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north and (global) south or between the west and the rest. However, there are some scholars who
suggest that this is not enough. In search of a truly global understanding of postcolonialism, they
argue, more cases have to be taken into consideration. Most prominently the cases of post-Soviet
countries. This paper deals with one of these countries, Latvia, and finds that not only did the
Soviet occupation of more than 50 years constitute imperialist colonialism, but also that
postcolonial theory is a useful tool in explaining Latvia's way since the end of the occupation in
1990.
successful team and what is called a soccer mom in other countries is a hockey mom in Canada –
and it probably is. Far less so, however, than it is to Latvians. Every visitor to the country who
undertakes the effort to explore it aside from guided tours in Riga's old town and sketchy bars
populated by drunken British tourists, everybody who engages in a conversation with a Latvian
will hear about the most important moment in history since the country's independence. That is
neither its accession to NATO nor to the European Union, it is a hockey game. More precisely, it
is the Latvian national teams 3-2 victory over the Russian selection during the 2000 world
championships in St. Petersburg. Several factors made this game a moment of identification for
Latvians. First of all, hockey has always been a favorite sports for them. Thus winning against a
seemingly far stronger opponent is a memorable event. But this is not only on an athletic level a
David versus Goliath story, it is even more so on a meta level: Latvia beat their former
oppressor, still a veritable superpower in both the domains of sports and politics, on its home
turf.
There is, nevertheless, a sizable portion of Latvia's population to whom that moment is
not memorable at all – despite them being hockey fans, too. This is the Russian minority, which
constitutes 29.6 per cent of the Latvian population (2002 estimate) or, measured by the language,
even 37.5 per cent.1 As the relationship between the two major groups is tense, to say the least,
telling the two major groups apart is one of the first skills to be taught to newcomers to the
country. How can a country of about a tenth the size of Manitoba and just some two million
1 CIA World Factbook, “CIA – The World Factbook – Latvia,” Central Intelligence Agency, https://www.cia.gov/
library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/lg.html (accessed April 7, 2009).
years (certainly from the 13th century onwards), it was controlled by a foreign power. Although
“the fate of the future Latvian and Estonian peoples in the middle ages was one of
straightforward conquest and colonization,”4 giving each and every year proper consideration
would be far beyond the scope of this essay. Latvians themselves half-jokingly state that there
probably have been more European countries that once had a stake in its politics than those who
did not.5 Ironically enough, though, the brief stints of relative independence from foreign rule
have been used to exert rule over others. During the 17th century, small Courland – one of the
kingdoms predating Latvia and namesake for modern-day Latvia's province Kurzeme – got
involved in overseas colonialism. Two colonies were set up in Tobago and West Africa, with the
latter one lasting for a mere ten years until the British took over.6 The colony in Tobago,
however, existed for more than fifty years and left traces behind in both places, the Kourland
Bay on the Caribbean island7 and a tourist-trap casino named Tobago in Riga's historical old
town.
2 Ibid.
3 Anatol Lieven, The Baltic Revolution. Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania and the Path to Independence (New Haven,
London: Yale University Press, 1993): 40.
4 Ibid. 46.
5 A sentiment supported by Lieven, who states: “For two hundred years, religious faith as well as lust for conquest
drew crusaders from many parts of Europe to fight for a season or so in the Baltic.” (Lieven, The Baltic
Revolution: 42.)
6 Klemens Ludwig, Lettland (München: CH Beck, 2000): 40.
7 Ibid.
European countries, the concept of nationalism gained traction during the 19 th century. Given the
non-existence of a Latvian state before, attempts at nation-building were foremost cultural, not
political (although, as Lieven states, in such a setting the cultural is inherently political8). Thus,
hoping for protection against their earlier German masters, early Latvian nationalists pursued
rather a status of full autonomy within the Russian empire than full-fledged independence.9
One of the driving factors towards cultural unity and nationhood was song – which was to
folk festivals and drawing upon earlier peasant folk songs and legends, which “were, to all
intents and purposes, the essence of Latvian [...] culture,”10 the 1873 great national folk festival
was a “political as well as cultural event(s) of the first importance, the culmination of a decades-
was Krisjanis Barons, who collected and published dainas, traditional Latvian folk songs and
thus prevented them from being forgotten. His vast collection spanned some 1.5 million dainas,
out of which a collection of 217,996 were published around the turn of the century. 12 The extent
to which these dainas were (and are) part of the very fabric of Latvian culture is illustrated by the
fact that this extensive collection still lacked contributions from a sizable portion of the
country.13 Another prerequisite towards nationhood was forging the different Baltic dialects
within the territory into a single national language. Although this as well was helped by song and
the collection of Dainas, it took Latvia longer than its fellow Baltic states and it had finally
