158. 44See Martinez-Gros, Lidologie Omeyyade. 45See Glick, Islamic and Christian Spain.
m i [] a c r a m [ ]a c r a m []a c r m i [] a c r a [ m ] a c r a m []a c r a [ m ] a c r a [ m ] a c r

37Wolf, Conquerors and Chroniclers, 5960. 38See Gil, Corpus scriptores. For an English translation see Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 61130. 39Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 618; Gil, Corpus scriptores, 1: 10. 40The province of Ifr qiy was established by the Arabs after their conquest of Byzantine

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threaten it. Its acute sense of politics between Muslims and its familiarity with Arabic sources make it a very important source. Unlike the situation in the Maghrib, where the Umayyads were eventually defeated and replaced by a number of dynasties, in al-Andalus the arrival of an important contingent in 741 from Syria (Sha m) headed by Balj b. Bishr led to the victory of the Umayyad camp. Critical to this victory was the alliance between northern (Qays ) and southern (Kalb or Yemeni) Arabs against a rebellion led by settlers from northwest Africa.46 The emergence of an Arab party capable of defeating the opposition, identified as Berber, was an important event. Arab came to have a new meaning in al-Andalus, which was clearly different from what it meant in the east.47 At the same time, and in relation to that process, Berber came to have a meaning that had not previously existed in the Maghrib or in the east. The peculiarity of the political struggles in al-Andalus and, even more importantly, the victory of an Arab party, which supported the Umayyads, led to the emergence of a new conception of Berber which was different from the more general and vague Other that corresponded to the political situation in the Maghrib. While Arabic texts did not make this political distinction, the Iberian author of the Chronicle of 754 proceeded differently.
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The Moors of Spain as Berbers Hinting at some of the reasons behind the struggles that eventually led to the Umayyad victory in al-Andalus, the author of the Chronicle of 754 describes the material benefits that the Berbers and Arabs in al-Andalus enjoyed and at the expense of whom.
In the era 763 (725), in almost the sixth year of the emperor Leo and the one hundred seventh of the Arabs, a Saracen by the name of Yahya succeeded at once by orders of the princes. He was a cruel and terrible despot who raged for almost three years. With bitter deceit, he stirred up the Saracens and Moors of Spain by confiscating property that they were holding for the sake of peace and restoring many things to the Christians.48

It is only in relation to conquering Muslims that all the social, political, and economic distinctions that predated 711 are replaced with the category Christians. While the author was probably a religious man, his use of the category Christians fits the logic of the conquerors (fut u h) and their establishment of Muslim peace in Iberia. In other words, in this context, Christians was not a theological but rather political category that had legal implications under Muslim rule. After being defeated, Iberians who may have identified themselves in a number of different ways became Christians, a protected category under Muslim law. In contrast, the Moors of Spain were Muslims who had benefited from the conquests. Muslim peace put in place a new logic of distribution of property that supported actual socioeconomic and political distinctions. The articulation of the new armys domination took the form of a distinction between Muslims and non-Muslims. A few decades after the original conquest, the distinction between Arabs and non-Arabs became increasingly important.
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46On the struggles between Muslims after the conquest of Iberia, see Chalmeta Gendrn, Invasin; Glick, Islamic and Christian Spain; and Kennedy, Muslim Spain and Portugal. 47In the east, Arab was most commonly contrasted to a jam, which referred to Persians. The Berbers are sometimes described as a jam by eastern authors. 48Wolf, Conquerors, 140; Lpez Pereira, Crnica mozrabe de 754, 90.

