nnn Pentecostalism and National Culture

A Dialogue between Brazilian Social Sciences and the Anthropology of Christianity

Ceclia L. Mariz and Roberta B. C. Campos

n ABSTRACT: This article aims to show how the hegemonic interpretation of Pentecostalism in Brazil has difficulty recognizing changes caused by these churches to local cultures. We argue that this tendency can be explained by a widespread adherence to structuralist theories of society combined with an unwillingness to accept the reimagining of a national culture historically built up by Brazilian social science. We suggest that the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God has been the Pentecostal church most studied by Brazilian researchers because it provides a powerful means to indicate the strength of Brazilian culture. Through our analysis of more recent studies, we point out the salience of these debates to wider questions relating to the emergent anthropology of Christianity, concluding that since neither discontinuities nor continuities can be denied in the field, the focus on one or the other dimension should be seen as a methodological choice rather than an orientation specifically arising from empirical observation. n KEYWORDS: anthropology of Christianity, Brazilian culture, Pentecostalism, social sciences, Universal Church of the Kingdom of God This article is targeted at advancing the dialogue between Brazilian studies of Pentecostalism and contributions to the so-called anthropology of Christianity. We understand the anthropology of Christianity to be a methodological agenda that recognizes the legitimacy of the anthropological study of different expressions of Christianity as well as the cultural changes that Christianity may have brought about in different social and cultural scenarios. Those who embrace this agenda criticize hegemonic theoretical models in anthropology, pointing out the inability of these models to help researchers perceive cultural changes in general and, more specifically, changes that may result from conversion to Christianity. They also convey a broad critique of the hegemonic tendency of anthropology to deny certain dimensions of conversion to Christianity. We will attempt to establish a dialogue with the work of those who adopt this research agenda, particularly with the publications of Joel Robbins, but also those of Simon Coleman, Fenella Cannell, and Matthew Engelke. We believe that the proposed dialogue will not only
Religion and Society: Advances in Research 2 (2011): 106121 Berghahn Books doi:10.3167/arrs.2011.020107

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shed new light on the Brazilian context but also raise some questions regarding the project of an anthropology of Christianity. It is worth remembering that coming up with a sense of the Brazilian nation, an identity distinct from both its neighbors and Europe, has been the core project of the Brazilian intelligentsia. This project has necessarily involved implications for reflections on religion in Brazil. Such reflections are relevant to an analysis of how Christianity, particularly Pentecostalism, has been interpreted by anthropologists and sociologists in Brazil. Prior to engaging with this discussion, however, we will review the anthropology and sociology of Pentecostalism developed in Brazil, highlighting their specificities and trying to show why we believe that Brazilian scholarship on Pentecostalism presents a good case study for understanding the extent and the limits of the anthropology of Christianity. Following a French tradition running from Durkheim to Bourdieu, anthropologists and sociologists in Brazil have tended to enter into dialogue with the works of sociologists (such as Simmel, Schutz, and Elias), turning to issues traditionally connected with sociology, such as life in the metropolis and Christianity. Anthropologists, moreover, do not limit themselves to qualitative data: some of them also collect considerable amounts of quantitative material. Furthermore, in connection with its contributions to the nation-building project, the Brazilian anthropology of religion has generally focused on the national society as a whole and relatively less on indigenous people (e.g., Fernandes et al. 1998).1 These similarities between anthropology and sociology are very evident in studies of Pentecostalism. Most researchers currently devoted to the study of religion in Brazil self-identify as anthropologists (see Herrera 2004). In fact, there is relatively less interest in the sociology of religion in Brazil compared with anthropology, which has been explained by the strength of Marxist theory during the formative years of leading graduate programs in Brazilian sociology (Mariz 1994b). Yet there are sociologists of religion working in concert, and holding close dialogue, with anthropologists. In the Brazilian academic context, sociology and the anthropology of religion do not differ from each other with regard to the issues raised, the research methodologies, the groups studied, or the data collected. Their theoretical frameworks and bibliographical references are the same. This similarity tends to continue in spite of the efforts undertaken by the leaders of the National Association for Graduate Studies in Social Sciences (ANPOCS) to create autonomy between these disciplines by encouraging each subject area to underscore its theoretical and methodological specificities.2

Studies of Christianity in Brazil

Brazil is still a predominantly Catholic country. Much like the Portuguese language, Catholicism is said to have acted as the matrix underpinning the Christianization of culture since the inception of the Brazilian nation. In this vein, Catholicism is the cultural landscape within which Pentecostalism has been framed while it has been expanding its influence on local populations. In this context, although many Protestants and virtually all Pentecostals define themselves as the only Christians, such a restricted view of Christianity is not accepted by Catholics or by groups such as the Kardecist Spiritists. Owing to its breadth, the category of Christian tends in fact to be largely meaningless, and it is therefore rarely considered in studies of religion in Brazil. Anthropologists and sociologists refer to Catholics, Protestants, Evangelicals, or Pentecostals, but rarely to Christians.3 Nonetheless, we may state that there is in Brazil a set of studies of Pentecostalism that, through arguing that this religious movement reflects or facilitates the creation of a new subjectivity that breaks apart from the mainstream culture, has adopted

