The Last Wall to Fall: The Anthropology of Collective Action and Unions in the Global System Author(s): E.

Paul Durrenberger Reviewed work(s): Source: Journal of Anthropological Research, Vol. 65, No. 1 (Spring, 2009), pp. 9-26 Published by: University of New Mexico Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25608146 . Accessed: 18/03/2013 20:43
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

University of New Mexico is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Anthropological Research.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded on Mon, 18 Mar 2013 20:43:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

THE LAST WALL TO FALL

The Anthropology of Collective Action and Unions in theGlobal System
E. Paul Durrenberger

Department ofAnthropology,409 CarpenterBuilding, PermStateUniversity, UniversityPark, PA 16802,USA. Email: epd2@psu.edu key words: Collective action; Drug trade; Globalization; Organized labor;Ruling class; Unions; Working class To show relationships among states, class structures,global process, and locales, I situate the ethnography of Southeast Asia in global events, sketch collective action theory, indicate how it pertains to labor unions in the U.S., and discuss were shaped by corporate violence, a corporate cultural revolution, and how they

corporate legislative campaigns. I suggest that the fight to free the "Charleston 5" longshoremen is an example of labor solidarity in the global system and indicate thatdockers have built the lastwall against neoliberal global markets. I potential for theU.S. labor movement to become finish with an assessment of the a social movement in service of class struggle and end with some comments about

both the disheartening role and thepotential of theAmerican Anthropological Association in the labor struggle. I add a note to suggest that collective action is an artifact of our evolution and that it is not collective action that needs to be explained so much as departuresfrom it.
In the process of my quest to understand economic systems from the worm's

eye view of fine-grained local ethnography I went from the exotic borderlands of Southeast Asia to themundane heartland of Chicago labor unions and learned the necessity of understanding local events in terms of global processes. In this article I show the role of collective action theory, critique that theory, discuss barriers to collective action, and show how inmy most recentwork ithas been necessary to keep both the local details and the global processes in focus to understand why there is still one barrier to otherwise unbridled neoliberal free marketers. To show relationships among states, class structures,global process, and locales requires attention to the details of local ethnography as well as the
larger-scale causal forces.

SOUTHEAST ASIA
My firstfieldwork was in highland Southeast Asia, in theGolden Triangle where the borders of Burma, Laos, and Thailand come together just south of China. During the Second World War, British anthropologist Edmund Leach was in the highlands ofBurma organizing Kachin guerillas against the invading Japanese. He
Journal

? by The UniversityofNew Mexico Copyright 9

of Anthropological

Research,

vol.

65, 2009

This content downloaded on Mon, 18 Mar 2013 20:43:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

10

JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL

RESEARCH

laterused thatexperience, his twice-reconstructed notes, and archival materials to write Political Systems ofHighland Burma (Leach 1954), which challenged the varieties of functionalism then current in theUK. He argued that highland ethnic groups and locales were so dynamically

U Nu before it split. Finally, the army took complete power in 1962. The army remains inpower today.After the coup, virtually all of the ethnic stateswent into American armed rebellion thatcontinues to thisday. Add to this the arrival of the backed Nationalist Chinese Koumintang (KMT) in 1949 after the victory of the Communists inChina and we see a dynamic region that is incorporated into the ebbs and flows of global historical developments. So, far from a stable system of any kind, from this vantage point we see a series of local polities forming and reforming as they alternately resist or abet British and Japanese invaders, elements of the independence government, a military dictatorship, long-standing revolutionary actions against it, and a drug

dynamic region.Highland Burma had been conquered by theBritish, then invaded by the Japanese, who helped nationalists such as Ne Win and Aung San organize an army contra theBritish. The army changed sides to help theBritish against the Japanese and became the backbone of the new independence government under

involved with lowland Buddhist kingdoms, lowland Shan principalities, and the Silk Road from China that they could only be understood as a region. He gave us the notion of Kachin villages oscillating between hierarchic gumsa and egalitarian gumlao forms, and under certain conditions gumsa groups becoming lowland Shan. Political Systems was published in 1954 and described a fairly orderly if

dealing armed forcewith sometime American backing. I read about these things in books and journal articles and heard about them frommy professor, Kris (F. K.) Lehman at theUniversity of Illinois and from my Burmese teacher,Maran LaRaw, himself a Kachin who had close-up knowledge of the violence inBurma that cost him one hand. These events and ideas were interesting background for area studies but

never enteredmy understanding of the anthropology of the place except insofar as fieldwork in Burma was impossible while Ne Win was in power. Current events were the stuffof political science or journalism, a parallel track that did not intersect with ethnography.

I SEE THE PROBLEM

went toThailand in 1967 under Kris's tutelage. I had heard about thevarious I first rebellions in Burma as soon as we arrived in Chiangmai. Kris even called on we would be not fomenting rebellion just theBurmese consul to assure him that across theborder inThailand. We took up residence in a Shan village not farfrom the border. At that time therewere no bridges across the rivers or roads beyond the province capital ofMaehongshon. My main disappointment was thatnobody spoke Burmese. So I started learning Shan. One morning, I saw elephant tracks in themuddy trail that led to a gasoline powered rice mill. People answered my inquiries about the elephant with blank

This content downloaded on Mon, 18 Mar 2013 20:43:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

