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THE COLLECTION AND ELUCIDATION OF

VERNACULAR NAMES: OBSERVATIONS


ON SHAMBAA ETHNOBOTANY

Martin T. Walsh

School of African and Asian Studies, University of Sussex, U.K.

corrected version of a paper originally published in

East Africa Natural History Society Bulletin, 23 (2): 21-25

June 1993

{NB: the page numbers in this version do


not follow those of the published text}

current address:
kisutu@hotmail.com
EANHS Bulletin 23 (2), June 1993 1
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THE COLLECTION AND ELUCIDATION OF VERNACULAR


NAMES: OBSERVATIONS ON SHAMBAA ETHNOBOTANY

The following notes provide additional dictionary: which does not mean, of course,
comment to the list of Shambaa tree and that the remainder are wrong. There are, it
shrub names and their uses published by might be added, some differences in the
Jon Lovett (1992). The Shambaa (or transcription of Shambaa, and where
Shambala, also called Sambaa by some of necessary I have taken account of these.
their neighbours) are a Bantu speaking Some of the terms in the Sabuni list are
people who live in the Usambara evidently mistranscribed, e.g. "dwaiu" for
Mountains in North-east Tanzania. We are Sangai's mdwayu, "cherooti" for msheruti,
fortunate in already possessing more "mbakambaka" for mbwakambwaka, and
information on Shambaa ethnobotany than "mshiwhi" for mshihwi. It is also evident
for many East African people: in addition that a few of the terms given by Sabuni
to work by Fleuret (1979a; 1979b; 1980) on have been translated in part or whole from
different aspects of Shambaa plant Shambaa into Swahili: thus "mpiga
classification and use, there also exists a magasa" for the proper Shambaa mtoa-
cyclostyled dictionary of plant names in maghasa (literally "hand-clapper").
Shambaa and two closely related Sabuni's "mti wa paa" (Swahili "antelope
languages, Bondei and Zigua/Nguu tree", identified as Dovyalis abyssinica),
(Sangai, 1963). This dictionary gives well not present in Sangai, also seems to fall into
over 1,000 names (including cognates) in this category; likewise his "mweti misitu"
the three languages, together with their or "mweeti of the forest" (given as Rananea
botanical equivalents. Despite its melanophloeos), where the unqualified
comparatively modest size, the list Shambaa name mweeti (also mweleti) refers
reproduced by Lovett is an important to Rauvolfia caffra according to Sangai.
addition to the literature on Shambaa At the same time, 38 (or 83%) of the
ethnobotany, and in the following notes I 46 terms common to both lists are given
hope to indicate why this is so, as well as substantially similar (or overlapping)
make further observations about the botanical identifications, i.e. corresponding
Shambaa list and East African ethnobotany at the generic level. Again, this does not
in general. mean that the remainder are incorrect: this
The list comprises 53 names provided could only be established by further
by Mr Mgaa Sabuni, a resident of Mgwashi investigation. To the extent that they
village and forest guard at the University of corroborate one another, however, this does
Dar es Salaam's forest reserve at Mazumbai increase our confidence in the accuracy of
in the West Usambara Mountains, both lists. In one important respect, though,
Tanzania. Lovett remarks that subsequent the Sabuni list is much less complete than
users of Sabuni’s list (using different local the Sangai dictionary. Where only three
guides) have commented that it is not (6%) of the names in the former list are
wholly accurate and notes that there is given double identifications, more than half
obviously considerable local variation in of their equivalents in Sangai (24 of the 46,
the application of names to plants that are or 52%) are given two or more botanical
not commonly used. However, comparison equivalents, and in 63% of cases (15 out of
of the Shambaa terms in Sabuni’s list with 24) these multiple identifications are not
Sangai's (1963) dictionary reveals a high confined to a single genus. Thus msheruti,
degree of correspondence (and presumably mentioned above, is identified as both
accuracy). 46 (or 87%) of the 53 names in Philippia benguelensis and Pterolobium
Sabuni’s list can also be found in Sangai’s stellatum. In this respect the Sabuni list is
EANHS Bulletin 23 (2), June 1993 2
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not inaccurate: it is simply incomplete, of an unfamiliar plant with one they know
though this may help to explain why it has from their original home). In this way what
appeared inaccurate to other observers. begins as collective error can result in
Lovett suggests that local variation in linguistic variation.
the application of vernacular names to less
commonly used plants may explain the 2. Linguistic Variation. Where the names
apparent inaccuracy of Sabuni’s list. This for plants vary in a regular way from one
is, however, only one a number of possible location to another we can ascribe this to
explanations for the discrepancies in dialect differences. Dialects often form
naming which occur. These different continua of mutual intelligibility and it is
explanations can be grouped under four not always easy to draw hard and fast
main headings, as follows: boundaries between them. Whereas most
languages in East Africa have been
1. Informant error. There are different classified and described, at least in outline,
kinds of errors to be considered. One of the description of the dialects which
these is plain linguistic error, the comprise them is not as well advanced.
misquoting of a name by an informant or its Shambaa (or Shambala: the presence or
mistranscription by the recorder. The absence of /l/ varies according to dialect) is
translation of vernacular terms into Swahili no exception. Besha (1989) notes that the
(often for the benefit of a particular listener, Shambaa dialects have not been studied at
though sometimes as the unintended all, and for the purposes of her own
consequence of a more general process of analysis of the language provisionally
linguistic change) is a special and fairly distinguishes between three main varieties,
common case of this. The misidentification centring on Mlalo, Lushoto and Korogwe
of plants and misapplication of terms also respectively. Given the existence of such
undoubtedly occurs. Although it is not differences it is important for researchers or
difficult to find young informants from a their assistants to transcribe vernacular
rural background with a ready command of names as accurately as possible, and for the
more than 100 vernacular plant names, former to be aware of existing orthographic
knowledge of local vegetation and its uses conventions (which may conceal linguistic
clearly varies considerably between variation, as widespread use of standard
individuals according to a number of Kikuyu orthography does in central
factors (including age and sex), with Kenya). It is perhaps even more important
herbalists and similar specialists often for them to note relevant details about the
having the widest knowledge. It is also background of individual informants and
evident that this knowledge will vary from their speech. At the very least informants
one locality to another depending upon should be identified by their residence or
differences in the local vegetation: place of origin, as Lovett has done for
informants in an unfamiliar environment Mgaa Sabuni. Unfortunately, Sangai's
will be much more prone to making errors dictionary tells us nothing about his sources
than on their home ground. At the same or the dialects concerned, though the range
time, and in the absence of any standard of cognates in some cases might lead us to
other than common agreement, there may suspect that terms from a number of
also be borderline cases between erroneous different dialects are included. Thus
identification (beginning with individual Sabuni's "mula" (Parinari excelsa) is given
errors) and its possible consolidation into the following Shambaa variants by Sangai:
unorthodox opinion (which may develop muula, muwa, mbula and hula. Mula, with
into local orthodoxy). This process may a short or single vowel, is identified by
occur when a number of people move from Sangai as the Zigua version of the name,
one area to another, and consistently make though it is difficult to judge how reliable
the same mistakes of identification for the either his or Sabuni’s transcription is in this
same reasons (e.g. because of the similarity case. Another factor which can complicate
EANHS Bulletin 23 (2), June 1993 3
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this situation is bi- or multilingualism in superficial comparison of Digo with