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a similar agenda to that of the anthropology of Christianity. This line of argument (i.e., the notion of the conversion to Pentecostalism as a break with tradition) is sometimes mistakenly identified and criticized as either a developmentalist or an optimistic perspective (see Motta 1994a; Pierucci and Mariano 2010) that associates Brazilian social and economic backwardness with Catholicism. For that reason, it has faced difficulties in being accepted. Later on, we will attempt to correlate these accusations of developmentalism and optimism to a criticism of Western society as a whole. Although Pentecostals have been in Brazil since 1910, it was only in the 1970 Brazilian census that they were counted as a group distinct from other Protestant churches. Nonetheless, the sparse ethnographical observations that were made, such as those by Roger Bastide (1945) on black Protestantism and Renato Carneiro Campos (1967) on the so-called crentes (believers) from the coastal region of the state of Pernambuco, as well as the study by Willems (1967), revealed that a type of Protestantism distinct from the missionary-reformed churches was spreading in Brazil. From the time of the first analyses systematically addressing Pentecostals, we have been able to discern two theoretical currents characteristic of this field of study. One sees Pentecostalism as a reproduction of the status quo, and the other perceives it as a sign of a broader change, which may also spur further changes. In accordance with this second reading, Fry and Howe (1975) compare Pentecostalism with Umbanda, an Afro-Brazilian religion that also grew during the 1960s and 1970s, distinguishing them as two different responses to the afflictions experienced by urban populations. Pentecostalism was seen as suitable for a more individualistic society, a novelty in Brazil, and Umbanda as appropriate for a more relational society. Regina Novaes (1985) also calls attention to Pentecostalism as a promoter of change. In her work, grounded in research on Pentecostals from the Assembly of God in the countryside of the state of Pernambuco, Novaes shows how Pentecostalisms emphases on individual freedom of faith and on the ability to read and speak were suitable to rural workers discourse and organization. This type of reasoning appears again in the comparison between Pentecostals and Catholics linked to base communities and liberation theology (Machado and Mariz 1997; Mariz 1988, 1994a). By outlining the similarities between these groups worldviews, such works suggest that although these forms of religiosity have distinct political ideologies, they encourage among menand especially among womena deeper individuation that represents a break from a more traditionally authoritarian Brazilian culture.4 Similar reasoning may be found in the works of Roberta Campos (1995), Machado (1996), Freston (1993), Fernandes et al. (1998), Soares (1993), Mafra (2000, 2002) and Costa (2002). The standpoint of these authors, however, does not seem to represent the current hegemonic vision. Nowadays, however, the dominant trend among Brazilian scholars, both anthropologists and sociologists, is to underestimate these breakthroughs. These works may be seen together as belonging to the first theoretical current mentioned above, which suggests that Pentecostalism (in contrast to classical Protestantism) does not represent a break from the wider society. The works of Beatriz Muniz de Souza (1969), Cndido Procpio Ferreira de Camargo (1973), and Francisco Cartaxo Rolim (1985) are representative of this interpretation, which calls attention to Pentecostal conservatism. While the two first underscore the adaptive function of Pentecostal churches, Rolim, adopting a Marxist viewpoint, considers that Pentecostalism reinforces already existent class alienation and underscores traditional values. In the same vein, Carlos Rodrigues Brando (1986) also identifies conservative forces in Pentecostalism, despite calling attention to the role of cultural resistance that it plays, much like other expressions of popular culture and religiosity. Although he recognizes the break from Catholic identity that is being enacted by Pentecostals, Brando argues that Pentecostalism does not sever ties with popular