THE LAST WALL TO FALL

11

stares and denials. I pointed to the piles of dung among the tracks and met with shrugs. Another morning, I saw the elephant patiently chewing on the thatched roof of themiller's house while waiting to be loaded with bags of milled rice. I learned that in fact every other day the elephant came to thevillage to carry rice to the Shan States Army (SSA). As itturned out, a number of residents of thevillage were former SSA soldiers. In 1968,1 returned to northern Thailand, this time to the highlands. I lived a in Lisu village where people grew opium that they sold to theKMT. One day, a KMT horse caravan from the lowlands delivered my mail fromChiangmai. In themail was a news magazine with an article about heroin inNew York. Some was about. I said it told about what happened to opium when it Lisu asked what it reached my country. They asked what price it would fetch.The article quoted the streetprice in New York. I did some calculations to convert raw opium to number 1heroin base and then to streetheroin and then converted dollars to baht and then baht to silver in the form of India rupees and calculated the volume of the silver

intensityof U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) enforcement effortsand the cooperation of Thai officials, often themselves involved in the trade.By then, the CIA was actively runningdrugs fromThailand into Vietnam tohelp fund Marshall Ky and armswere flowing fromLaos and Vietnam in returnfor heroin and opium from Thailand and Burma. The revolutionary groups battled with theKMT for control of the trade and the right to tax it.To them, opium meant access to food and arms with which to continue their struggles against Ne Win's dictatorship. Refugees flowed from Burma into Thailand to establish new villages or to join existing ones. Across the highlands therewas a boom in population as refugees from an American secret war began to stream in from Laos. Scouting parties from thevillage where I livedwould go in search of better lands and return with news that theyhad onlymet other scouting parties from other villages. There were no new forests towhich they could move. I visited a number of Lisu villages and found that the longer a village had been in place, themore opium it grew and the less rice. Their swiddening had exhausted the possibilities for rice, but since they could grow opium poppies repeatedly on the same fields, they turned to opium to get money with which to purchase rice from lowlanders (Durrenberger 1979a, 1979b). Leach was right; I couldn't comprehend the economy of any village without appreciating itsposition within thewhole region (Durrenberger 1974). Iwas aware of the connections between Lisu opium growers and anAmerican war in Southeast Asia, but even when I read McCoy's work (1972, 2003) on the global narcotics trade, I had not incorporated a global perspective intomy ethnographic work. None of this?Lisu opium production, KMT trafficking, CIA involvement, Mafia networks, "the French Connection"?was anything economists could discuss. Itwas the informal economy that you can only see

in them and finally announced that the local unit, a joi, about 2.2 kg, would fetch enough silver to fill thehouse to about knee level. There was a long silence before one old man asked, "How long does it take towalk toNew York?" This village in theback end of nowhere was even thenpart of a global system, whether its residents knew itor not. The price of a joi of opium varied with the

This content downloaded on Mon, 18 Mar 2013 20:43:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

12

JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL

RESEARCH

from the streets,villages, and war zones. By the time I returned to Shan in 1976 therewere a paved airstrip, roads, bridges, and regular transportation into the hinterlands ofMaehongson Province. Shan had stopped double-cropping rice and started growing vegetables to sell in the capital. The KMT and SSA were still active, however, and now and then the Thai would send some Border Patrol Police or helicopters to check out the situation on the border. One generation gave way to the next, who grew up with the new realities that continual revolution established. Shan villagers who owned irrigatedfields routinely recruited refugee Shan fromBurma for contract orwage labor, and many people in the Shan village where I lived had no proper identity papers because they'd come fromBurma or China. Perhaps because he was forced to be mobile, Edmund Leach had managed to transcend the village as a unit of analysis to discuss the region, but he could not foresee what was to come, even as he was writing his book, because he did not situate the Shan States of Burma in the context of events or structures in China, Britain, France, theU.S., or Thailand, or take into account state polices or

responses to them. That may be asking a bitmuch for an anthropologist cum intelligence officer organizing irregular forces behind enemy lines, but at about the same time half way around theworld in Libya, E. E. Evans-Pritchard was posted as a political officer to the British Military Administration of Cyrenaica, where he traveled

must take into account the agency and acts of themultiple parties and the events
these generate."

way he could foresee the discovery of oil in the region or the impact ofAmerican oil interests and geopolitics in the area, the army's revolution of 1969, or their impact on Bedouin herder-agriculturalists (Benhke 1980). Philip Carl Salzman sums up the contribution of Evans-Pritchard's Cyrenaican work (2001:37) well when he writes thathe "demonstrates that an understanding of culture and structure alone are not sufficient for explaining human destinies; as well, we

among theBedouin tribes. Evans-Pritchard (1949) discusses the last days of theOttoman Empire, the young Turks, the new Republic, British and Italian colonial ambitions in the context of Europe, the rise of Fascism, evolving Ottoman and Italian policies, administrative systems and styles, and how the relationships between the Sanusi religious order and tribalBedouin developed in response to these global in the formation of the state of Libya. processes?resulting His book, The Sanusi of Cyrenaica, was published in 1949, but therewas no

Anthropologists know things the same way other people do?by doing. Leach and Evans-Pritchard were learning by their engagement in intensely political processes, not just by interviewing.Questions of investigator objectivity more may only come up when the results lend credence to subordinate rather than can increase involvement that but validity and only many argue powerful groups, reliability (Singer 1995). Whatever your own sense of involvement or agency or causality, ifyou act act according to local ideas of gods, you may get treated like a god. But ifyou like a god who doesn't know how to be a proper god, you get killed. Although

This content downloaded on Mon, 18 Mar 2013 20:43:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

THE LAST WALL TO FALL 13 Captain Cook may have died of it, itprobably wasn't an issue formany of his sailors (Sahlins 2000). This remindsme of the storyabout the execution of thepriest, the drunk, and

the engineer during the French Revolution. The executioner takes them to the guillotine and asks the priest, "Face up or face down?" "Face up," he says, "so I can look toward heaven." The executioner pulls the lever and the blade rushes down ... but stops just short of the priest's neck. The executioner says, "It must be divine intervention,"and frees the priest. The drunk figures he'll trythe same thing, and itworks for him. Then comes the engineer, who has been watching He also opts to be face up. The executioner hoists the blade and it's intently. almost ready to drop when the engineer says, "Wait! I see the problem." If our problem as anthropologists has been insufficient concern for global processes, we have to be careful thatwe don't sound our own death knell and

forget the value of ethnography. Local ethnography is often one end of a thread that leads us into a complex web of relationships of locales, governments, corporations, NGOs, and international agencies, none ofwhich is very accessible to our favoritemethods of participant observation, though thosemethods do reveal ways to understand agencies' documents and statistics (Haraldsdottir 2002) Without theworm's eye view of local ethnography,we would not even be able to ask questions about gods because all we would have ismeasurements determined by someone else's sense ofwhat to count. Do economists count gods?

