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Epilogue:Directions for the Future
The purpose of this work has been to illustrate why space powerhas become inseparable from all other forms of terrestrial power, andto assert that both by itself, and in conjunction with other forms of terrestrial influence and power, space power is necessary for themaintenance of national power.But even provided that this argument has been successfullyadvanced, there remain two important, unanswered questions. First,how does a spacefaring nation attain or (in the case of the UnitedStates) maintain preeminence in space? And secondly, how does aspace power use that strength for national purposes?After all, Mahan insisted that preeminence on the sea rested upona nation’s acquisition and maintenance of a large, concentrated battlefleet. Douhet prescribed a large air force of “Battle Planes” or bombersto gain, or maintain, dominance of the air. What then is the hardwareblueprint for space superiority? It is not yet weapons, nor is it anyparticular type of spacecraft, or any specified space-related system.For the time being, it is probably as simple as assured access. Thedefinition of space power in the first chapter of this book is a goodprescription for the near term, but time will change this prescription.As with much of the previous discussion regarding space power,what follows focuses primarily on the United States and pertains tothe current state of its national politics and economy. Most of thisdiscussion may be applied, however, to other existing or would-bespacefaring nations as it is (1) general in nature, and (2) represents anenvironment that is increasingly being seen throughout the world.That is, the democratization of national politics and the merging of 
 
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Epilogue: Directions for the Future
national economies into a global infrastructure. For this reason, it isreasonable to assume that a future or aspiring space power will likelyface many of the same concerns regarding national debate,organizational matters, economic realities, and global restrictions, thatthe United States faces today.As the world’s premier space power, the current preeminence theUnited States enjoys is due to something less than the realization of amaster plan. Rather, it is more a matter of serendipity, in combinationwith several well-thought-out policies.And, though its space power is unquestionable, there is greatdanger in the present position of the United States. That dangercomes not in the form of an adversary or even competition, butrather self-contentment and self-congratulation. One of the primaryreasons for the United States’ present comfortable situation is therigorous competition furnished by the Soviet Union, which providedthe impetus for developing a sophisticated US space capability(bluntly, the USSR kept the US space industry “running scared” fordecades). The Soviet Union has since dropped from the race, leavingits successor, Russia, to cope with an unaffordably huge spaceindustrial base but without sufficient funds to maintain full use of itscapacity.
How Can We Decide What We Must Do?
Space has been described previously in this work as an arena muchmore volatile and unstable than any previously known medium.Space technologies and designs have proven to be more short-livedthan those of the early years of aviation. This means that policydecisions, no matter how well based upon sound reasoning, arequickly outdated, yet tend to remain in effect through bureaucraticinertia.This means that flexibility, innovation and open-mindedness arerequired not only from the scientists, engineers, and techniciansinvolved in the space program, but others as well. Government policymakers, legislators, and judges must also be made to understand thatyesterday’s solutions may be incorrect for today’s emergingtechnologies.
 
 
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Perhaps even more importantly, there must be an understandingthat space is the wrong arena to be accommodating and willing to letnonparticipants have an important role in the development of law andpolicy. The impediments caused by once innocent passage in spacetreaties described previously are proof of the pace of change.Enthusiasm for today’s, or even tomorrow’s, solutions must betempered with the knowledge that tomorrow’s wrong choice was theone that seemed so obviously correct yesterday. Yet decisions cannotbe avoided, and a slow, cautious approach may be as wrong a policyof space activity as may be a headlong rush.Like the language and policies of space treaties, prescriptions foraction are likely to soon become so outmoded as to be of little otherthan historical value in just a decade or so. Also, they are all too oftenprescriptions exclusively for government, which neglect the fact thatthough government must necessarily be part the environment thatsupports national space power, it is no longer the sole actor nor,perhaps, even the most important.A list of prescribed actions would then have to include all of thecontributors to space power and national security, which have beendiscussed in preceding chapters.Not too long ago, an operational antisatellite capability onceseemed to be an absolute requirement for the United States to countera militaristic use of space systems by the Soviet Union. Today, a robustresearch program may suffice to meet a threat not currently manifestin space. This brings us back once again to the central point of thisdiscussion. If lists and formulas make little sense, what then must anation do to gain or maintain preeminence in space?To begin with, there must be an understanding that space is morethan a place to stage spectacularly entertaining events. We mustconstruct a national consensus about space exploitation and aboutexploration for curiosity and for future exploitation. Space is amedium that requires serious, methodical exploration to develop thedetails of commercially beneficial discoveries.Exploration must also include those activities that lead to a betterunderstanding of the history of the universe, our solar system, and thedevelopment of life on our planet. By exercising the knowledge wegain from space, we do more than satiate our curiosity or provide
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