different dialects and/or languages on the Swahili) to many of the plant names
part of informants. This may also give rise (Glover et al. 1969). Another, though less
to apparent discrepancies which are really common, source of alternative designations
normative aspects of linguistic variation. occurs when the same species has clearly
Again, only by carefully recording distinguishable forms: thus young and
vernacular names and noting down the mature Doum Palms (Hyphaene
relevant contextual information is it compressa) are given different names in
possible to determine whether or not this is many Bantu languages. Other linguistic
the case. The failure to take account of processes which may lead to the existence
linguistic variation is extremely common in of multiple designations have already been
the collection of ethnobotanical data and referred to above: these include bi- or
affects even the best-known languages, multilingualism and the adoption of names
including Swahili (see Walsh, 1992). from other languages, whether as a result of
direct borrowing or the social and linguistic
3. Multiple Designations. Everyday assimilation of the speakers of these
processes of linguistic change, incipient or languages.
otherwise, may also lead to a situation in
which the same plant (or group of plants) 4. Taxonomic Under-differentiation.
has one or more alternative names in the This is a frequently remarked feature of
same dialect. These often arise as vernacular taxonomies, especially when the
nicknames used to describe particular oral transmission of botanical knowledge is
features of the plant or its characteristic the rule. The same name may be applied to
uses. The best example of this in our more than one plant for different reasons.
sample is the number of different Shambaa The most common reason is because of the
names for Isoberlinia scheffleri given by perceived morphological similarity – and in
Sangai: mamba, mbaika (the "splitting some cases failure to recognise the
tree"), mfimbo ("stick tree"), mshembe- difference – between species which are
shembe (glossed as "grain by grain"), distinguished botanically (though not
msuke, and mtoa-maghasa ("clapping always easily so). Thus the Shambaa
hands"). The glosses given by Sangai make mkuyu, identified solely as Ficus sur in
it apparent that some of these are Sabuni’s list, is applied to at least three
nicknames, a number of them referring to other members of the same genus according
the explosive noise made by the ripe pods to Sangai (and likewise the cognate term in
of the tree when they burst. One of these other East African Bantu languages).
names, mbaika, is clearly cognate with the Similarly, mkumba describes at least three
Swahili name mbarika, which is said to be Macaranga species (M.capensis, M.conglo-
applied not just to I.scheffleri (the Shoe- merata and M.kilimandscharica according
sole Tree), but to any tree which makes this to Sangai), while mshai is applied to three
noise, including, the Lucky Bean or different species of Albizia (A.adianthi-
Mahogany Bean Tree, Afzelia quanzensis, folia, A.gummifera and A.schimperiana).
and the Castor Oil Plant, Ricinus communis Plants grouped together because of their
(Greenway, 1940: 51). The coining of morphological similarity need not, of
nicknames is clearly one of the forms of course, be members of the same genus or
linguistic innovation which can result in even family, according to the
multiple designations. A word of warning morphological criteria which are applied in
though: the interpretation of such names any particular case. Morphologically
usually requires a reasonable understanding dissimilar plants may also be described
of the language or dialect concerned. The together under the same name because they
standard dictionary of Digo ethnobotany, share similar cultural uses and functions: a
for example, is marred by the careless principle of classification which is very
ascription of meanings (derived from a different from the Linnaean. Examples of
EANHS Bulletin 23 (2), June 1993 4
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this principle being applied are difficult to Note