Without ethnography,we would be more or less like economists, expecting reality to conform to theirairy abstractions because, in some sense, itjust should, and we would be just as surprised or unfazed when reality fails to comply and thegods all die or the economists all get lynched. To understand events such as these inBurma and Thailand requires more thanmore ethnography, even ethnography inmany places. We need to change our perspective so we can see the causal forces and how they interact with local
and cultures.

people

I now turn to a theoryof collective action.

COLLECTIVE ACTION THEORY

Anthropologists agree that culture is collective, thoughwe may question what group of people shares it (Hannerz 1996). But there's quite a leap from collective thought to collective action. We often talk about collective action without theorizing itexplicitly.Many discussions of states contain the nucleus ofMorton Fried's (1967) definition of the institutional structures thatguarantee to one class privileged access to resources. That definition suggests collective action on behalf of a ruling class. As railroad-baron JayGould said more bluntly in 1896 during a strike, "I can hire one half of theworking class to kill the other half." He was aware of class. But collective action theoristsdon't seem to raise theirgaze beyond the horizon of face-to-face communities. Malinowski

(1922) called his external understandings of Trobrianders to "sociological" distinguish them from Trobrianders' internal views, which he termed "ethnographic." Economic theorists generally assume that theworld

This content downloaded on Mon, 18 Mar 2013 20:43:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

14

JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL

RESEARCH

mirrors theirown constructions and don't make such fine distinctions. But political economists such as Elinor Ostrom distinguish categories of goods according to two continuous criteria,which they take to be intrinsic to the things themselves: Excludability?how easy it is to deprive others from using the resource. extent towhich one person's use of a resource Subtractability?the someone else precludes using it (Ostrom et al. 1994).

The intersection of these two criteria defines a 4 x 4 table of possibilities (Table 1). Those goods from which it is difficult to exclude others' use and are highly subtractable are common pool resources. The classic example isfisheries resources (Acheson 2003). If one person takes fish from the sea, there are fewer for the next person, and it is difficult to police the seas. Theoretically, there need be no institutional structure associated with common pool resources, and economists usually assume that there is none. TABLE 1

Four Possible Categories ofGoods Subtractability High Excludability Difficult

Easy Common Private pool Low

Public Toll

Goods of low subtractablity and difficult excludability are public goods. Police protection and education are examples thatOstrom (1997) develops. If everyone enjoys the good and it is not possible to exclude anyone, theremust be some way to fund its production?typically via taxation?which assumes functioning institutional structures to organize theproduction of public goods and to tax those who benefit. The other two categories of goods are private property (high subtractability, easy excludability) and toll goods (low subtractability, easy excludability).1 As anthropologists, we understand that cultural usage defines subtractability and excludability and that different practices may define the same goods in differentways. Or, as Marx (1976) put it,property is a social relationship. For was easy to exclude others medieval Iceland, landwas not a good that instance, in from using because therewas no institutionalized state tomake it so. The only means for enforcing claims to exclusivity was whatever force one could muster

which was costly even though itdid result in through coalitions of armed fighters, lots of good stories that come down to us as sagas. were a Policy can change a good's position in thematrix. For instance, fish common pool resource in Iceland until 1990,when thegovernment enacted a system of Individual Transferable Quotas (ITQs) thatredefined them as private property. Bonnie McCay (1998:193) observes that the limitations of the work of the "political economy" theorists is their "high and sometimes misleading levels of abstraction from empirical cases" which often omit what we learn

This content downloaded on Mon, 18 Mar 2013 20:43:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

THE LAST WALL TO FALL

15

via ethnography?significant details of how political and economic factors are embedded in social relations and cultural constructs. This isperhaps an inevitable consequence of our anthropological penchant to relativize everything, or, conversely, to economists' proclivity for ethnocentrism, projecting capitalist ideological categories as absolutes. Anthropologists are likely to ask where slaves fit and who says so. And so with the labor that each
person controls.

mortages? By definition, and only by definition, things likemoney and stocks are commodities thatpeople buy and sell on markets. That they are so by definition makes them cultural constructs akin to gods. But upon them are built global financial markets. The owners of capital are the ones with thepower to define such objects. Out of such definitions theyhave created greatwealth. At least lots ofmoney. Whether well here matter, but itdoes pretty money is the equivalent ofwealth is a different in theU.S. even in the early twenty-first This century. manipulation of cultural categories and objects is collective action on behalf of the capitalist class.

We can understand excludability and subtractability in material terms, such as arable land and fish. But what happens when we move into themore rarified atmosphere of finance in which even the "objects" are abstractions of abstractions, such as shares of corporate stock or fmancialized bundles of

to collective goals. No one, the ethnographically and historically?opposition collective action literature suggests, opposes the existence of community police forces, fire departments, or schools, though theymay oppose taxation. Nor has there been meaningful opposition to the global financial bailouts of recent days. On the other hand, JayGould was a harbinger of things to come: there ismassive and sometimes violent opposition to unions.

eventually consolidated itselfand fell right into collective hands, though not in the way Marx and Lenin anticipated. So, as the headline of the conservative British newspaper The Daily Telegraph ofOctober 9,2008, dryly proclaimed, "We're all Socialists now, Comrade." Just what kind of socialists remains a bit unclear. The provision of public goods may engender debate about just how to achieve the goals, but most academic work does not acknowledge what we see

In the 1980s the finance economy built of these fictions became more important than the substantive economy of producing things. In 2004-2006 financial services represented 21% of theU.S. GDP, and manufacturing, 13% (Phillips 2008). With their talk of realism and bottom lines, themoney shamans took over corporations (Durrenberger and Erem 2007:236). When there's something like the subprime mortgage meltdown of the early when the market shamans and priests start lyingand cheating century, twenty-first until they can't even believe themselves any longer, thewhole system collapses. It's as ifour gods have abandoned us. How are we to imagine massive government transfers of money into the system in termsof common property? If the money is public funds, a public good inOstrom's terms, and the public now has controlling interest in the financial sector, do we not in some sense own it?That must have Marx and Lenin dancing in theirgraves. For all thebadmouthing of these founders of Communism, capital

This content downloaded on Mon, 18 Mar 2013 20:43:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

16

JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL

RESEARCH

The collective action theorists do not discuss collective action on behalf of a National Association ofManufacturers or theChambers class, butwhat else is the of Commerce that represent corporate interests (Fones-Wolf 1994) other than collective action to transformour culture (Doukas 2003) and to use the collective means of government for theirown corporate ends? Nor does the academic literaturediscuss the consequences of the capture of public apparatus for the benefit of private interests?for example, the so-called outsourcing of functions such as police, prisons, education, and military, or government bailouts of irresponsible lending agencies to preserve theirgrasp on wealth at public expense. The collective action theorists seem to see thesematters as parts of natural processes rather thanhistorically given cultural or political ones or as collective action on behalf of one class.