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culture and religiosity in its wider sense. He believes that Pentecostalism plays a role in peoples anti-modern resistance and manifests other aspects of popular religion. Brandos study points to similarities between Pentecostal churches and other popular religious traditions, showing that they are a single set of expressions of cultural resistance.5 Several Brazilian anthropologists and sociologists adopt this interpretation, which rejects the idea that Pentecostal growth might represent a change in peoples way of thinking and acting. The argument reappears in the opening considerations of the volume edited by sociologist Lsias Negro and anthropologists Geraldo Paiva, Josildeth Consorte, and Claude Lepine. As the authors put it: We [have] assumed that, in fact, the frequent changes of religion have meant a juxtaposition of beliefs rather than a real conversion We believe that the accounts presented in the several chapters of this book demonstrate this hypothesis, as they are convincing in depicting these particular dynamics of our religious field (Negro et al. 2009: 14). This quote expresses what we consider to be the hegemonic position found in many works by Brazilian sociologists and anthropologists (e.g., Almeida 2010; Birman 1996a, 1996b; Bittencourt 1991, 1993; Bobsin 2002; L. Campos 1997; Prandi 1992; Silva 2006). According to this position, the increase shown in Brazilian censuses of the population identified as Protestant or Evangelical does not imply changes to the dynamics of the Brazilian religious field. For those who espouse this position, Pentecostalism in Brazil has increased because of its subjection to what they consider to be Brazilian culture, which is characterized by non-exclusivity of religious identity, syncretism, greater emphasis on magical thinking than on ethics, and articulation through loose doctrines and rules, that is, the so-called Brazilian way or Brazilian style (jeitinho brasileiro) (cf. DaMatta 1979, 1984). A notable number of Brazilian publications on Pentecostalism identify in this religious movementmainly within the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (UCKG)several cultural traits putatively ascribed to Brazilian culture. For last 20 years, academic studies have focused almost exclusively on the phenomenon referred to as neo-Pentecostalism,6 particularly with regard to the UCKG. This interest is certainly a result of the capacity of this church to make itself known via the media and politics (Birman 1996a, 1996b), but it is also present because the UCKG provides an example of the resilience of Brazilian culture. The appeal of demonstrating the resistance of local culture to change is clear in the debate following the results of the 1994 survey on Evangelicals carried out by the Instituto de Estudo da Religio (ISER, Institute for the Study of Religion) in the metropolitan area of Rio de Janeiro (Fernandes et al. 1998). This study indicated that most Pentecostal followers attended the Assemblies of God and supported values and practices that broke away from many aspects of what was perceived as the local hegemonic culture. But analysts Otvio Velho (an anthropologist from the National Museum of Anthropology) and Pierre Sanchis (an anthropologist from the Federal University of Minas Gerais) did not acknowledge the results. Velho (1998) challenged the capacity of the survey data to analyze conversion and religious values. Sanchis (1998) declared himself to be fascinated by the UCKG. He focused specifically on the data relating to this church that showed continuity, not only with established features of the Catholic Church and the Brazilian religious field, but also with discourses of postmodernity and the positive confession movement (ibid.: 168):
The Universal Church manages to integrate itself organically in the Brazilian religious field, which is to say the old African spiritualistCatholic culture. Institutionally, it tends to revamp the model of the Catholic Church (including its planetary, Catholic-universal aspect) and sets its own field in continuity (an inverted continuity,7 using the figure of the devil) with the Brazilian-African field [I]t manages to articulate, in a single offering, the resonances of Protestant and Pentecostal modernity with those of Brazilian pre-modernity.

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Sanchis believed that the novelty of this church actually reproduced a traditional Brazilian pattern. The Universal Church is cast as innovative by being more Brazilian. In such a view, the UCKG is arguably an illustration of how local cultures reshape external elements, giving them new meanings by translating them within the local cosmological structure. The above arguments of Negro et al. and Sanchis support the notion that the apparent novelty of neo-Pentecostalism in Brazil could be just a disguise. This view is widely shared and presented with different emphases in works by Almeida (2009, 2010), Birman (1996a, 1996b), Mariano (2000), Montero (2006), Oro (1992, 2003), Prandi (1992), and O. Velho (2009), among others. In addition, and in common with Sanchis (1998), authors have pointed out intersections between Pentecostalism, postmodern New Age religious experience, and a Brazilian syncretic tradition. Stressing the evidence of expanding consumerist attitudes toward different aspects of life, including religious ones, some authors (e.g., L. Campos 1997; Prandi 1992) consider the adoption of such a Pentecostal identity to be superficial, transient, and of little or no importance in redefining the subjectivity of individuals. In this interpretive model, the broader culture may be seen as imposing its values and lifestyle onto Pentecostal practice. Under the lens of these Brazilian authors, data such as those presented by Simon Coleman (2000) on the fluidity and multiple denominational belonging in the Swedish context of the neo-Pentecostal Livets Ord (Word of Life) movement are interpreted as representing not a Christian phenomenon but a postmodern movement.

