Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Kádár, Communism and Hungary (London: I.B. Tauris, 2006), in The American
Historical Review, vol. 112, no. 4, (2007): pp. 1280-1283.
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How is it possible that the man who swore in 1956 to fight Soviet tanks with his
bare hands and hours later agreed to serve as quisling for a post-invasion regime in
crimes to facilitate his execution, could in 1999 be voted the greatest Hungarian of
the twentieth century and third greatest Hungarian of the entire millennium? How
is it possible that a bastard child, born into poverty, with only eight years of
elementary education, could become the post powerful Hungarian communist leader
for three decades? In A Good Comrade: János Kádár, Communism and Hungary,
Roger Gough shows readers how. Gough, Research Director at the London-based
think tank Policy Exchange, explains how Kádár, born János Csermanek, lived for
the first six years of his life with a foster family, because his mother, a Slovak
peasant (Borbála Csermanek), could not support him. His father refused to
Budapest, he never quite fit in, appearing awkward to city and provincial kids alike.
Blacklisted from his job as a typewriter mechanic at age 14, Csermanek suffered
underground communist movement, which gave him a larger cause and identity.
His illiterate mother and bastardy did not trouble his egalitarian comrades (p. 12).
The author does not state this explicitly, but perhaps due to the lack of a higher,
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right. These two factors, opportunism and loyalty to a larger cause helped Kádár
history taught Kádár key lessons and catapulted him to power, namely five stints in
(1940), and the end of World War II. During his first experience of torture in 1931-
1932, he betrayed his fellow communist prisoners, thinking he had no choice (p. 12).
Afterwards he was ostracized; they didn’t trust him. From this mistake - and his
Csermanek’s political isolation ended when Matyás Rákosi, whom he met in 1937 in
the Csillag jail in Szeged, condoned the younger man’s “honest mistake” (p. 14). In
Csermanek was available to perform tasks in the underground again and to serve as
a liaison with the legal Social Democrats. In 1945, Csermanek became one of the ten
rather than ideology, economics, or agriculture. He identified strict control over the
police force as the party’s key task (p. 26). When instructed by Rákosi to interrogate
László Rajk, whom Kádár envied and resented for taking his job as Budapest
Secretary, Kádár had no qualms (p. 35). Only later, when confronted
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with the “physical reality” of what his “specious justifications” entailed, did Kádár
feel guilt; he was allegedly seen vomiting after witnessing the execution (p. 46).
Eighteen months later, Kádár himself was imprisoned for the fifth time. Released in
1954, he still praised Rákosi, again exhibiting his loyalty to a larger cause (p. 67). In
chapters 7 and 8, in which Gough provides a useful day-by-day account of the Soviet
and Hungarian decision-making process in 1956, we see Kádár at the height of his
opportunism. Kádár agreed with Prime Minister Imre Nagy on the need for a full
break with the old Rákosi-Gerő regime after he was appointed the new First
Secretary on October 30, 1956. Chosen suddenly by the Soviet elite to head a
harsher, post-invasion regime, knowing the intervention had already been launched,
Kádár succumbed to a combination of fear and ambition. His belief in party unity
and loyalty to the USSR prevailed. He certainly would not “opt for martyrdom” like
Nagy. As Gough writes, “To view siding with the Soviet Union as a betrayal is to use
a moral calculus alien to Kádár…[T]here was nothing in his thinking that made
Soviet intervention wrong in itself ” (p. 97). As he later warned Alexander Dubček in
1968, Nagy himself had not been a “counter-revolutionary,” but had been
“overtaken by events” (p. 164). Although initially acting as Brezhnev’s “broker and
soft cop” in the 1968 crisis, in contrast to hardliners Ulbricht and Gomułka, Kádár
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Hungarian living standards were dependent on Soviet goodwill” (p. 169). Goulash
popularity by inter alia easing foreign trade restrictions, giving limited freedom to
the workings of the market, and allowing a limited number of small businesses to
operate in the services sector (p. 161). In contrast to the wasteful Ceauşescus of
Romania, Kádár was known for his modest lifestyle, probably stemming from his
poverty in childhood. All I want is “a bed of my own and shoes that don’t leak in the
winter” he once told his girlfriend Piroska (p. 15). Other factors contributing to
Ceauşescu), his sincere regret for the tragedy of 1956, especially regarding Nagy,
and his death just 3 weeks after the reburial of Nagy on June 16, 1989. Key
strengths of Gough’s biography include his lively writing style and extensive use of
documents from Hungarian and U.S. archives, memoirs, and personal interviews. In