LABOR AND COLLECTIVE ACTION

Slaves are private property by definition. In theU.S., abolitionists tried to change the ownership of the person and his or her labor from themaster to the slave, but in a market system, the individual's laborwas still a private good. Labor unions

originated to amplify the negligible power of individuals who have nothing but their labor to sell. By joining together, such individuals can bring the force of their collective action to represent their interestsversus those of the owners of capital. As in the segmentary lineages Evans-Pritchard described, the byword for unions is solidarity, because their strength depends on thejoint action of all in the support of any individual. The slogan "An injury to one is an injury to all" characterizes the central role of solidarity. To be effective, action must be collective. Eugene V. Debs articulated this in 1905 at the organizing meeting of the World (IWW) inChicago when he said, "The Industrial Industrial Workers of the Workers is organized not to conciliate but to fight the capitalist class" (quoted in Kornbluh 1964:1). Bill Haywood was blunt in statingthe IWW goal of overthrowing rather than negotiating within the capitalist system to replace capitalist-class with working-class control of thepolitical economy (Kornbluh 1964:1). But today, conciliation and negotiation are the unions' stock in trade. Fifty years ago, C. Wright Mills observed thatunion members were interested inunions as a means to the individual goal of increasing their remuneration rather than as a "collective means of collective ascent" (Mills 1951:309). There is littleethnographic evidence to suggest any difference today (Durrenberger and Erem 2005). From the point of view ofworkers, unions are like insurance companies to protect them individually. For theirpart, unions became professionalized bureaucracies whose leaders are hard to distinguish from theircounterparts in the corporateworld. How did this transformationfrom a social movement on behalf of a class to a self-satisfied bureaucracy happen? There were at least three related processes: violent opposition a corporate-sponsored cultural revolution to redefine economic consciousness to focus on individual rather than collective interests a corporate legislative program to redefine labor's legal position.

This content downloaded on Mon, 18 Mar 2013 20:43:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

THE LAST WALL TO FALL The violent

17

chapters of our history have largely been purged from our consciousness, but archaeologist Dean Saitta (2007) is reviving some of them by his work at theLudlow massacre site inColorado. JayGould wasn't just kidding about hiring half of theworking class to kill the other half. But ifhe did that,he would kill the goose that laid his golden eggs because therewould be nobody to work for him. The job was to kill and imprison enough to intimidate the rest and buy off the rest of themwith privileges. The IWW came out against theFirst World War on theprinciple that working a war. not The socialist slogan was, "A bayonet should people fight capitalists' is a weapon with a working man at both ends." In 1917 the JusticeDepartment

simultaneously raided 48 IWW halls and arrested 165 leaders for conspiring to hinder the draft and encourage desertion. A hundred of themwere tried and convicted in 1918 and given prison termsof up to 20 years. Bill Haywood jumped bail and went to the Soviet Union. The restwere lynched or arrested during the Palmer raids of the 1920s (Boyer andMorais 1955) Rather thankilling half of theworking class, the owners of capital could hire them to manage theother half of the working class, offer them sufficientprivileges with theworking class, and define an that theywould not continue to identify comfortable and appropriately self-congratulatory individualistic ideology for them to live by within the capitalist system. Since the turnof the twentieth century there has been what Dimitra Doukas (2003) calls a cultural revolution in theU.S. to replace the "gospel ofwork"?the idea that labor creates all value?with the "gospel of wealth," namely the notion that capital creates wealth. I'll come back to the gospel of work. Unstintingly sponsored by trustsand fledgling corporations, this cultural revolution has been

largely successful (Durrenberger and Doukas 2008). The American working class concurred with the self-congratulatory ideology of individual merit that the cultural revolution and themanagerial class promoted (Durrenberger 2001). The Wagner Act of 1935 gave labor the right to organize, but the corporate sponsored Taft-Hartley Amendments of 1947 redefined the role of unions as negotiating and enforcing contracts on behalf of theirmembers to specify the terms and conditions of their work. This legislation made unions responsible for their that members to the contracts, especially that they did not adhered seeing strike during the termof the contract. Corporate America had bought labor peace and unions became bureaucracies for resolving grievances that arose between
workers and management.

partnership between labor and capital, and union leaders even joined in the "red baiting" and purges of progressives from the labormovement to inculcate a climate was consistentwith the of fear that McCarthy period (Fletcher and Gapasin 2008). From the point of view of union members, the contract is a public good analogous to community police services, and unions face some of the same

So together, the focused violence, the cultural revolution, and the legislative campaign redefined unions from social movements to benefit theworking class to allies of corporations to provide contracts for and to control their members. This alliance disguised and denied both the existence of classes and the necessity of class struggle and curtailed traditionsof direct action. The Cold War enhanced this

This content downloaded on Mon, 18 Mar 2013 20:43:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

18

JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL

RESEARCH

instance, how to finance the institutional problems that communities do?for means for producing the public or collective good. As with many other goods, policy defines whether union representation is a collective good or not. In the 1950s, corporate interests began to support so-called right-to-work laws thatpassed in a thirdof the states. In these states, unions can representworkers, but workers are not required to pay for union services. Thus, only thatportion of workers who are union members pay for the services, such as increased wages and benefits, thatalso accrue to theirnon-dues-paying fellow workers. Imagine opting out of paying your local property taxes and still having police and fire protection and sending your children to public schools. Some states without "right-to-work" laws require workers to pay at least their "fair share" of the costs, usually an amount that is not much lower than a union member's dues. Other states require that if workers at a site elect a union to represent them, all workers must be members and pay dues (i.e., "closed shops"). An argument for closed shops, based on the logic of provision of a public good, is that all should pay for the benefits they receive. An argument against them, based on individualistic ideology, is that to require such payment is an infringementof individual rights. For unions, the financial issue includes the institutionalwherewithal to pay people to negotiate and enforce contracts. The riddle for unions in "right-to work" states iswhether to expend resources to bargain on behalf of all workers

in a worksite where only some of them pay for the benefits, or not to represent any of the workers. Many opt to represent all workers in the hope that in the long term, themajority will pay theirway, and that the union may grow strong enough and have enough political influence to change the "right-to-work" law. Clearly this approach imposes costs on currentmembers for longer-term goals thatbenefit non-members. This is also collective action to influence government on behalf of one class.