discern in Sangai’s dictionary because it In the absence of adequate reference
does not give detailed information on plant materials I have made no attempt to check
uses, though Sabuni’s list implies that or update the botanical names given by
Dicranolepsis usambarica and Peddiea Sangai (1963).
fischeri are called by the same Shambaa
name (mkisigizi) because their bark is used
in making similar kinds of ropes. It is References
likely, however, that many more examples Besha, R. M. 1989. A Study of Tense and
of the application of such functional criteria Aspect in Shambala. Berlin: Dietrich
can be found in Shambaa ethnobotany, Reimer Verlag.
broadly similar to those described for the Fleuret, A. K. 1979a. The Role of Wild
Mbeere of central Kenya by Riley and Foliage Plants in the Diet: A Case Study
Brokensha (1988). from Lushoto, Tanzania. Ecology of
Food and Nutrition, 8: 87-93.
There are therefore a range of possible Fleuret, A. K. 1979b. Methods for
explanations for the discrepancies between Evaluation of the Role of Fruits and
different lists such as those provided by Wild Greens in Shambaa Diet: A Case
Sabuni and other informants. In order to be Study. Medical Anthropology, 3: 249-
certain which explanation applies in a 269.
particular case, a lot more ethnobotanical Fleuret, A. K. 1980. Non-food Uses of
data has to be collected and published. Plants in Usambara. Economic Botany,
This is as true among the Shambaa, who 34: 320-333.
appear at first sight to have been well Glover, P. E., F. C. Magogo and Ali
served in this respect, as it is among other Bandari Hamisi 1969. A Digo-
peoples in East Africa. A single list from a Botanical-Digo Glossary from the
single informant, however well-informed, is Shimba Hills, Kenya. Nairobi: Kenya
clearly insufficient as a database, and only National Parks.
becomes valuable when it can be compared Greenway, P. J. 1940. A Swahili-Botanical-
with and evaluated against other lists, English Dictionary of Plant Names. Dar
collected from other informants in different es Salaam: Government Printer.
places and with the relevant details added. Lovett, J. C. 1992. Some Local Names and
The existence of a considerable body of Uses of Trees and Shrubs in the
information, such as that provided by University Forest Reserve at Mazumbai
Sangai, should not discourage further in the West Usambara Mountains,
research, but encourage the collection and Tanzania. EANHS Bulletin, 22 (2): 24-
publication of new data so that it can be 27.
checked and refined. As in the Shambaa Riley, B. W. and D. Brokensha 1988. The
case, this material can often be improved Mbeere in Kenya (Vol.II: Botanical
even further by more careful attention to Identities and Uses). Lanham:
the sociolinguistic context (which are the University Press of America.
dialects involved? where and from whom Sangai, G. R. W. 1963. Dictionary of
were different names recorded?) and the Native Plant Names in the Bondei,
elicitation of much more information on the Shambaa and Zigua Languages with
local uses of plants, as well as the details of their English and Botanical
how they are recognised and why they are Equivalents. Nairobi: East African
classified as they are. Readers should be Herbarium (cyclostyled).
encouraged, like Jon Lovett, to use the Walsh, M. T. 1992. Swahili Ethnobotany
EANHS Bulletin to publish material of this and Carved Doors. Azania, 27 (in
kind. press).
EANHS Bulletin 23 (2), June 1993 5
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__________________________________
Martin T. Walsh, P.O. Box 99187,
Mombasa, and School of African and
Asian Studies, University of Sussex,
Falmer, Brighton.

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