The Universal Church of the Kingdom of God as an Object of Research

Although the Universal Church is not the largest Pentecostal church in Braziland it may even be quite small in several regions of the countrymany scholars review the issue of Pentecostalism in the Brazilian field by referring only to this church. This overemphasis on the UCKG adds some difficulties to the understanding of Pentecostalism in Brazil, mainly owing to some recurring methodological problems. One of the problems most commonly evident is a denial of the existence of different levels of adherence to this denomination. On account of this, most researchers do not perceive differences between the practices and discourses of those who are in an early stage of the conversion proc ess and those who are simply visiting the church to obtain a blessing (referred to by scholars or researchers as clients). Most researchers do not see that there is a gradual commitment or conversion process that happens through stages and that may be very slow. They therefore fail to discuss the complexity of the process of conversion and of developing loyalty to the UCKG, preferring to reduce the church to an enterprise of selling religious goods. This interpretive and methodological model contrasts with the very one adopted for the religion that the researchers themselves affirm to be similar to the UCKG:8 the Afro-Brazilian religions. In the latter, the clientsthe majority of those present during the ritualsare not the focus of the research. Rather, the emphasis is on the so-called People of the Saint (povo de santo), a small group seen as sustaining the religious knowledge and practice. In contrast, most studies on the UCKG are based on data collected among those present at rituals, who for the most part have a client relationship with the church. On the other hand, the difficulty of doing research on the UCKG community may have led many of the authors already mentioned, such as Leonildo Campos (1997), Ricardo Mariano (2000), and Prandi (1992), among others, to deny that the UCKG has a sense of community and to reduce the church to pastors, bishops, and clients. There is little access to volunteer workers (obreiros) and other enthusiastic members and passionate followers of the UCKG. Pastors and workers refuse to give interviews and talk to researchers. Ethical dilemmas of conducting

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research without revealing the researchers identity have generated conflicts and impaired studies. On account of that, and with few exceptions (e.g., R. Campos 1995; Costa 2002; Gomes 2011), the overall assumption is indeed that there is no religious community, and, as a result, research has been limited to the clients who go to church to solve specific problems. The study of these clients underpins the further assumptions that there is no theology in the UCKG and that its members have no religious knowledge. Because of its capacity to deal with politics and the media, and mainly due to its international expansion, the UCKG has attracted the interest of researchers from several parts of the world outside Brazil. This has led Brazilian scholars to expand their field of study geographically, although the focus continues to be the elements of Brazilian culture that are embodied in the church. Indeed, such culture has been the focus of many studies relating to the UCKG abroad (see, e.g., Mafra 2002; Oro et al. 2003). Yet another theme is the churchs capacity to conform to the global and neo-liberal economy. In this vein, it is also important to note that a set of studies points toward likenesses between the UCKG and the new scenario of neo-liberalism. In line with the argument already mentioned in relation to New Age and postmodern religious experiences, the UCKG is singled out as an expression of global neo-liberal culture. Some authors (e.g., Gracino 2008; Lima 2010; Mesquita 2008) have analyzed how the discourse on the theology of prosperity can help people to adapt to the neo-liberal economic landscape. In most studies, there is a predominant belief that the UCKG does not promote change but rather maintains a kind of continuity relating to Brazilian culture, including the so-called cultura da malandragem (rogues lifestyle), which is well-described and elaborated by DaMatta (1979). The media tend to present UCKG pastors as adopting a form of malandragem, understood as a strategy to fool and extort. This type of argument appears in many studies on the conversion to Pentecostalism in correctional facilities. When it comes to the environment of these facilities, Gusmo (2011) criticizes most researchers on Pentecostal conversion for always ascribing to the convicts a motivation that is anything other than spiritual or ethical and characterizing their conversions only as instrumental (see Dias 2008; Scheliga 2005). Researchers do this, Gusmo (2011) contends, in disregard of the natives point of view. Hence, these studies challenge the legitimacy of conversion or even the conversion itself, arguing that the convicts did not actually convert to Pentecostalism but instead pretended to do so in order to protect themselves from something or to gain some advantage. Gusmo believes that these works do not take into account the fact that conversion is a relational process and that the expected transformation needs to be shown and evidenced by the converted person (ibid.). On the other hand, signs of transformation will always be seen from several perspectives and validated, challenged, or denied according to the beliefs and positions of those involved, including pastors, brothers or sisters in faith, followers of other religions, jailed inmates following the same or a different denomination, and anthropologists. Another group of authors explains the growth of Pentecostal and charismatic movements, chiefly the UCKG, as the result of marketing strategies of religious agencies. Sociologists who develop their studies grounded on the idea of the religious market and rational choice (e.g., Iannaccone et al. 1997) call attention to the strategies and performance of religious leaders, considering the study of the followers beliefs to be less important. Despite some important distinguishing elements, the works of Ricardo Mariano (2008), Antonio Flavio Pierucci and Ricardo Mariano (2010), Leonildo Campos (1997), and Jos Rubens Jardilino (1993) are considered exemplars of this line of reasoning. Again, conversions are regarded as a culturally superficial process leading to no permanent or meaningful change. These studies tend to give more attention to religious institutions and their proselytizing and missionary projects and less attention to the discourses of ordinary church members. It is, therefore, in this sense that