One of the problems of the contemporary union movement is that the ability to negotiate and enforce contracts depends on the power of unions to control certain segments of the labormarket. For instance, ifall janitors in an area belong to a union, thatunion has thepower to negotiate good contracts for all. But ifonly some janitors belong to the union, employers have the option of using non-union workers or contractors. This was the difference between the very favorable pay and benefits in the late 1990s thatdowntown Chicago janitors enjoyed, compared with the unhappy conditions of work of suburban ones. Thus one of the goals of Chicago's Service Employees International Union (SEIU) Local 1, which I studied in the late 1990s (Durrenberger 2002), was to organize all suburban janitors in an effort to protect the higher wages and benefits of the downtown to janitors. To protect themselves, the strongest?the downtown janitors?had extend protection to theweakest, the suburban janitors. But such organizing requires resources thatmight otherwise be used to provide services to currentmembers. This poses a collective action dilemma members for the long-term futurebenefit of because it imposes costs on current the collective. With their dues, currentmembers underwrite the organization of
future members.

This content downloaded on Mon, 18 Mar 2013 20:43:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

THE LAST WALL TO FALL The

19

confluence of the violence, the cultural revolution, and corporate sponsored policy was not sufficient to obliterate the union movement. Another policy change undid even the pretense of the power of labor. Since President controller's union in 1981with theuse of replacement Reagan busted the air traffic an there has been workers, organized attack on unions in the U.S. Having become as complacent as Mills suggested theywould, unions failed to respond

effectively to the assault and corporate interests organized even more virulent means for attacking unions (Brodkin and Strathmann 2004). A multimillion dollar industry of anti-union consulting has grown in the U.S. since the 1990s. Two out of three organizing efforts face the opposition of such firms (Logan 2002, 2006), and unions have yet to organize a successful response beyond collusion with management in so-called top-down organizing. The labormovement's of class focus has translated into a loss of political power. loss

THE LAST WALL

The Berlin Wall and then the Soviet Union fell. In succeeding years, thewalls of currency restrictions and tariffsfell. There was little to restrain the neoliberal free markets. Some saw thewithering away of the state,but a withering that Marx never could have imagined as the World Bank and the IMF assumed financial power over previously independent states (Durrenberger and Erem 2007). As

market, finance took on new importance, and soon finance gained ascendency over management in corporations and the substantive economy of production was

themicrochip revolution made speed-of-light communication possible, corporations began to relocate manufacturing to low-wage and low-regulation areas. When currencies were freed to float against each other on the world

(the Transportation and General Workers' Union of Great Britain and Ireland, or the international federation to which it TGWU) belonged (International Workers' Transport Federation, ITF), they continued to search until they found other dockers inEurope who were also in search of alternatives to their ineffective national and internationalunions, as they faced theprospect of theprivatization of dock facilities in theEuropean Union (EU). During the next six years, representatives of the Liverpool and other European longshoremen met to organize an alliance of longshoremen's locals went "under" thenational and international organizations to create that solidarity

uncoupled from the dynamics ofmoney (Durrenberger and Erem 2007). Even if money could be abstracted from substance to flow at the speed of light,material goods still had to be moved around the planet. The spread of systems of container freight facilitated the consolidation of shipping into fewer hands as corporations began tomove their wares and raw materials around the in with giant ships piled high planet large boxes that could be identified by and loaded unloaded massive barcodes, cranes, and delivered almost anywhere by or to them trucks railcars. by attaching In 1995 dockers in Liverpool were fired for not crossing a picket line. A new Thatcher administration policy made it legal to fire them for upholding this basic tenet of union solidarity. Finding no support in their own national union

This content downloaded on Mon, 18 Mar 2013 20:43:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

20

JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL

RESEARCH

In early January of 2000, four members of Charleston, South Carolina's mostly black International Longshoremen's Association Local 1422 and one member of its sister union Local 1771 were arrested and charged with felony crimes for their protests against the Nordana Shipping Company (a Danish concern) using non-union workers. Their dockside action was a response towhat many saw as a provocation in themassing of a police force ofmore than 600 to

among locals without higher-level intermediaries. This is the International Dockworkers Council (IDC). They were not the only ones to try to deal with ineffective union organizations.

confront thepicketers. Knowing thathe could notweather the coming fight alone, the local's newly elected president, Ken Riley, began to search for solidarity. Itwas no more forthcoming from the civil rightsmovement than from his own International Longshoremen's Association (ILA) or the overarching American Federation of Labor-Congress of IndustrialOrganizations (AFL-CIO). Because Ken Riley was active in a movement to reform the notoriously organized-crime-affiliated East Coast ILA, he was anathema to the incumbent were slow to respond. The When he asked for their support, they power structure. AFL-CIO pled that theywere bound by protocol and procedural rules and could not respond without the sponsorship of thenational-level union towhich the local belonged. The January 2000 events on the Charleston docks captured brief national media attention in the U.S. The morning after the arrests, longshoremen in a California International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) local, heirs of the IWW, offered their support and, in the tradition of independent and direct

action, defied their internationalunion association. By 1999, the European dockers were nearly ready to incorporate the International Dockworkers Council. One of the ILWU activists suggested that IWW-style direct action would win ILWU's support of the IDC. Meanwhile, an expatriate American in England had worked with the Liverpool dockers to develop a web-based clearinghouse for international labor news. He found that a Nordana ship thathad loaded inCharleston was to call at Barcelona and Valencia, two key IDC ports. Four months after the confrontation on the Charleston docks, Barcelona dockers refused to unload theNordana ship when it arrived. Because the ship had not been professionally loaded, they explained, they could not safely unload it. This action put the company on notice that Spanish union members would refuse towork ships that had been loaded by non-union workers on the legally

acceptable grounds that itwould be unsafe. Furthermore, the company's ships would meet the same response in other European ports if itdid not resume using ILA workers to load their ships inCharleston. Unaware of the IDC, Riley was surprised when the shipping company quickly agreed to resolve itsdifferenceswith the union. The IDC had shown that dockworkers' locals responding to each otherwith direct action was more effective than themoribund national and international federations and associations of the Cold War era. So, in June of 2000, when the IDC held its founding convention in the Canary Islands, Ken Riley and the ILA 1422 vice president attended and met

