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ABSTRACT:
[This paper has been adapted from a larger study entitled “Members’ and Opinion
Leaders’ Perceptions of the Pakistani Federal Civil Services’ District Management
Group” undertaken as the Capstone Project submitted for completion of the MPA degree
at the University of Hawaii, USA. The actual study was carried out from August 1999
onwards.]
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For over one hundred years, the District Management Group (DMG), and its legal
predecessors, the Civil Service of Pakistan (CSP) and the Indian Civil Service (ICS),
have been considered to be the most powerful government structures amongst the various
service/functional groups of the higher bureaucracy in Pakistan.5 Indeed, most of the
older writers on the subject [Philip Woodruff, Ralph Braibanti, Frank Goodnow] have
called these officers to be “the heaven-born,” “the kept class,” and the “Brahmins of the
Bureaucracy” while the Indian Civil Service (or ICS), the predecessor of the CSP/DMG,
was itself called the “Steel Frame on Which India Rested” or the “Governing
Corporation.” Indeed, the administration of Imperial India’s 500 million people was, for
the most part, entrusted to a few hundred ICS Officers and their police counterparts in the
IPS, whose philosophical basis was in the combination of elitist roots which went back to
Plato’s Republic and imperial origins in Confucian China. As a reminder of the latter, the
civil services’ cricket club in Lahore continues to be fondly named, “The Mandarins.”
As of June 1999, the 716 members of the DMG occupied some of the most
prestigious and powerful jobs in Pakistani government employment sector, reported to be
close to three million strong. Charles Kennedy in his book Bureaucracy in Pakistan
[1987] notes that DMG was the first choice of nearly 70 percent of all civil service
probationers (training at the Academy) during the “post-Reform” period of 1974-81.6
This was itself down from the first-preference rating for the DMG’s lineal predecessor,
the CSP, which stood at 83 percent in 1971.7 According to figures specially made
available for this study by the Federal Public Service Commission, the percentage of
candidates qualifying the annual Competitive Examination who opted for DMG in the
1998 examination as their first choice stood at 82.4% for males and 80% for female
candidates.
While the DMG continues to be an organization of great public significance,
objective research on its role, especially the difference between the way its role(s) is/are
perceived by outside observers and actually experienced by the officers themselves, has
not been undertaken. Indeed, in spite of the DMG deserving serious inquiry, it is
remarkable and surprising that no scholarly research is available on the subject, let alone
a quantitative one, in spite of DMG being in existence for 27 years. This study was
undertaken to fill a vital gap by ascertaining the validity of perceptions of the DMG
expressed in the media, by opinion leaders and in DMG professional circles. Another fact
that makes this study important is the coincidence that the topics addressed herein
comprise some of the main points of the new military regime’s agenda: reforming
bureaucracy, revamping local government, addressing gender imbalance, and fighting
corruption.
3. The sample
As of 29th June, 1999, the total number of serving DMG officers in grades 17 through 22
(also called basic pay scales or BPS) was 716. Thus the sample formed a substantial
8.38% of the total population. All the same, even in absolute terms
(notwithstanding its non-representativeness) the sample failed to meet statistical
validity figure of 248.8 While it is true that DMG Officers present a rather
homogenous population (by virtue of their common selection and training procedures
as well as subsequent professional experience), the sample was not representative
in terms of provincial/ethno-linguistic origins of officers. Ideally the sample
should have been drawn from the whole population9, however, for several reasons this
could not be done. In addition to time and funding constraints, the DMG Officers
Posting List is an internal document of the government and one not available publicly
(to prevent misuse in legal cases regularly brought against the government by officers
claiming restitution/ correction of their seniority positions). Moreover, the frequent
transfers of officers makes event the latest list redundant even before it is published.
The results of the survey are quite clear and require little interpretation for those initiated
in Pakistani issues, especially those related to the civil services. All considered, there
were few surprises in the data for common Pakistanis. Indeed, the issues framed in the
questions had been chosen for their ubiquity as expressed in public/ private discussions
and press coverage
♦ Questions 1 –6: General perceptions about bureaucracy & DMG's role therein:
In Pakistan only a very small number of public officials working in “prestigious cadres”
are considered “bureaucrats,” a term, which is overwhelmingly negative in its Pakistani
usage. In addition to formal office-holders, the Pakistani ruling/ decision making elite
comprises senior military officers and “bureaucrats” closely allied to the ruling political
establishment. DMG is the most powerful group within the bureaucracy. Amongst DMG
Officers, opinion about whether Pakistani civil servants still retain colonial/elitist
attitudes remains divided.
Interestingly the respondents – well informed, responsible members of the DMG
who, in all probability know the book definition of bureaucracy– do not consider all
public servants in the “bureaus” as bureaucrats but consider only a few of them to be so.
In this departure from the classical Weberian definition of bureaucracy, only a few
thousand Pakistani public officials (of nearly three million) working in “prestigious
cadres” are seen to be “bureaucrats” (while others are just public servants or government
employees). Linked with the finding that that the term “bureaucracy” is overwhelmingly
negative in its Pakistani usage, by linkage it appears that these top level public
functionaries, the bureaucrats, are held responsible for the negative image of the “civil
services” (a term which is again used only for the select group of officers who gain
employment through the Competitive Examination). This negative image of the
bureaucracy was not at all surprising in the light of day to day press reports and public
expressions about the difficulties the common citizens have in their dealings with
government offices.
Given their clout in public affairs, the senior military officers and “bureaucrats”
(above Grade 20) who are closely allied to the ruling political establishment are
considered part of the Pakistani ruling/ decision making elite. This perhaps is true of any
political system which is still in its early stages of development and much more of one in
which the drive towards maturity has often interrupted by overt military coups or internal
“soft” coups (that have blessings of external players, like the Army). Given the
bureaucrats’ openly partisan alignments and the weakness of party and governance
structures which are susceptible to external pressures, more often than not, they are quite
central to the happenings in corridors of power.
DMG Officers still consider theirs to be the most powerful group within the
bureaucracy. This – and the fact that candidates still opt for DMG as their first choice -
indicates that mental perceptions change at a slower pace than ground realities. The least
powerful group, non-formally speaking, comprises “meritorious, upright officers without
political links” and, formally it is the Postal Group amongst the established civil service
structures.
1. The DMG Officers sample should be more representative (of the national DMG
population). In this study, the percentage of respondent-officers belonging to Sindh Rural
and Sindh Urban domicile categories (45% and 21.66% respectively) was much larger
than the percentage of these groups in the nation-wide DMG population (9.63% and
6.42% respectively). Similarly officers from provinces having a large number of officers
in the national population (Punjab 52% and NWFP 15.5%) were under-represented in the
sample (28.33 and 1.66% respectively). There was also a skew in terms of grade-wise
distribution of respondent-officers compared to the percentage of various grades in the
national DMG population. Future researchers should, resources permitting, consider
working from this point onwards to validate the results of this study by either conducting
a more representative nation-wide survey on the national DMG population or conduct a
separate study with officers holding Balochistan, Punjab and NWFP domiciles in a way
that the grade and provincial domiciles represented in the sample are reflective of their
respective national levels.
The “No.” indicates the question number in the questionnaire. Almost all questions had
an “Any other, please specify” or a “Don’t Know/ Uncertain” option (which may not be
listed or completely listed below)