Welcome to Scribd. Sign in or start your free trial to enjoy unlimited e-books, audiobooks & documents.Find out more
Download
Standard view
Full view
of .
Look up keyword
Like this
1Activity
0 of .
Results for:
No results containing your search query
P. 1
Grant Farred: Not the Moment After, but the Moment Of

Grant Farred: Not the Moment After, but the Moment Of

Ratings:
(0)
|Views: 145|Likes:
Published by TigersEye99
In the most profound sense of the political, which is to say, as the concentrated, enduring formation of the state’s power, we might say that Lumumba, founder (and later president) of the Mouvement National Congolais in 1958, ontologizes the Congo, ontologizes the “revolutionary Congo” for anti- and newly postcolonial Africa—as he did Zaire, the “fallen” state of the Congo, as he does the ever-fracturing, ever-fractious Democratic Republic of the Congo.
In the most profound sense of the political, which is to say, as the concentrated, enduring formation of the state’s power, we might say that Lumumba, founder (and later president) of the Mouvement National Congolais in 1958, ontologizes the Congo, ontologizes the “revolutionary Congo” for anti- and newly postcolonial Africa—as he did Zaire, the “fallen” state of the Congo, as he does the ever-fracturing, ever-fractious Democratic Republic of the Congo.

More info:

Categories:Types, Research
Published by: TigersEye99 on Jun 10, 2013
Copyright:Attribution Non-commercial

Availability:

Read on Scribd mobile: iPhone, iPad and Android.
download as PDF, TXT or read online from Scribd
See more
See less

10/17/2013

pdf

text

original

 
Grant Farred
Not the Moment After, but the Moment Of 
An here’s the mutny I prmse yuAn here’s the party t turne nt.—The New Prngraphers, “Mutny, I Prmse Yu,”2007Ths s the age  revlutn; the “age  nference”s gne rever.—Al Glly, ntructn t Frantz Fann’s
A Dying Colonialism 
T
en weeks, that s hw lng t laste. Ten bre weeks, that s all t tk t peaceully gan anthen brutally lse pwer. T lse the revlutn’sle. An, as V. I. Lenn remne us, “The nlyprblem s the prblem  pwer,” s lsngpwer s, nevtably, catastrphc.1 The prb-lem  lsng pwer s that t s a saster thatextens well beyn the nvuals r vanguar-sts wh make the revlutn—extens beynthe “pwerul,” thse wh have, as t were, pwert lse. I, n Jhn Ree’s estmatn, t was “tenays that shk the wrl,” t seems that n thseearly-twenteth-century struggles t was a lngten ays, “ten ays” that ar exceee the actualtme. Ree, r Lenn an Trtsky’s Octber Rev-lutn, was, arguably, llwng Alan Bau’sngng struggle t unerstan an mark the
South Atlantic Quarterly 
08:3, Summer 2009doi 0.25/00382876-2009-009 © 2009 Duke Unversty Press
 
582
 
Grant Farred 
precise time o the twentieth century, ten days that dened the twentiethcentury: rom 1917 to 1989, rom the October Revolution to the all o theBerlin Wall.2 And so, we might say, the power o the revolution, as much asor more than anything, occupied the twentieth century and ours, i only toa less obvious degree, even i the socialist experiment did not survive orone hundred years.It is strange how much brieer those ten weeks in the Congo seemedin 1960: the time o a sovereign Congo, the time o Patrice Lumumba. Itseems now, in relation to Reed’s time, less like ten weeks and more liketen short hours. There are, o course, those who say that it was over at thevery moment o the independence ceremonies, when Lumumba reusedthe protocols o the ceremony and, eeling compelled to respond to thepatronizing speech by the Belgian ambassador, ofered a critique in whichhe asserted the rights o a sovereign Congo. There are also those who sug-gest that it was over just our days into independence, when Moise Tshombebegan planning the secession o the copper-rich province o Katanga.Frantz Fanon, a great admirer o Lumumba, goes urther. Fanon antedatesthe attack on Congolese sovereignty to the moment beore independence:“Already, beore July 1st, the Katanga operation had been launched.”3Beore the moment o sovereignty, there were arms airlited into Katangato help Tshombe and his ellow secessionists prepare or the undoing o the Congo. Lumumba’s time, it seems, was always short, always in shortsupply. Lumumba’s Congo, as much as the man himsel, was living on time“borrowed” rom the imperialists, a time considered untimely, too threat-ening to Tshombe and the Katangans opposed to a new nation. Lumumba’stime, according to Fanon’s calculation, was over beore it began, beore itcould even begin.Ten short weeks—and yet, how that historic moment has remained notonly with us, but it has prospered as a historical event: the moment thatwe only understand ully, even as we grapple still with its atermath, not inits having passed but because o its having passed, o having lived throughit without relinquishing its ongoing political efects. That “age,” we mightnow say, that Adolo Gilly, himsel inspired by the work o Fanon in Alge-ria, names
revolution 
,4 the age that brought, in its atermath, because o its potentiality, because o its symbolic import, not only Che Guevara butthe resources, as much as the young Cuban nation could muster, o FidelCastro, or the rst time, in Lumumba’s name, the Lumumba brigadesheaded by Guevara, to Arica. The “age o revolution” that Castro sustained
 
Not the Moment After, but the Moment Of 
 
583
for decades, the “revolution” that would culminate in Samora Machel andAntónio Agostinho Neto, socialists both, taking power in southern Africain the mid-1970s, Angola supported by Castro (military personnel, doc-tors, nurses, and so on), until Namibian independence in 1990. How canwe not now, as we did then, concatenate these names of visionary Afri-cans—beginning with Gamal Abdel Nasser or Lumumba, ending with SamNujoma, linked by Fidel and Che, the project for radicalization reanimatedin the 1980s by Thomas Sankara in Burkina Faso—under the name
revo-lution 
? How can we not know that in the names Machel and Neto, Sankaraand Nujoma, there is already, by the historic force of ideological proclivity,the name Lumumba inscribed in the very utterance of those other names?Fanon5 promised us as much: “For no one knows the name of the nextLumumba. There is in Africa a certain tendency represented by certainmen. It is this tendency, dangerous for imperialism, which is at issue.6And so, in the most profound sense of the political, which is to say, asthe concentrated, enduring formation of the state’s power, we might saythat Lumumba, founder (and later president) of the Mouvement NationalCongolais in 198, ontologizes the Congo, ontologizes the “revolutionaryCongo” for anti- and newly postcolonial Africa—as he did Zaire, the “fallen”state of the Congo, as he does the ever-fracturing, ever-fractious DemocraticRepublic of the Congo. Born in Onalua (in Kasai Province), Lumumba is thevictim of violent anti-African nationalism on behalf of Belgium, the UnitedStates, and the United Nations, a man who did not so much survive hisown death, that brutal and bloody assassination orchestrated in Brussels,New York, and Washington, D.C., but lived for us again only recently inRaoul Peck’s movie
Lumumba
(2000), as the postal clerk turned presidentwho transcends even his own martyrdom. Lumumba became transcen-dent because he is the poignant symbol of what the Congo, indeed muchof Africa, might have been but for the Central Intelligence Agency’s per-petual interference in the continent, from the late 190s through to at leastthe early 1990s in the Horn of Africa, during the cold war, and during theUnited States’ sponsorship of proxy wars in Mozambique, Angola, and theCongo, among others. More damningly, Lumumba serves as an indictmentof the African elite, the degraded (in Fanon’s terms) “national bourgeoisie,”an indictment of the elite’s complicity in the death of its own sovereignty, inthe death of its own (Lumumba). In the age of a self-destructing neoliberal-ism, Lumumba is a reminder that the national bourgeoisie’s preparednessto play footsie with the West goes back many decades, that its willingness

You're Reading a Free Preview

Download
scribd
/*********** DO NOT ALTER ANYTHING BELOW THIS LINE ! ************/ var s_code=s.t();if(s_code)document.write(s_code)//-->