This content downloaded on Mon, 18 Mar 2013 20:43:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

THE LAST WALL TO FALL

21

water management, namely that while democratic and independent organizations can extend flexible and timely responses, hierarchic and personalistic ones cannot. Global

their fellow workers from 85 ports in 13 countries. The West Coast ILWU came on board as well. The independence of West Coast ILWU locals allowed them to respond quickly, and itsopen and democratic nature enabled the international association to follow suit shortly thereafter. In contrast, the personalistic and hierarchical organization of the East Coast ILA not only paralyzed it, it also moved it to act counter to the interestsof its members and made it impervious to their influence. The lesson is the same one we learn from the ethnography of fisheries and

solidarity has been born of waterfront unions because of the of the response of their national and international organizations, inadequacy which had become bastions of conservative and reactionary thought and action rather than instrumentsof the working class, asserting their interestsagainst those of the capitalist class. If such effortsat solidaritymaintain power and use itas an organizing base, collective action can expand. But to do so requires solidarity of other transportationunions and other kinds of unions. Given the current failures of the labormovement, both in theU.S. and internationally, this is uncertain. However, there is room for hope in developments such as the IDC, the outcome of the protracted struggle around theCharleston 5, and the chances for reform both within unions such as the ILA and international organizations as

current leadership is replaced by younger, brasher, more combative leadership from the ranks ofworkers who understand theircommon interestsand act on them following the example of the ILWU (Erem and Durrenberger 2008). The organizing task is so immense as to be almost unimaginable. It requires

linking low-wage factoryworkers in Sri Lanka, China, Latin America, Indonesia, and other slave-labor emporia with highly paid labor, such as the unionized longshoremen of theFirstWorld, intoa group who understand and act upon their
common interests as a class in the global economy.

with due vigilance, waiting for the day when their fellow workers maintaining it join them in a worldwide social movement. This wall has notyetfallen.

In short, it requires a rebirthof the vision of organizations such as the IWW and the ILWU and replacement of leaders who are corrupt and unimaginative with people that share such a vision. This kind of rebirthwill not result from self-congratulatory conferences, nostalgia for days of yore, or from incorporating better studies of industries. Itwill only result from a rebirthof the spirit that the IWW displayed in 1905. The heirs of the IWW have built the lastwall brick by brick. And they are

PROCESS AND PROGNOSIS

More than a hundred years after the organizing meeting of the IWW inChicago, in the summer of2005, the venerable AFL-CIO split into the successor AFL-CIO and theChange to Win (CTW) movement. So much for solidarity on behalf of the working class. In 2008, the organizing of nurses became a battleground between the two labor federations as some within the SEIU began toquestion the wisdom of

This content downloaded on Mon, 18 Mar 2013 20:43:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

22

JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL

RESEARCH

political battle. Though we can see echoes of social movements in small places within the labormovement (Durrenberger and Erem 2005), there is little reason to suppose that it will become a'significant social movement. Generations have grown up with its co-opted leaders, and the structuresof power have shifted too significantly toward capital. Self-interested leaders have lost any ability to sway their members to anything but theirown self-interest.

"top-down" organizing, inwhich unions enlist the cooperation of management in return for concessions from the union. The slogans of class struggle have been replaced by a reality that some call "class snuggle" (Durrenberger and Erem 2005). And now, CTW is facing an internal crisis as one of itsmain constituent unions (SEIU) is busily pulling itsown house down around its ears in an internal

members theview Individually focused union practices have not inculcated in that their own collective action creates the power to stand against the power of ownership and wealth. But the cultural revolution has not expunged the experience of class. The "gospel of work" is based on that experience. As a working class interloper, I still feel itevery timemy office key jams in the lock and the thought flashes through my head that they've finally found out that I don't really belong in this privileged post in the academy and they've changed the locks. The "gospel of work" is formed from that experience of class and those injuries of class (Sennett and Cobb 1993). And comparing the experience of class we encounter in academic and popular writing and media to the denial of class that

creates a disjunction from which the old spiritof the IWW is continually remade, even though people may not know what to call itor even what it is. That's why JoeHill will never die.2 That spirit is alive and well in the labormovement. I saw it when I rode with union people of all stripes. That's where the hope of the labor movement lies?with those leaders in themovement who foster and develop that spirit in theirorganizations. There are some; the cynical and self-interested aren't the only ones. Labor activists Bill Fletcher, Jr.and Fernando Gapasin (2008:141) warn that until and unless labor can reorient itselfand represent the interestsof theworking class as opposed to simply representing employees in contract negotiations, there much less national U.S. unions could be capable of internal, is little likelihood that or global, solidarity.