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the Brazilian literature about the UCKG asserts that this church offers nothing fundamentally new to Brazilian culture. Although it is innovative in its use of the media, its expansion abroad, and its way of relating politics, religion, and money, nothing unexpected is provided in cultural terms. In addition to not proposing breaks from the broader culture, it is seen as unable to actually transform its followers. This type of analysis, based on the example of the UCKG, has been projected into the discourse on neo-Pentecostalism and Pentecostalism in general. The UCKG seems to be the preferred case study in Brazilian anthropology as it appears to provide empirical support for long-standing arguments relating to cultural continuity and the lack of utility of the conversion concept. In contrast to the above analysis, the anthropology of Christianity recovers the utility of the concept of conversion in the sense of rupture, involving a comparative methodology and indeed a Weberian sociology. Although Webers ideas and methodology are generally not drawn directly from him but from authors influenced by him, such as Dumont and Jaspers, we identify a closeness to Weber in Robbinss (2003, 2004b) approach in relation to the use of categories such as axial religiosity and pre-axial religiosity. These binary categories could be understood as broadly ideal typical.9 In order to determine whether conversion leads to discontinuity or continuity, it is necessary first to identify the cultural and social traits that something may be breaking away from or continuing. This can be done only if we understand what culture stands for in the context. Indeed, ideas and concepts relating to the notion of culture among Brazilian researchers have a strong impact on their interpretations of Pentecostal conversion.

A Domestic Anthropology
As noted, except for the relatively few of those within the Brazilian academic field who distinguish themselves by self-identification as ethnologists10 or classical ethnologists on the grounds of studying indigenous peoples, Brazilian anthropology focuses on the people, culture, and society of the anthropologists themselves. Although Brazilian ethnologists do research on different societies, they are usually focused on peoples inhabiting Brazilian territory and therefore address national problems, such as Brazilian governments, the states relationship with missionaries, and so on. Therefore, developing a domestic anthropology is a common experience for almost all anthropologists in this country. The experience of another kind of domestic anthropology is common among those who study Christianity. Coleman (2000) comments on his related experiences in working on Christianity in Europe, while Robbins (2003, 2004b) notes that anthropology is often brought to the home of anthropologists when Christianity is studied, insofar as the Western is frequently associated with the Christian. Furthermore, as suggested by Cannell (2006, 2010), there are many similarities between anthropologists and Christian missionaries. Christianity per se is affirmed to be, to some extent, the subjective home of the anthropologistone that belongs to Western society or a to Judeo-Christian civilization. Therefore, developing an anthropology of Christianity, even in a location such as Polynesia, for example, is said to be similar to developing an anthropology at home. This similarity between the anthropology of Brazilian anthropologists and that of the so-called anthropologists of Christianity may be another reason to suppose that the dialogue proposed here may be helpful. Moreover, it implies that studies of Pentecostalism in Brazil by Brazilians may usefully be reviewed in light of the questions raised by the anthropology of Christianity, just as such work may also contribute to a deepening of the discussion brought about by such an anthropology.