8 Lieven, The Baltic Revolution, 51.
9 Ibid.
10 Ibid. 111.
11 Ibid. 110.
12 Latviesu folkloras kratuve, “Latvju Dainas,” LFK, http://www.lfk.lv/1894_eng.html (accessed April 6, 2009).
13 Cf. ibid.
pride in their Latgalean, even claiming it is a language of its own (although it can easily be
understood by other Latvians). The struggle for nationhood intensified in the early 20th century
and the Latvians, together with Lithuanians and Estonians, seized their chance when at the end of
World War I both their main previous masters, the Russian and German empires, collapsed. The
former Livonian and Latgalean provinces were incorporated into an independent Latvia with the
Latvia could start unhindered nationbuilding efforts. There was a lot to do, as Latvia had never
been a fully sovereign state, save a democracy as it now aspired to be. The Baltics “needed to
reform their social, economic and political structures to conform to their new status as nation-
states.”16 At least economically Latvia was in a comparatively good position, despite the
necessity of a huge land reform, as it was more urbanized than, for example, Lithuania.17 This
also meant that it had historically been a part of capitalist Europe and possessed relevant
experiences, for example some basic banking personnel.18 Latvia was even able to weather the
great depression fairly well, coming out of it as one of Europe's most successful states. 19 (They
have not, however, been able to repeat this feat in the ongoing recession, where the Latvian
Socially and politically, however, thing went less smoothly. Although all three Baltic
states started out with democratic, parliamentary systems, none of them were in place anymore
by 1934. They were, as Lieven puts it, “too democratic for their own good.”21 When president
Karlis Ulmanis seized power, the country had seen 16 governments come and go and the
population, although grudgingly, accepted the now (mildly) authoritarian government.22 Still to
this day Ulmanis is a hero to Latvians, who refer to his authoritarian ways with a shrug and a
comment like “Well, that's the way it was done everywhere back then.”
However, just as Baltic democracy, Baltic independence was not made to last in the first
half of the 20th century. With the outbreak of World War II the Baltic nations' fate was sealed, as
they were in the way of both Nazi Germany's expansionism to the east and Soviet Russia's
expansionism to the west. It was on August 23rd, 1939, that the Soviet-German non-aggression
treaty, better known as the Molotov-Ribbentrop-Pact. This very pact included a secret protocol
regarding the signing parties' spheres of influence in the Baltic region.23 The line that should
separate the two parties was the Polish-Lithuanian border. Moscow did not waste any time, and
by the end of September Latvia had capitulated.24 Despite the occupation coming to place
without a single shot being fired,25 peace (or, given the nature of the Soviet occupation, “absence
of war”) should not last long, for the Germans broke their treaty with the Soviet Union. Already
20 Dw-world.de: “Latvia: Europes Most Extreme, Dramatic Economy,” Deutsche Welle, http://www.dw-
world.de/dw/article/0,,4025197,00.html (accessed April 11, 2009).
21 Lieven, The Baltic Revolution: 64.
22 Cf. Ibid. 65-66.
23 Ibid. 79.
24 Ibid.
25 Ibid. 80.
Just a few years later, in 1944, with German defeat imminent, the Soviets were back. 27 This time,
As will be shown, most of Said's elements of imperialism and colonialism apply to the
situation of the Baltic states during the reign of the Soviet Union over them, with Latvia being
quite possibly the most clear-cut case thereof. The most disputable point is probably the most
basic point as well: were the Baltics “a distant territory” ruled by a “dominating metropolitan
center”? The Baltic, especially the parts that evolved into Latvia and Estonia, have always
maintained close ties to Russia as described above – and geographically they are everything but
distant. More significantly, they can be described as a metropolitan center as well. This is
especially true for Latvia, with its capital Riga being colloquially known as “the metropolis that
26 Ibid. 86.
27 Ibid. 87.
28 Edward W. Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York: Vintage Books, 1993): 9.
having been an important member of the Hanseatic League with trade ties reaching all over
Europe.29 A city so important for its region that it provoked admiring folk songs from Latvians
and jealous bad-mouthing from neighbors such as the Lithuanians30 (another sign for the
traditional mutual dislike of the Baltic peoples towards each other,31 but an investigation into this
would provide for at least another essay.) However, Riga is not traditionally a Latvian city, not
being founded by Latvians and having had a German majority through most of its existence.32
Taking this and the historically mostly peasant nature of Latvia into consideration, Said's basic
indicator of imperialism.