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An indication of the politics that shaped the representation of the two major components of the dominant Muslim alliance can be found in the authors characterization of the motivations of the Moors of Spain, especially as they pertain to the Moors of Africa (Libya).
Although he was preeminent in courage and fame, a Moor named Munnuza, hearing that his people were being oppressed by the harsh temerity of the judges in the territory of Libya, quickly made peace with the Franks and organized a revolt against the Saracens of Spain [in 731].49

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For the author, this Moor leader clearly betrayed the Saracens and broke the oath that tied him to them. This act would typically bring him dishonor and disrepute. However, and as the author explains, Munnuza was preeminent in courage and fame, and these character traits made him a valuable ally of the Franks. They also elucidate his decision not to abide by his oath to those who mistreated his people in Libya. The idea that this Moor would react to the abuse of Moors in northwest Africa against his coreligionists is consistent with the articulation of political agendas that led up to the anti-Umayyad rebellions from the Mashriq to the Maghrib in the 740s. While this could not be shown to be true in the absence of more evidence, the author may have been projecting sentiments that had become widely popular in the 750s on to the early 730s. The anti-Umayyad revolts in the early 740s were much more serious than Munnuzas rebellion, and their scale much larger. The author recognized their importance in the east, noting that All that vast desert, from which the Arab multitudes had arisen, was full of unrest, unable to tolerate the injustice of the judges.50 The antiUmayyad revolt was, however, not only an eastern phenomenon. The chronicler of 754 states:
In the western region, which extends to the southern zone and which is occupied more than any of the others by the Moors, the inhabitants openly shook their necks from the Arab yoke, unanimous and determined in their wrath. When [the Umayyad ruler of Damascus] Hisham (72443) realized the scale of the rebellion, he immediately sent powerful reinforcements of 100,000 soldiers to the African governor. [] The whole army found itself divided into three groups: one part was held captive in the hands of the victors [i.e. the Moors]; another, like vagabonds, turned and fled, trying to return home. A third part, confused and not knowing where to go, headed for Spain oh the pain! with Balj, a man of good lineage and an expert in military matters, as their leader.51

First, it is important to note that this passage is, to say the least, based on an Arabic account with an eastern point of view. The Maghrib, not Libya, appears as the western region which is occupied more than any of the others by the Moors.52 The authors use of the term Moor recognizes a broad, if vague, connection between all Moors perhaps the way all Franks were related. This connection is, however, not a political one. Another clue to the correspondence of the sentiments of the author and the politics of his time is the mention of the good lineage of Balj. Since lineage was one of the most important arguments for legitimacy among the Arabs, one is not surprised to see
49Wolf, Conquerors, 142; Lpez Pereira, Crnica mozrabe de 754, 96. 50Wolf, Conquerors, 148; Lpez Pereira, Crnica mozrabe de 754, 106. 5184: Wolf, Conquerors, 1489; Lpez Pereira, Crnica mozrabe de 754, 1068. 52It is important to note that the Maghrib is not described as the land of the Moors but

only as

the region that has the greatest number of Moors.

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it crop up here.53 Reference to his good lineage is mentioned as if to prepare the reader for his ultimate victory. However, this would not happen without difficulties. The governor of al-Andalus felt threatened by the military might of Balj and at first prevented them from landing in Iberia. Eventually, his assessment of the danger changed.
When [in 74142, Abd al-Malik] discovered that the third part of the army under Balj had arrived at the port, he denied them a crossing, withholding the ships. When the Moors of Spain realized this, they assembled for war, wanting to subject Abd al-Malik to themselves and, crossing over the sea in ships, offer his conquered kingdom to their allies on the other side of the sea.54

The rebellion of the Moors of Spain accounts for the distinction between them and the Moors on the African continent. Indeed, the fear of all Moors, expressed by the chronicler, captures the anxieties of the Arab elite in al-Andalus. Nothing in the sources suggests that the Moors actually sought to form a universal alliance, let alone have anti-Umayyad forces land in al-Andalus from Africa. The specter of this alliance, however, illuminates the ultimate coming together of Yemeni and Syrian factions, which constituted the actual Arabs of Spain. In other words, the vagueness that characterizes the politics of the Moors is the flipside of the pact that brought the Umayyads to power in 756. In contrast to the generic Moors, the Moors of Spain represented a concrete political force in al-Andalus. The victory of the Umayyads led not to the annihilation of all the Moors in Iberia, but instead to their integration as one of the constituents of the new order. Umayyad politics in al-Andalus constituted the Moors of Spain and gave their social existence as a group objectivity and concreteness that distinguished them from the Moors in Libya who had little impact on Iberian elite politics. Their integration into a Muslim polity conferred upon them as a group legal, economic, and political privileges and duties, and marked them for particular disfavors, which defined their social existence in specific ways. In later Arabic texts, this distinction is not as clearly visible because Berber conveyed both meanings. After the establishment of Umayyad emirate in 756, the Moors of Spain went from being an alliance of political forces in al-Andalus that fought against Umayyad rule into a social category supported by the force of Islamic law.55 After they lost to the alliance of Arabs, the Moors became a subordinate Muslim group with privileges not available to non-Muslims (ahl al-dhimma). In this sense, Islam was the ideological umbrella that expressed the actual coming together of Arabs and Berbers in al-Andalus under Umayyad rule. Being Arab, or claiming Arab descent, became a standard, the lack of which legitimated the disenfranchisement or subordination of Muslims. The dynasties that came to rule in northwest Africa faced political situations that were markedly different from that of al-Andalus and, in fact, varied widely among themselves. One should simply remember that different groups supported these dynasties, that they espoused different ideologies, and that they engaged in armed conflict against one another. However, as far as we can tell from the extant sources, the category Berber was not as important to the articulation of political agendas as it was in al-Andalus.
53See Rosenthal, Nasab. 54Wolf, Conquerors, 148; Lpez Pereira, Crnica mozrabe de 754, 55It is not clear that all the Moors of Spain were anti-Umayyad.

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10910.

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A consequence of the importance of the distinction between Arabs and Berbers in al-Andalus was that authors made preexisting categories fit these new circumstances. While some of those who settled in Iberia from northwest Africa were known, for example, as Zana ta, they became Zana ta Berbers after the victory of the Umayyads. This was achieved even if prior to the Umayyads they may not have felt that they belonged to the same community of people as other northwest African groups. Identifying the Zana ta as Berbers was a result of the ideology associated with a dominant social group, which judged groups in terms of their genealogy and date of conversion to Islam. This specific context, with a particular configuration of Arab and Muslim, accounts for categories such as Arabized (Ar. Mustarab, Sp. mozrabe) to describe Christians living under Muslim rule. While this may seem all too obvious to some readers, it is worth mentioning here that being Arabized did not gain currency at that time in the Maghrib or in the east. Similarly, the category muwallad, which referred to the descendants of non-Arab neo-Muslims, reflected politics in al-Andalus but not in the Maghrib.56 While it did not fit the political realities of the Maghrib, the Andalusi practice of lumping together various northwest African groups under the umbrella category Berber became standard by the ninth century. As Maya Shatzmiller first noticed, al-Andalus became an important site of the production of knowledge about Berbers. As such, it came to play an important role in the Berberization of the Maghrib.
a m [ ]a c r a m [ ]a c r a m [ ]a c r

Al-Andalus and the Berbers Once it emerged, the Andalusi conception of the Berbers was gradually integrated into the Arabic scholarship through the generalized use among the learned. Their subsequent use of the Andalusi category to refer to distinct socioeconomic and political realities beyond al-Andalus had a tremendous impact. It resulted in the transformation of a number of distinct northwest African groups, which did not necessarily believe they belonged to a same people, into Berbers. In effect, what may have begun as a projection of the new Andalusi elites anxiety about a possible alliance between northwest Africans ended up transforming al-Andalus into one of the sites of the production of Berbers in the Maghrib. Through this Andalusi discursive Berberization, intellectuals produced, maintained, and reproduced the idea of the Berbers of al-Andalus as a fifth column. While scholars have generally conceived of the Berbers as outsiders in Iberia, arguing, as I do here, that the origins of the category were Andalusi is meant to challenge the prevailing habit of imagining Berber as a stable and unchanging category. In truth, more than its Andalusi origins, my intention was to show that the category Berber evolved over time and that medieval and modern scholars do not take full account of this transformation often enough. Indeed, scholars have tended to think of the category as referring to a single, if heterogeneous, group. My argument here is that this view is untenable. The breakdown of the Umayyad order after 1031 and the emergence of several autonomous dynasties (Ar. t awa if, Sp. taifas) that prided themselves on being Arab or Berber maintained the distinction between groups of Muslims in al-Andalus.57 While it is easy to see the impact of Umayyads on the formulation of their ideologies,
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56See Chalmeta Gendrn, Muwallad. 57Viguera Molins, Los reinos de taifas;

Wasserstein, Rise and Fall of the Party-Kings.

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these dynasties furthered the polarization of the two categories and added a layer of Berber pride. Ultimately, this period saw the further reification of the category. Andalusi intellectuals linked Berber dynasties to honorable pasts in al-Andalus and northwest Africa, and produced evidence of their status as outsiders. In the same light, the recruitment of northwest Africans to serve in al-Andalus as soldiers and the military conquests of al-Andalus by the Almoravids (10621147) and Almohads (11301269) further reinforced the idea that the Berbers were outsiders to al-Andalus. The arrival of new Berbers and, more importantly, their power over previously dominant groups was undoubtedly used to cast all Berbers as outsiders. It is also important to recall that some Andalusis were involved in recruiting northwest Africans and that the newcomers had occupations that were different from those of the original Berber settlers. Throughout the medieval period, anti- and pro-Berber politics led to the reproduction of the record of the events of the 740s. When they did so, however, Andalusi authors were responding to concerns that had little to do with the events of the eighth century. However, their writings, which span the entire medieval period, had the effect of reinforcing some modern historians view of the category Berber as unchanging. While modern scholars are aware of this process, they have tended to understand it as a form of bias against Berbers. Unfortunately, the idea of bias is analytically poor. It also allows for a transformation of the Berbers into victims of the Arabs an idea that has resonated with modern ideologues. Furthermore, the settlement of earlier Berbers on less fertile lands was the basis for the development of a distinction among Muslims between urbanized and cultured Arabs and rural uncultured Berbers.58 While the settlements themselves were the product of the victory of the Arabs, it is important to note that its effects were later used to support ideas about essential characteristics of the Berbers, which tended to match their subaltern status. Clearly, the category did not encompass northwest African urban elites and the cultural attainment of the Berbers in al-Andalus was, from that point of view, demonstrably inferior. Obviously, I do not intend to show that the Berbers contributed something positive or negative to al-Andalus. Instead, what I propose here is a line of inquiry, which seeks to explain the social and political bases for the formation, maintenance, and evolution of social categories such as Saracen, Arab, Christian, Jew, Mozarab, and the like. Beyond Berbers In this essay, I sought to raise questions about the usage of the category Berber in Arabic sources. I pointed to the difference in the political situations as a basis for reevaluating the scholarly custom of imagining a correspondence between the usage in al-Andalus and the Maghrib. The question is not whether the peoples Arabs called Berbers were somehow victimized by being lumped together under one category. Neither is it whether they had any agency and participated in their own subjection or misrepresentation. Clearly, these considerations have been utilized by colonial apologists, Berber nationalists, and anti-Berberists, and continue to have political and scholarly relevance today. However, engaging with them was not one of this essays goals. Should historians imagine that a Berber is a Berber is a Berber or should they
58For a discussion of early settlements, see for example, Chalmeta Gendrn, Invasin, 158, 224; Felipe, Identidad y onomstica, 38793.

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try to ascertain the evolution of such categories over time in specific contexts and in relation to changing circumstances? The answer should be obvious. Raising the question of the usage of the category Berber in Arabic texts suggests that historians could distinguish between uses of the term within the Maghrib. The emergence of competing dynasties in the eighth century with markedly different political ideologies requires that the assumption that all the texts use the category in the same sense be at least re-evaluated. In this light, the need to establish a chronology of usage is both important and difficult, given the dearth of early sources. Later political developments such as the importation of soldiers from the Maghrib, the emergence of dynasties with Berberophile and Berberophobe ideologies (taifas), the Almoravid, and then Almohad conquests of al-Andalus led to the politicization of the category in specific ways.59 Since most of our information about the evolution of usage between the ninth and the fifteenth centuries comes in texts written in these contexts, being able to distinguish between them is beneficial. Acknowledgements
Simon Doubleday has read many drafts of this article. To the extent that there is any clarity and nuance to the arguments presented here, it is thanks to his kind patience and attentiveness, and to the vigilance of the anonymous readers.

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