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When one studies oneself, it is essential to recognize that not everything that is familiar is known (see G. Velho 1978). Appreciating the strangeness of the familiar is therefore a necessary dynamic for the anthropological analysis of Christianity (see Cannell 2006). Following this line of reasoning will help us address, through a reflexive movement of estrangement, the theoretical and ideological bases of the construction of concepts of Brazilian culture. We believe that these bases underlie interpretive models about conversion and cultural change that have been adopted by the Brazilian anthropology of religion. The anthropology developed by an anthropologist who is also a native emerges as a discourse with double legitimacy, academic and native. This discourse gains momentum as it may trigger either of these legitimacies in different contexts as called for. The work of Roberto DaMatta (1979, 1984) on Brazilian culture illustrates, to a certain extent, the broad resonance and hegemony of a discourse prepared by a native anthropologist. This type of study, which simultaneously interprets and builds a culture, can be seen as illustrating the process of cultural construction as identified by Roy Wagner ([1975] 1981), which happens through a dialogue between anthropologist and native. Thus, Brazilian social scientists who reflect on characteristics of Brazilian culture, such as Gilberto Freyre ([1933] 1978), Sergio Buarque de Holanda ([1936] 1963), Clodomir Vianna Moog (n.d.), DaMatta (1979, 1984), and others, point to elements that cannot be found in European or North American society. Had they compared Brazilian culture and society with African or Asian contexts, rather than those where a hegemonic anthropology had been developed, it seems reasonable to assume that the characteristics they would have identified as Brazilian would have been quite different. Ideology and politics also need to be taken into account. In the case of Brazil, as already mentioned, anthropology has been assimilated into an intellectual and political project of constructing a unified national identity. For that reason, structuralist models of the interpretation of culture, involving a strong emphasis on totality, integration, and permanence while disregarding history and transformation, seem to resonate most powerfully in analyses of Brazilian culture and religion. Nevertheless, ideas of integrated totality and enduring identities have become less useful for understanding the reality of the global world. International anthropology and sociology currently seek theoretical concepts and tools that call attention to fluidity, impermanence, and multiculturalism, and, in fact, Brazilian anthropology has begun incorporating elements of this discussion. However, relevant concepts are being adopted in this context not to identify the fluidity of the global world but rather to assert the permanence of the syncretism of Brazilian culture, since fluidity and multiple identities are regarded as Brazilian cultural traits (Sanchis 1994, 2001). Therefore, despite the adoption of concepts such as fluidity and diversity, much cultural analysis in Brazil, especially in relation to religion and the growth of Pentecostal and neoPentecostal movements, underscores continuities in religious practice. Averring that Pentecostalism has not been successful in changing Brazilian culture may be equated to stating that Brazilians have successfully resisted colonization of the mind: Brazilians are being true to themselves (see Comaroff and Comaroff 1991). This type of argument creates a paradox in the Brazilian context, however: how can something that does not have an impact on or change peoples consciousness be understood as threatening? It is worth noting that, according to the interpretation described above, with Portuguese as Brazils national language and Catholicism as its hegemonic religious identity, Brazilian nationhood is believed to have a unique capacity to syncretize. Thus, cannibalism emerges as a metaphor for describing this context. For instance, Roberto Motta (1994a) has called attention to the presence in Brazilian social thought of the idea of an identity built on anthropophagy. In fact, the active role of social thinkers, especially anthropologists, in the construction of national culture in Brazil has been much discussed. When Freyre ([1933] 1978) and DaMatta

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(1979, 1984) pointed to the tendency to mix races and religions as a Brazilian trait and Buarque de Holanda ([1936] 1963) called attention to cordialidade (warmth), they were valuing these traits positively and building a concept of national culture that contrasted with the perceived dominant culture of North America and Europe. We have also noted the more recent reinvention of this anthropophagous model of identity in Vilaa (2008) and Viveiros de Castro ([1986] 1992, 1998). The perspectivism that they analyze parallels and substantiates this hegemonic Brazilian intellectual tradition. The intent here is not to reduce Viveiros de Castros sophisticated theoretical model of perspectivism to a national ideology. However, we note in this theoretical model a resort to cannibalism as a key metaphor in interpreting and analyzing culture (Viveiros de Castro 1998), whereby transformation following indigenous patterns is always perceived as an indigenization of the foreign culture. In other words, the local culture is always presented as resisting the aesthetics, ethics, and political models of the Occident and the modern world (see Sztutman 2008). Thus, paradoxically, it is not perspectivism but precisely the anthropology of Christianity, as articulated by Robbins (2003, 2010), that may causeand may already have causeda reassessment of older interpretations of Pentecostalism and Christianity in Brazil. We believe that Robbinss model, focusing on rupture, helps to break with the line of ideological thought that reduces cultural change to a matter of political resistance. What we advocate here is that political resistance cannot be seen as a priori to analysis. Another illustration of how the adoption of a particular concept of culture delimits the analytical capacity of the researcher is presented in detail by David Lehmann (1996) in his analysis of the notion of popular culture used by several researchers in Brazil, including the abovementioned Brando (1986). The idea of popular culture as resistance expresses a reaction to significant processes of urbanization and modernization within the economy that have tended to encourage contempt for traditional beliefs and practices considered backward and inferior. The notion of popular culture as a veiled form of contestation, besides providing an underlying interpretation a priori, also entails a social and political project of support for such resistance. These issues of interpretation have been discussed by Motta (1994a, 1994b) in his analyses of the valorization of Afro-Brazilian religions by anthropologists. This author points to the existence of what he calls a holy alliance between these religions and anthropologists in Brazil, and suggests that Pentecostalswho reject this alliancetend not to be very well-regarded by national anthropologists. The author draws attention to the fact that books of anthropology on Afro-Brazilian religions were read by some pais-de-santo (priests of these religions), who reproduced anthropologists ideas in their own religious books. In other words, anthropologists who study Afro-Brazilian religion have helped to redefine and recreate their objects of research in unusually direct ways. Indeed, Peter Fry (1984) and Beatriz Ges Dantas (1988), among others, have shown how Afro-Brazilian religious leaders have adopted the criteria of an African religious authenticity suggested by anthropologists. We understand that the anthropology of Christianity may, with its emphasis on a comparative agenda, help Brazilian anthropologists to relativize their place in the field. This may lead the social sciences in Brazil to go beyond their particular preoccupations and the tendency to reduce interpretation to factors related to Brazilian social and cultural specificities. The aim of showing that Brazilian anthropologists are not contaminated by Pentecostalism has parallels with the nation-building project that has tried to show that anthropologists are not Portuguese (the ex-colonizers)or at least, they are no longer Portuguese. In this intellectual and cultural context, the agenda of the anthropology of Christianity brings to the fore a useful methodology that focuses on discontinuity. On the other hand, it is clearly not possible to think about discontinuity without taking continuity into account, and vice versa.