The evidence for a colonization of Latvia according to this definition is easier to provide.
Not only do numerous scholars, such as Violeta Kelertas33 or Romuald Misiunas34 referto it in
this way, but the establishment of settlements required by Said can easily be identified in the
profound russification policies during the Soviet occupation. Between 1939 and 1980 the Latvian
share of the country's population dropped sharply from 75.5 per cent to 53.5 per cent, 35 with the
numbers being even closer for 1990.36 Soviet russification policies were based upon two tactics,
deportation of Latvians and immigration of Russians (or, to a lower degree, other Russian-
speakers). Solzhenitsyn provides an bone-chilling account of the purges the Soviets under Stalin
His writings former illustrate that the Gulag system was one of dual use, a tool of
domination and terror as described in above quote as much as a way to acquire cheap labor:
The economic need manifested itself, as always, openly and greedily; for
the stat which had decided to strengthen itself in a very short period of
time [...] and which did not require anything from outside, the need was
manpower:
Together with his grueling accounts of mistreatment, terror and miserable living
conditions I the Gulags, this is eerily reminiscent of another phenomenon that oftentimes
37 Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, The Gulag Archipelago. An Experiment in Literary Investigation I-II (New York:
Harper & Row, 1973): 77.
38 Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, The Gulag Archipelago. An Experiment in Literary Investigation III-IV (New York:
Harper & Row, 1974): 143.
country the size of Latvia the loss of citizens caused by deportation to the Gulag system is easily
on a demographically relevant scale. For example, about a tenth of all Latvian farmers were
deported in order to push forward collectivization.39 During the first post-war deportation wave
from 1945 to 1946 about 60,000 are believed to have been displaced to Siberia. 40 Another large
deportation wave hit Latvia in March 1949 brought about 50,000 Latvians to Siberia in the
matter of just a few days.41 This left the Latvian society in a state of shock, as Solzhenitsyn
described, and on top achieved two more goals. It delivered a massive push for the Soviet efforts
collectivized farm. Collectivization also helped to quell resistance to Soviet occupation, as the
guerrillas so far active within the countryside were antagonized to the farm population, which
used to support them. Collectivized farms were seen by the guerrilla as Soviet property, thus they
helped themselves to it. Slowly, “the Freedom Fighters started to fit the 'bandit' label the
occupation forces tried to pin to them.”43 The devastating effects of the deportations did not
cease with the return of most of the displaced after Stalin's death in the fifties, rather was the
opposite the case, as they came back to a country now alien to them with their homes most likely
Regarding to the definition of empire as a relationship Said quotes Doyle with,44 the
situation in Soviet Latvia is just as clear cut. The political domination of the Latvian polity by the
Soviets is beyond any doubt, and it has been implemented using not just by a selection of the
39 Romuald Misiunas, The Baltic States: 102.
40 Ibid. 73
41 Ibid. 99.
42 Ibid. 102.
43 Ibid. 93.
44 Said, Culture and Imperialism: 9.
but dependence on the political, economic or social levels still remains, with evidence for them
being plenty as well. Political collaboration came by the way of installing a puppet regime in the
Latvian SSR, economic dependence was instilled through Soviet-style industrialization and
collectivization and social and cultural dependencies were created through migration and a far
As Latvia became the Latvian Socialist Soviet Republic (SSR), its previously republican
(although in the last years increasingly authoritarian) system was replaced by a government
following the Soviet-Russian example, which incorporated ethnic Latvians mostly in relatively
powerless positions to give the appearance of a proper Latvian government whilst maintaining a
maximum of control for Moscow. Prime example for this was the Supreme Council or
parliament, which even during the Stalin era was predominantly Latvian. 45 Within the Supreme
Council, the Latvian population was even statistically overrepresented.46 However, this is rather
witness to its powerlessness than to anything else (although it should become important later on,
during the struggle for independence). The more powerful positions, however, were held –
especially under Stalin – by Russians or Russian Latvians, who emigrated to Russia years before
the annexion, as “the Soviet rulers clearly distrusted anyone who had not undergone the 20 years
This political domination through (selective) collaboration went hand in hand with the
creation of cultural dependence in accordance to Said, who states that “the two (spheres) are not
at Russification and their languages young age, fared comparatively well in the preservation of
their mother tongue, even better than some western European peoples.49 Still, it was at the mercy
of their Soviet masters and a close call, as “if it (the Soviet occupation) had continued for another
generation the Baltic languages and cultures might have been damaged beyond repair.”50 Thus it
is clear that the Soviets had a major cultural impact in Latvia. This impact can still be seen
nowadays, most clearly perhaps in the architecture of Riga. The stark contrast between the Black
Head's Guild and the Museum of the Occupation of Latvia might be the most telling example: on
the one hand there is the Guild, an impressive, intricately decorated medieval building that can
easily be seen as the most beautiful piece of architecture in Old Riga, which is not a small feat,
given that the whole of the old town made it onto UNESCO's list of world heritage sites. And
then there is, just a couple of meters away, the museum. Built in Soviet times to commemorate
the Latvian Red Riflemen, it is a huge black block in the middle of the square. It not only seems
out of place in its surrounding, but is outright ugly by itself. Another sight visualizing the extent
to which the Soviet occupation exerted an influence on Latvia is the Soviet Freedom Memorial.
