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A Malaysia for all Malaysians?M. NadarajahAPRIL 15 – In recent times, the cultural and political notions of “Bangsa Malaysia” and “One Malaysia” have gained currency of useand are fast becoming household terms. They seem to have caughtthe imagination of many well-meaning sons and daughters of Mother Malaysia.Our fourth Prime Minister, Dr Mahathir Mohammad, conceived theformer and the present Prime Minister, Najib Abdul Razak, came upwith the latter. Both these leaders are connected to Umno and BN,formations that belong to the era of ethnic politics.Both these concepts were conceived to deal largely with thedemands by Malaysian citizens to create a Malaysia for allMalaysians, irrespective of race/ethnicity, religion and gender.Malaysian citizens attempted to represent the post-March 2008Malaysia as “New Malaysia” to articulate a new kind of politics –post-ethnic politics – with a cultural orientation that stronglypromoted unity through celebration of cultural diversity.In the 70s and 80s, we had intense discussion on National CulturalPolicy. It was an intellectual and emotional movement that, amongother concerns, focused on the needs of non-Malay Malaysiancommunities, seeking a fair and sensitive representation of theircultural elements in the development of a National Culture, which of course included vernacular education. The spirit of “Rukunegara” also came to strongly articulate a similartendency, comprehensively: “achieving a more perfect unityamongst the whole of her society; preserving a democratic way of life; creating a just society where the prosperity of the country canbe enjoyed together in a fair and equitable manner; guaranteeing aliberal approach towards her rich and varied cultural traditions; andbuilding a progressive society that will make use of science andmodern technology.”Another concept, “Malaysian Malaysia”, used in the early and mid-60s was widely associated with the then Singapore Prime MinisterLee Kuan Yew. Of course the notion has gone into oblivion, onlyraised in opposition slogans here and there, now and then.Because it was critical of article 153 and directly challenged thenotion of Malay privileges, it was seen as an intensely disruptiveconcept and was criticised by many, including the then MCApresident, Tan Siew Sin.
 
Earlier, and at the time of the conception of the political entitycalled Malaya, there was Dato' Onn Ja'afar and those who supportedhim, who represented the principle that in Malaya then and in thefuture (i.e. Malaysia), no citizen should have more privilege thananother. He promoted inclusive politics.“Malaysia for all Malaysians” is an imagination and a national needvery strong in the soul of multicultural Malaysia, corrupted only bypoliticians and intellectuals with myopic and gutter political andcultural views.Now, by design or default, we have allowed the concepts of BangsaMalaysia and One Malaysia to set the agenda for us. We use theseideas to imagine a Malaysia for all. It is part of our everydayexchanges, discussion and debates. They have come to consume the intellectual labour of manyamongst us. They appear on television. We may soon have photoand essay competitions. And, probably national and internationalconferences.It may be part of Corporate PR campaigns and CSR initiatives. Or,part of other national campaigns, popular imagination and popularculture. And possibly like “Malaysia Boleh”, now a part of Malaysianblack humour.But have we moved forward with these ideas? Are we, in any way,privileging the urge for unity at the expense of diversity? Are thesenotions benignly (with the potential for being aggressively)hegemonic? Are we by default setting the ground to privilege anyone culture in the context of multiples religious and ethnic cultures?Do these concepts address the issues raised in the 70s and 80s onNational Malaysian Culture? Or are they aligned to the notion of post-March 2008 “New Malaysia”?Are these ideas the refuge for Malaysians who have lost connectionto their mother tongue, ethnic or religious cultural affiliations andseeking a cultural ground to stand on?Are these ideas the refuge for hybrid communities who seem to feela state of being neither here nor there, culturally speaking?And, who will inhabit One Malaysia? Citizens who want to beidentified as “Bangsa Malaysia”, or those who think/feel for“Malaysian Malaysia” (governed by “Rukunegara”)?It is certainly a cultural action strategy of subalterns to appropriatenotions from the mainstream or the dominant culture and to makethem stand on their head, to redefine their meanings and to usethem radically.
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