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Studying Discontinuities Catalyzed by Christianity: Revitalizing the Concept of Conversion alongside Webers Thought
The revitalization of the concept of conversion and of some Weberian arguments (mediated especially through the work of Robbins) that has come about due to development of the anthropology of Christianity stands in contrast to Brazilian studies of both the UCKG and Pentecostalism in general. Brazilian anthropology continues to criticize an interpretation that has prevailed for years within another wing of the Brazilian intelligentsia, as shown by Jess de Souza (1999) and Motta (2002)one that relates Brazilian backwardness to the national Catholic culture. Denying conversion is, therefore, a way to assert the strength of Brazilian culture and to relativize the power of Western global culture. As already noted, those who deny the possibility of full conversion ground their arguments on non-withdrawal from past religious practices. On the one hand, there seems to be a disregard of the fact that conversion is always a temporal process, unfolding over a time span with ups and downs, crises and comebacks (Austin-Broos 1997; Coleman 2003; Mariz and Machado 1998). On the other hand, as asserted by Robbins, the return to past practices may occur as a result of guilt. The role of guilt among the Urapmim in Robbinss book Becoming Sinners (2004a) is very important for his argument about rupture and can be analyzed in terms of Weberian distinctions between ritualistic religion and ethical religion. The notion of guilt is itself related to the idea of individual choice, which among Pentecostals is created by so-called deliverance from evil, and both contribute to the redefinition of individual subjectivity (R. Campos 1995; Mariz 1998).11 The relationship between the recovery of the anthropological utility of the notion of conversion and a Weberian sociology is clear in Robbinss argument that Christianity as such proposes changes and discontinuity. It is important here to reflect on the argument that Christianity may assume the need for transformation. One initial question asks whether the process of religious conversion, irrespective of the religion, requires some sort of personal change. In a Christian context, changes in the converted individual may not have significant impacts on the broader culture. For instance, in Brazil, Pentecostalism may require the abandonment of ones devotion to saints, yet it may also involve a revival of sexual morality in keeping with traditional Catholic norms. Hence, continuity and discontinuity can be seen as part of the same process of transformation (see Engelke 2004). There are important similarities between Webers ([1922] 1993) thought on Jewish prophecy and Robbinss (2010) interpretation of Christianity as an axial religiona carrier of interconnected elements constituting a package that leads to discontinuities in relation to basic aspects of pre-axial worldviews. Weber ([1922] 1993: 23) calls attention to the distinctively and eminently historical character of the theorizing of the Hebrew prophets, which stands in sharp contrast to the speculations concerning nature characteristic of the priesthoods of India and Babylonia. Owing to its conception of a transcendental God, which supposes a total separation between God and nature, Jewish religion celebrates its peoples history, rather than the cycles of nature, and therefore is supposedly focused on the capacity of God to transform the world and peoples lives. Christianity is believed to have continued this celebration of history and change, but now with an orientation toward the spiritual history of humankind rather than the material history of the Jewish people. In more modern forms of Christianity, the focus is on individual histories of the pursuit of salvation. Robbinss (2004a, 2004b) argument that Christianity may promote a valorization of transformation, individualism, and transcendence has parallels with a Weberian sociology of religion. The methodology of the ideal type appears in Robbinss discussion of the axial ages, axial religiosity, and pre-axial religiosity, which are also very close to the Weberian discussion of

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discontinuities promoted by Jewish and Christian prophecy. Robbins also dialogues with the works of Louis Dumont, another author exhibiting a Weberian influence. These parallels with a Weberian analysis arguably bring the anthropology of Christianity closer to sociology and help further not only the discussion among regional anthropologies, such as those noted by Robbins, but also among anthropologists and sociologists in Western societies, as is evident in Cannells (2010) discussion of secularism.