CODICIL: ANTHROPOLOGISTS AND COLLECTIVE ACTION

Solidarity, whether in unions or segmentary lineages, is people exercising their analytic abilities and theiragency to join with similarly situated people to defend theweakest among them because theyknow that an injury to one is an injury to all. California longshoremen supported their threatened fellow workers in South Carolina; dockers in Europe joined them. This is at the same time both self interested and radical. The loss of the longshoremen's local inCharleston would be a loss to all longshoremen. By supporting thosewho aremost threatened, those at the bottom, the interestsof all workers are served. Ourselves included,whether janitors, anthropologists, or longshoremen. This outlook of taking care of others to

This content downloaded on Mon, 18 Mar 2013 20:43:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

THE LAST WALL TO FALL

23

Hilton to the table. But immediately thereafter,we stepped back with a vote that approved a change in our policies from a requirement that our meetings be in union organized facilities to a strongpreference, as though solidaritymeans only when it's easy or cost-free. Our association created a Labor Relations Commission

take care of ourselves challenges people to understand and join in radical struggle movements. to support transformative For one briefmoment in2004, we anthropologists showed sufficientcourage and leadership to join the strugglewhen we refused to honor our contract to hold the annual meeting of theAmerican Anthropological Association (AAA) in the San Francisco Hilton Hotel as long as their management refused to negotiate with theUNITE-HERE local union that represents itsworkers. That proved to be a pivotal point in the negotiations, as other associations followed us and forced the

will be in solidaritywith otherworkers. Persuade those indecision-making positions in the AAA? It's like what Iowans say about teaching pigs to sing: It's a waste of your time, and itannoys thepig. Even so, Leach and Evans-Pritchard worked behind the lines in the last great war on Fascism. I think we should be worthy heirs to that tradition and continue the struggle, even if itdoes annoy the pig. After all, we are all in this together.

outside the familiar register of identitypolitics can't make itpast thenominations committee to get on a ballot. So much for open, transparent, and free elections. That means that there's probably no hope that anthropologists' collective action

and then proceeded tomarginalize itand isolate itfrom any decision-making or planning role. Most academics come from the managerial middle class and share and perpetuate its self-congratulatory cultural dreamwork, as Marvin Harris (1974) called such delusions?for instance, about class. Academics with tenure have learned to politely defer to power. Those without tenure are fearful and incapable of incitingmeaningful change. Perhaps the experience of contract and adjunct academics with no tenure to hope forwill clarify their class positions to them Decades of experience with theAAA tells me thatwhile we can tolerate way toget along ispolite accommodation. Noisy troublemakers identity politics, the

NOTES
I thank Steve

comments and suggestionsas I was working on this talk. I thank Lawrence Guy Straus for his invitationto deliver the JAR distinguished lecture and all of the colleagues, and studentsat JAR and the UNM Department ofAnthropology for the fellow-workers, tome andmy wife and collaborator,Suzan Erem, duringour extended hospitalitythey visit toAlbuquerque. I appreciate the challenge and theopportunity to bring these ideas togetherin thisform. 1. I can't fullydevelop this idea here, but Iwant tomention thatImissed the mark in middle of thenight my critiqueofOstrom. The nightafterthe lecture,I awoke in the with the thoughtthatI'd used the standardanthropologicalcritique thatinher definitions
of terms Ostrom had not honored the cultural variability that we see ethnographically.

Striffler, Dimitra

Doukas,

Charles

Menzes,

and

Suzan

Erem

for

their

This content downloaded on Mon, 18 Mar 2013 20:43:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

24

JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL
and showed

RESEARCH
or universal. But I think

There's nothing wrongwith thatcritique; it iswhat broughtsome realityto thediscussion account of that Ostrom's argumentsaremore deeply flawed thanjust taking insufficient in facts of her the definitions Economists ethnographic Stiglitz (2003) and categories. Galbraith (1992) are among those who have suggested that ifeconomics had a feedback manner of scientific and fact in the would have ceased to loop between theory enquiry, it exist.That ithasn't suggests thatit is an ideologyakin to religionratherthana science. Themain flaw is inthe basic assumption of economics?methodological individualism, are the totality outcomes.Other the idea thatinstitutions of individualdecisions and their
have anthropologists artifact of capitalism, than I can that this assumption is a cultural argued more eloquently not a fact or even a reasonable devotes Sahlins (2000) assumption. of the tragedy of the commons that it isn't necessary

an essay to the cultural matrix and historyof theunderlyingassumptions of the dismal science.Doukas (2003) shows that economics as a discipline is an important componentof
the corporate-sponsored cultural revolution that I discussed in the lecture. Itwas promoted

by the backers of the revolution to achieve scientificstatus for the doctrine of wealth would serve their that purposes sowell. Rappaport (1979:236) points out thateconomics as competitiveactivities thatpit people against each other and is, by defines rationality
necessity, animals antisocial. that anthropology knows?creatures that evolved over five million The

from the social Thus economics defines a kind of humanity that is quite different
years.

weak in the image of thekind evolutionaryview of humanityhas thestronghelping the what made us human is the of solidaritythatI discussed. Goldschmidt (2006) argues that
selective committed committed that flexibility conferred on groups whose members advantage to serving group interests than replicating themselves?groups to collective action than individual advancement. could be more that were more

human,Goldschmidt argues, takesplace in the"gap between theencoded Everything

is culture, In that fissure instruction and behavioral (2006:18). performance" genetic an we that of inborn learn culture because Goldschmidt collective argues necessity thought. trait known as "affect hunger." The individuals to please those who are trying to teach?a and groups who selfish gene?with the first competitive evolutionary imperative?the action?have long since perished, unable to be cooperation?collective to changing conditions of time and space. responsive could transcend collective is not action collective is part of our species' evolutionary history. What it. Thus, the from but action, any departures and other departures is, "Why are there economists?" not

sufficiently In this sense needs to be

explained question we should try to answer action. from collective Swedish-American labor

2. Joel Emmanuel H?gglund, aka JosephHillstr?m (died November 19, 1915). A what many consider false charges inUtah. The referenceis to murder after executed for music the song "I Dreamed I Saw JoeHill Last Night" byAlfredHayes (ca. 1930), set to are: by Earl Robinson in 1936.The lyrics
activist, songwriter, and IWW member-organizer. He was

This content downloaded on Mon, 18 Mar 2013 20:43:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

THE LAST WALL TO FALL 25 I dreamed I saw JoeHill lastnight,

Alive as you and me I "But Joe, you're ten years Says "I never died," says he. dead."

And standingthereas big as life, And smiling with his eyes Joe says "What theyforgottokill
Went on to organize."

"In Salt Lake, Joe,byGod" says I, Him standing bymy bed

"They Says framed you on a murder Joe, "But I ain't dead." charge"

"Joe Hill "Joe Hill Where

ain't dead,"

he says tome, are out on strike

ain't never died.