The structure, depicting fighting Red Armists and dominated by five huge, star-shaped columns
symbolizing the five years of World War II, commemorates Latvia's liberation from German
occupation by the Soviets. It was constructed to oppose Milda, Latvia's national memorial
celebrating the country's first independence, and is located just about two kilometers down the
same street and, most importantly, quite a bit larger. Nowadays it is the prime spot to see Soviet-
era nostalgics on Soviet remembrance days – and is, little surprise there, quite disputed, as many
power backward in time, giving it a history and legitimacy that only tradition and longevity
could impart.”51 The museum by paying homage to a group of Latvians that played a central role
in the Russian revolution, and the memorial by redefining conquest as liberation. Thus both of
them instill a sense of the two nations belonging together, having stood up for each other (which
leads to Solzhenitsyn feeling little remorse for Latvians, as “they had sown the seed
themselves.”52).
The political, cultural and social dependence was complimented by economic reforms. In
abolished in the remaining economy as well and the industry remodeled to serve Soviet needs.
Whilst during Latvian independence and the Soviet isolation trade with Russia almost came to a
standstill,53 after the anexion the Soviets quickly turned the rather well-developed Latvian
economy towards supplying the empire's needs again.54 In doing so, they followed multiple
goals:
Thus, economic change proved to act upon the other elements of Soviet imperialism as
well – an imperialist feedback loop was created. The economic outcomes of this equaled those in
other colonies: while many goods were produced in the country, it was itself very scarce of just
the same consumer goods.56 The economy was completely geared towards the need of the
There remain, however, more questions about the colonial nature of the Soviet enterprise
in the Baltics, such as the commonly perceived backwardness of the Russian culture in
comparison to its more western counterparts, or the socialist-communist pretext under which it
was exercised,57 but I take the liberty to discard of those, as attitudes and intentions fade in the
face of the deed – they do not matter for those on the receiving end. For them it looked like
colonization, felt like colonization and sounded like colonization, so it shall be colonization for
55 Ibid.
56 Ibid. 109.
57 David Chioni Moore: “Is the Post- in Post-Colonial the Post- in Post-Soviet? Towards a Global Postcolonial
Critique,” PMLA 116 No.1 (January, 2001): 122.
established, another question comes to mind: “Is the Post- in Post-Colonial the Post- in Post-
Soviet?” In her article of the same title, David Chioni Moore addresses fellow scholars of post-
She addresses an important problem there: so far, post-colonialism has been understood
as a state of affairs applying to the global south, regarding the relationship between the western
metropolis and the Oriental periphery, shortly as a matter of complexions. However, there
evidently was colonialism within the Soviet Union – colonialism between European nations,
between exactly the metropolitan centers that usually are seen as being on the giving, not the
receiving side. Can the theories that are useful in the traditional context also explain the cases of
colonialism between Europeans? Are they truly global? As Moore demonstrates with the
58 Ibid. 112.
Chaucer lived at a time when England was a relatively poor margin off
Europe's northwest shore, and England's elite culture had been heavily
Latinized and Frenchified since the Norman Conquest. And so, Chaucer
asked, do I write in a foreign, formerly colonial, transnational Romance
tongue, thereby guaranteeing international and local-elite readers and
participating in a rich, old, but largely external tradition? Or do I write in
the vernacular, "my" language, of narrower geographic compass and
socially lower, principally oral use? A similar dilemma for Ngugi and
Chaucer,but only Ngugi is today called postcolonial, while Chaucer is
perceived to stand at the head of a colonizer's literary history.59
definition refers to countries “with a former subjugated relation to Western powers.”60 This
includes, on the one hand, Western countries such as Canada or the United States (as they were
English colonies) in the post-colonial, but leaves out peoples like the Khoisan in South Africa,
which had been colonized by other African peoples even before the arrival of Europeans. 61 Thus,
in her opinion, to which I confer, the term post-colonial has to be extended. The inclusion of the
post-Soviet states is necessary, she states, because “of how extraordinarily postcolonial the
societies of the former Soviet regions are, and, second how extraordinarily little attention is paid
to this fact, at least in these terms.”62 Also drawing from Moore, Karlis Racevskis comes to the
notion, that despite the clear colonial nature of the Soviet enterprise, “any casal perusal of the
literature [...] will fail to uncover any mention of the Baltics, or, for that matter, of the Soviet