Final Insights: Dilemmas and Their Ways Out

We began our article by showing that there is a group of researchers whose interpretation of the growth of Pentecostalism in Brazil has some similarities to the agenda of the anthropology of Christianity. The reflections contained within that emergent agenda have helped us to understand the tendency of most Brazilian anthropologists and sociologists both to deny Pentecostalisms power to produce discontinuities and to be fascinated with the UCKG, often reducing Pentecostalism in general to the beliefs and practices of this single church. To understand these issues more clearly, we have attempted to reflect on the broader intellectual and political project of the social sciences in Brazil. As Paula Montero (1999: 328) has stated in relation to Catholicism and Afro-Brazilian religions, we can say that the study of Pentecostalism and neo-Pentecostalism in Brazil stands as a privileged field for understanding the classic dilemmas that were the concern of our intellectuals throughout this century: the construction of the nation and the possibilities of modernization. On the one hand, there seems to be an appreciation of modernizing transformations that may allow Brazilian society to reach a level of economic output similar to that in more developed countries, while also helping the country to achieve a similar framework of political and social rights. On the other hand, there has been an attempt to prevent this modernization from destroying what is perceived to be, and what is presented as, the originality and specificity of the national culture. We have also tried to emphasize throughout this article that discontinuity and continuity are relative concepts that obviously depend on context. Even still, pointing to the importance of context is not to say that an anthropology of Christianity in Brazil should be kept apart from an anthropology of Christianity in Africa or Asia. In fact, overcoming such isolation is crucial to an understanding of the present moment, when the object of study itself so clearly transcends geographical frontiers.

n Ceclia L. Mariz received her PhD in Sociology from the University Professors Program at Boston University. She is currently a Professor at the Rio de Janeiro State University and a researcher with Brazils National Counsel of Technological and Scientific Development (CNPq). Her publications include Coping with Poverty: Pentecostals and Christian Base Communities in Brazil (1994) and several articles and chapters in edited books, mostly about Pentecostalism and Catholicism in Brazil. She has also co-edited books published in Brazil on these themes; ceciliamariz@globo.com.

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Roberta B. C. Campos holds a PhD in Social Anthropology from the University of St. Andrews (Scotland). She is a Professor of the Graduate Program in Anthropology at the Federal University of Pernambuco in Brazil. She is also Deputy Leader of the Center for Research on Popular Religions at the Federal University and of the Center for the Study of Christianity at the Rio de Janeiro State University. She conducts research on religion, culture and identity, emotions, anthropological theory, the body, and society. She has written articles for various journals, such as Etnogrfica (Lisbon), Cahiers du Brsil Contemporain (France), Revista de Antropologia (Brazil), among others, and has also authored chapters in several edited books; robertabivar@gmail.com. n Notes
1. There are also sociologists who adopt the methodology of participant observation. See, for example, the study of Reginaldo Prandi (1991) on candombl (an Afro-Brazilian religion). 2. See, for example, literature reviews by Montero (1999), Pierucci (1999), Pierucci and Mariano (2010), and Almeida (2010). 3. Pierucci and Mariano (2010: 288) criticize Brazilian social scientists for overlooking the fact that among those who present themselves as religious in Brazil, only a few reject a Christian identity. 4. We do not assume in the idea of a homogeneous Brazilian culture an essentialist concept of culture; rather, we use this concept as it appears in the literature we discuss. 5. Because of his idea of cultural resistance, Brandos interpretation seems to be closer to the work of Jean and John Comaroff (1991) than to the still developing anthropology of Christianity. 6. For more on the concept of neo-Pentecostalism in Brazil, see Oro (1992) and Mariano (2000). 7. Sanchis (1998) refers to the fact that the Afro-Brazilian deities are acknowledged by Pentecostals (such as the Universal Church) as powerful entities but also as demons. 8. These similarities are evident in the works of many of the authors already mentioned, such as Almeida (2010), Birman (1996a, 1996b, 2009), Negro et al. (2009), Oro et al. (2003), Prandi (1992), and Silva (2006), among others. 9. As proposed by Weber ([1922] 1993), the methodology of ideal types avoids the reification of any proposed category or type. Although reality can never be reduced to a type, typologies can nevertheless be a very useful tool for understanding it, as Robbins (2010) argues in defending the utility of binary categories. 10. In Brazil, although all ethnologists may be regarded as anthropologists, not all anthropologists are regarded as ethnologists. We are taking into account the Brazilian debate on the differences between classical ethnology and the ethnology of inter-ethnic contact, as pointed out by Viveiros de Castro (1999). 11. As mentioned earlier, the idea that Pentecostalism entails a new conception of individual subjectivity has been denied by a large number of Brazilian scholars, but we note that some of them have recently been reviewing their interpretive model. For example, Birman (2009) comments on the case of a woman who did not commit to Pentecostalism but makes moral evaluations of the events in her life based on the Pentecostal worldview. Also, Pierucci (2006) emphasizes ruptures and cites Robbinss work.

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