Introduction
The near universality of high school graduation is considered one of the major achievements of the American education system. National survey and census data show thatupwards of 85% of young adults have graduated from high school (Mare 1995: 162, Stoops2004: 2). These figures are comparable with estimates of high school graduation from carefullydesigned longitudinal surveys (Ingels, Curtin, Owings, Kaufman, Alt, and Chen, 2002: 14) andare consistent with official reports on high school dropout rates published by the U.S.Department of Education (Kaufman, Alt, and Chapman. 2001: 17-21). Indeed, most policydiscussions of educational opportunity assume that there are few remaining problems of equity atthe high school level and focus on promoting greater access to higher education.Yet, there are persistent voices claiming that high school attrition (dropouts) remains amajor problem. Part of this concern is related to race and ethnic disparities. Minorities, especiallyMexican Americans and American Indians, are much more likely to drop out of high school thanare white and Asian American youth (Freeman and Fox 2005, U.S Department of Education2003). But there is also growing evidence that conventional responses to censuses and surveysinflate high school completion. For example, Greene and Winters (2002) and Swanson (2004)conclude that the “on-time high school graduation rate” in the United States is only 68 to 69% percent—about 15 to 20 percentage points below conventional reports that 85 to 90% of American youth graduate from high school. Using a similar data and assumptions, a recent reportfrom U. S. Department of Education estimated that only 73-74 percent of high school freshmangraduate from high school four years later, with graduation rates as low as 60% in New York andin other states (Seastrom, Hoffman, Chapman, and Stillwell, 2005: 5). Another careful studyestimates that 72% of students graduated from American high schools in 2002 (Warren 2005).Beyond these varied accounts of high school dropout and graduation rates, there is evenless consensus on the causes of high school attrition. Many studies find high correlations between high school completion and impoverished social backgrounds, including poverty, inner city residence, and disrupted families (Alexander, Entwisle, and Kabbani, 2001; Astone andMcLanahan 1991, Rumberger and Thomas 2000). Other research suggests early academic performance, including poor grades and high rates of retention in primary and middle schools, asthe major factor that eventuates in high school dropouts (Alexander, Entwisle, and Dauber, 2003;Ensminger and Slusarcick, 1992. Another stream of research emphasizes deficiencies in theorganization, structure, and size of American high schools (Lee and Burkam 2003).These very different portraits of American high school success (or lack of success) relyon different data sources and measurement. The standard account of high graduation rates is based on household surveys that ask adults to report retrospectively on their educationalattainment. The problem is that survey questions typically equate delayed high schoolcompletion (and high school equivalency programs) with on-time high school gradation.Household surveys may also under-enumerate persons with below-average educational levels.The other source of data on high school completion is school records—administrative data on thenumbers of enrolled students. Analyses based on administrative data yield more pessimisticaccounts of high school graduation. Although school records do not suffer from recall bias andunder-enumeration, there are other problems that emerge when tracking students from year toyear in administrative records. The most serious problem is the assumption that all non-enrolled
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