59 Ibid. 112-113.
60 Ibid. 113.
61 Cf. ibid.
62 Ibid. 114.
literary works.”64 To achieve this end, the traditional approach towards post-soviet societies has
to be scrapped, as “the distinctions between socialism and capitalism, left and right, that
What matters more – and is unique to the post-soviet states including the Baltics – is that
they were “not only the subjects of colonialism but of a totalitarian colonialism.” 66
Totalitarianism is, as witnessed by Hannah Arendt, immensely destructive towards the human
mind. Recording the futility of this destruction is one way of coping with it, it is a survival
strategy. The probably most impressive document of this regarding to the Soviet Union is
Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's magnum opus The Gulag Archipelago – far more than a thousand
pages strong, he frantically recorded his own time within the system and its large extent from
every perspective available to him. He, as well, claims to have had no choice but to record his
experience:
But the proverb goes on to say: “Forget the past and you'll lose both
eyes.”67
63 Karlis Racevskis, “Toward a Postcolonial Perspective on the Baltic States,” in: Kelertas, Baltic Postcolonialism:
166.
64 Ibid. 166.
65 Ibid. 174.
66 Ibid. 173.
67 Solzhenitsyn, The Gulag Archipelago I-II: x.
and the collection of evidence have “become a national project.”68 However, there is a surprising
silence: “the failure of scholars specializing in the former Soviet-controlled lands to think of their
regions in the useful if by no means perfect postcolonial terms developed by scholars of, say,
Indonesia and Gabon.”69 Indeed, she claims, it has even been denied expressis verbis.70
According to Racevskis, postcolonial theory “might even offer a useful perspective on the
current economic and cultural situation”71 in the Baltics. Although exploration of the economic
situation does not seem to be an especially worthwhile endeavor in the time of a global economic
crisis that has basically crippled the Latvian economy, culture still remains available as an object
of analysis. Contemporary Latvian culture has much potential for postcolonial analysis.
Especially language sticks out in this regard, as it is of quite some concern for Latvians these
days. Latvian radio, for example, broadcasts advertisements not to use the word “okay,” but
instead the Latvian word “labi,” which literally translates to “good.” And unlike other small
countries, television in Latvia does not provide Latvian subtitles for foreign, English-language
programming (although Russian ones are common), but instead features a rather sketchy voice-
over with, at best, one male and one female speaker covering all the roles. Literally everything is
Latvianized, from movie titles (where Mr. And Mrs. Smith become Smids kungs un Smidsa
kundze) to personal names (on residence permit, my name read Kārstens Kēferts), as it is
mandated by a law following the French one to the same effect. The fear of a loss of language
implied by this is indeed very real. Many times I discussed this with Latvian friends, they voiced
near future. This is likely due to Latvian experience with attempts at the country's culture.
As Racevskis quotes literary historian Karl Hinrihs, “For over sixty years, natives of
Latvia have endured the effects of this cultural bomb.”73 That they now have to recover from this
“war waged in the arena of language”74 seems perfectly natural. As does the over-protectionism
that arises out of it – although its consequences pose new questions. As a reminder, more than a
third of the population of Latvia identifies Russian as their mother tongue, and many of those,
especially the generations born before the second independence, do not speak any Latvian. It is
understandable that they now feel pushed aside and are not very inclined to cheer for the Latvian
hockey team. Latvians have to be careful not to employ the cultural bomb against their Russian
72 Ngu~gi wa Thiong'o, Decolonizing the Mind. As quoted in: Racevskis, Toward: 179.
73 Ibid. 180.
74 Ibid.
75 Jamaica Kincaid, A Small Place (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1988): 80-81.
Lieven, Anatol. The Baltic Revolution: Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia and the Path to Indepence.
Misiunas, Romuald J. The Baltic States : years of dependence, 1940-1990. Berkeley: University
Said, Edward W. Culture and Imperialism. New York: Vintage Books (1993).
April 6, 2009).
David Chioni Moore. “Is the Post- in Postcolonial the Post- in Post-Soviet? Toward a Global
Postcolonial Critique.” PMLA, Vol. 116, No. 1, Special Topic: Globalizing Literary
Kincaid, Jamaica. A Small Place. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1988.