documented the disorder in 1760. In what stands as the firstdescription of hallucinatory phenomena in the scientific lit-erature,
Bonnet’s account relates a series of complex visualimages perceived by his then 89-year-oldgrandfather,Charles Lullin, who had cataract disease.
While awareof their illusory nature, Lullin perceived vivid images of people, birds, tapestries and buildings. It was recentlynoted
that Bonnet significantly underplayed the sophisti-cation of his grandfather’s hallucinations in his report.For instance, Lullin’s ‘women’ were actually young danc-ing girls ‘dressed in yellow silks with rose coloured ribbons,pearl collars, golden buckles, and diamond pendants’, andLullin’s ‘carriage’ was ‘a coach complete with drivers andhorses, expanded in correct proportion to the size of ahouse’.
Curiously, it seems that Bonnet himself experi-encedvisual hallucinations as his vision dimmed withage.
To this day, CBS is known for this very flavour of imagery, namely, extended landscapes, human and animalfigures and ornate structures. The term ‘pseudo-hallucina-tion’ is often strictly applied to indicate that the suffereris aware that the images are not real.
4. Categorisation of the images
Characterisation of the hallucinatory phenomena in CBShas previously been hampered by the limited number of published cases. Indeed, as few as 46 cases were countedin the literature from the time of Bonnet’s original descrip-tion up to as recently as 1989.
A 1996 case series by Teu-nisse et al.,
still the largest to date, sheds significant lighton the clinical spectrum of CBS. Characteristics of theimages reported by the 63 patients, drawn from 505 individ-uals with visual impairment secondary to eye disease, variedgreatly in terms of colour, movement, clarity and bizarre-ness. Specific examples featured a dragon, a shining angel,and a humorous police arrest played out in miniature. Asis typical, additional sensory phenomena such as auditoryand olfactory hallucinations were invariably absent. Thewide range of visual hallucinations experienced in CBS issimilarly reflected in case studies.
extrapolating the earlier clinical observations of Klu-ver,
classified their patients’ hallucinations into eightcategories: tessellopsia (regular, overlapping patterns);hyperchromatopsia; prosopometamorphopsia (facial dis-tortion); dendropsia (branching forms); perseveration; illu-sory visual spread; polyopia; and micro/macropsia. Ourpatients’ visual experiences match this system of classifica-tion quite well: tessellopsia (cobwebs, rows of trees); hyper-chromatopsia (caterpillars, kaleidoscopes, bright redvehicles, gold chariots); prosopometamorphopsia (gro-tesque faces, extraterrestrial-like heads); dendropsia (vines,roads); polyopia (ant colonies, wooden palings); micropsia(trains, push-bikes, fairies); and macropsia (greyhounds,nurses’ heads). The clinical validity of this method of imagecategorisation is yet to be established but, as later discussed,it does go some way in respecting the known specialisationof the visual association cortex.
5. The patient’s perspective
The images of CBS tend to appear within theboundariesof the negative scotoma in the partially sighted.
The pre-dominantly central projection of imagery in patients withAMD is in keeping with the central field loss typical of macular disease. Dimly lit conditions, states of drowsinessand physical isolation, and circumstances of relative socialisolation have been noted as factors favouring the recur-rence of hallucinations.
Conversely, rapid blinking, sus-tained eye closure, diversionary activities, or simplywalking away may relieve them.
Sufferers typically regardthemselves as the onlooker, and it is unusual for them tofeel as though they are part of the panorama. The first pa-tient’s impression of being invited to tour the hospitalgrounds by fairies might therefore be considered atypical.However, it is clear that she was initially drawn in by thelife-like nature of the images. This initial deception is notuncommon
and patients do ultimately appreciate thatthe visions are not real. Despite this, sufferers are generallyreluctant to report the problem for fear of being labelledmad.
Indeed, patients with CBS have been erroneouslyadmitted to psychiatric institutions on one level,
whileon another, have had their experiences dismissed as ‘silly’by medical practitioners.
6. Prevalence and confounders in CBS
Reluctance by sufferers to disclose their hallucinatoryexperiences, along with the relative lack of awareness of the condition in general medical circles, has led to the sus-picion that prevalence estimates of CBS are spuriously low.Estimates have rangedwidely from 0.4% to 63% in thevisually impaired.
A clearer view of the epidemiol-ogy is also hamstrung by sub-specialty recruitment bias,prevalence findings varying across the disciplines of geriat-ricmedicine, neurology, ophthalmology, and psychia-try.
Elements of this bias might relate topotentially different pathogenetic contributions made byacuity loss vis-a`-vis field loss in defining CBS risk. The rel-ative import of the ageing brain on the genesis of hallucina-tions is also unclear. Mean age of onset data from largerseries demonstrate clustering across the eighth and ninthdecades.
The Mini Mental State Exam score, usedas evidence against dementia in many CBS studies, may notdetect subtler higher order cognitive deficits. De Morsierhimself stressed the potential contribution of age to syn-drome onsetand de-emphasised visual loss as a diagnosticpre-requisite.
Indeed, the man who coined the syndromelater confessed that it was never his intention to link thesymptoms to eye disease. De Morsier argued until his deaththat his later reference to CBS as a ‘senile syndrome withlesions of the eyes’was misconstrued but the connectionhad already stuck.
It seems then that the eponym wasfraught with confusion from the outset.A further confounding factor in regard to the prevalencedata is the manner in which sight-impaired patients are
C. Plummer et al. / Journal of Clinical Neuroscience 14 (2007) 709–714
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