Hill is at theirside." Joe From San Diego up to Maine, In every mine andmill,
Where Says workers he, "You'll strike and organize, find Joe Hill."

workingmen

"The copper bosses killed you Joe, They shotyou Joe" says I
"Takes Says Hence, more than guns die." mourn. Organize." to kill a man" Joe "I didn't

the slogan,

"Don't

REFERENCES CITED
Acheson, James M. 2003.

Maine lobster industry. Lebanon, NH: UniversityPress ofNew England. 1980. Herders Benhke, Roy. of Cyrenaica: Ecology, economy and kinship among the
Bedouin Boyer, Richard of Illinois Press. of eastern Libya. Urbana: University O. and Herbert M. Morais. 1955. Labor's untold story. New York: United

Capturing

the commons:

Devising

institutions

to manage

the

Electrical,Radio & Machine Workers ofAmerica. Brodkin, Karen, and Cynthia Strathmann.2004. The struggle for hearts and minds:
Organization, Dimitra. 1-24. ideology, and emotion. Labor Studies Journal 29(3): 2003. Worked over: The corporate sabotage of an American Ithaca: Cornell University Press. 1974. The Southeast context regional Asia 3:569-75. of the economy production Journal of a Lisu community. village Journal Asian in

Doukas,

E. Paul. Durrenberger, northern Thailand. -. -. -. -.

1979a. An of Shan household analysis Research 35:447-58. Anthropological 1979b. Rice production in a Lisu village. 10:139-45. 1987. 12:38-41. 2001. Research Explorations 57:41-60. of class and consciousness Reflections on the absolute.

decisions.

of

of Southeast and Humanism

Studies

Anthropology

Quarterly

in theU. S. Journal An

ofAnthropological of urban

-.

E. Paul, and Suzan Erem. acts: 2005. Class Durrenberger, service workers and their union. Boulder: Paradigm. Durrenberger, Hegemony E. Paul, and Dimitra working Doukas. 2008. Gospel

anthropology

2007. Anthropology unbound:Afield guide to the21stcentury. Boulder: Paradigm.

of wealth, in the U.S. 5. New class. American Anthropologist gospel 110:214-24. of work:

Thefight to Erem, Suzan, and E. Paul Durrenberger.2008. On the global waterfront: free
the Charleston Evans-Pritchard, E. E.

Fletcher,Bill, and Fernando Gapasin. 2008. Solidarity divided: The crisis in organized
Fones-Wolf, labor and a new path Elizabeth A. liberalism, 1945-60. toward social justice. Berkeley: University 1994. Selling free enterprise: The business Urbana: of Illinois Press University of California assault Press. on labor and

York: Monthly Review Press. 1949. The Sanusi Oxford: of Cyrenaica.

Clarendon

Press.

This content downloaded on Mon, 18 Mar 2013 20:43:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

26
Fried, Morton. New York:

JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL
1967. The evolution McGraw-Hill. of political society:

RESEARCH
inpolitical anthropology.

An essay

New York: Houghton Mifflin. Kenneth. 1992. The cultureof contentment. Galbraith,John to How Walter. 2006. The Goldschmidt, bridge humanity: affect hunger trumpstheselfish
gene. Hannerz, New Ulf. York: 1996. Gudrun. of Iowa. 1974. Cows, House. Press. Boston: Beacon Press. lawyers, and the "Union Free Movement" in the U.S. pigs, wars and witches: The riddles of culture. New York: Oxford Transnational 2002. Press. University connections: Culture, people, interests: places. An New York:

Routledge. Haraldsdottir,

fishing andfish tradingon theshores ofLake Malawi (Malawi). Ph.D. dissertation,

Cooperation

and

conflicting

ethnography

of

University Harris, Marvin. Random

Kombluh, JoyceL. 1964. Rebel voices: An IWW anthology.Ann Arbor: University of Leach, Edmund R. 1954.Political systemsof highlandBurma: A studyofKachin social
structure. Logan, John. 2002. Consultants, Michigan

-.

since the 1970s. IndustrialRelations Journal 22:197-214. 2006. The union avoidance industryin theUnited States. British Journal of
Relations 44:651-75. in the archipelagoes Press. works: wars Karl and Marx Publishers. the public trust: Property, Asia. New law, and ecology and Row. in ofMelanesian and Frederick New reprint ed. 5: 1845-47.

Industrial

Malinowski, Bronislaw. 1922. Argonauts of theWesternPacific: An account of native

enterprise Marx, Long Karl. New McCay, and adventure IL: Waveland International 1998. Oyster 1976. Collected Guinea, Vol Grove,

Engels,

York: Bonnie. Alfred.

Tucson: UniversityofArizona Press. New Jerseyhistory.

1972. The politics Books. 1951. White Press. 1997. The comparative study of public collar: The American middle of heroin in Southeast

-.

McCoy,

York:

2003. The politics of heroin: CIA complicityin the global drug trade.Chicago:
Hill C. Wright. classes. New York: Oxford for

Harper

Lawrence Mills,

University Ostrom, Elinor. Rhodes Ostrom,

economies.

the Frank E. Seidman Distinguished Award in Political Economy. Memphis, TN:

College. and James Walker. Roy Gardner, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan York: Viking. religion. Selected Berkeley: North Atlantic essays. New York: Zone Gainesville: introduction University Books. Books. Press of 1994. Rules, Press. games, and common-pool Elinor,

Acceptance

paper

resources.

global crisis of Phillips,Kevin. 2008. Bad money:Recklessfinance,failed politics, and the

American Roy. Rappaport, Sahlins, Marshall. Saitta, Dean. Florida. Salzman, culture: An Philip Carl. 2001. Understanding Press. IL: Waveland theory. Prospect Heights, 1993. The hidden and Jonathan Cobb. Sennett, Richard, W. Norton. to anthropological New York: W. capitalism. New 1979. Ecology, 2000. meaning, & inpractice: Culture

2007.

The archaeology

of collective

action.

injuries

of class.

Medical medical anthropology. Critical praxis in M. 1995.Beyond the ivorytower: Singer, Quarterly 9:80-106. Anthropology
Stiglitz, Joseph. 2003. Globalization and its discontents. New York: Norton.

This content downloaded on Mon, 18 Mar 2013 20:43:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions