“Everything that exists passes through here. Through the port of Naples. There’s not a product, fabric, piece of plastic, toy, hammer, shoe, screwdriver,bolt, video game, jacket, pair of pants, drill, or watch that doesn’t comethrough here. The port of Naples is an open wound. The end point for theinterminable voyage that merchandise makes…It’s a bizarre thing, hard tounderstand, yet merchandise possesses a rare magic: it manages both to beand not to be, to arrive without every reaching it’s destination, to cost thecustomer a great deal despite its poor quality, and to have little tax value inspite of being worth a huge amount.” (p.4-5)
Unlike the widely-known Mafias and ‘Ndranghetta, the structure of Camorra is less focused on hierarchy and less dependent on ritual, andinstead has been audaciously dedicated to a pure business modelgenerating unimaginable riches. Saviano distinguishes the differencebetween the Sicilians and the Campanians in one extended quote fromthe testimony of Camorra defector:
“One of the declarations about the Sicilian Mafiosi that shocked me most wasmade by the Casalesi
pentito
Carmine Schiavone in a 2005 interview. Hetalked about the Cosa Nostra as if it were an organization enslaved topoliticians and, unlike the Caserta Camorristi, incapable of thinking in businessterms. According to Schiavone, the Mafia wanted to become a sort of antistate, but this was not a business issue. The state-antistate paradigmdoesn’t exist. All there is, is a territory where you do business— with, through,or without the state.
” (190)
Saviano doesn’t dwell on macro and economic details of Camorracorruption, extortion and money-laundering, but prefers to relatepersonal narratives and vignettes from individuals sucked into anorganizational crime vortex fed by the business opportunitiesassociated with the port of Naples. In fact, this is the strength of hisbook because it provides a rarely seen portrait of daily life in regionscontrolled by organized crime. Many of his most memorable narrativesare graphic descriptions of violence during the many disputes and turf wars that flourished unchecked by institutional self-regulatingprocesses. One extended example is described in chapter 4,
theSecondigliano War,
where he relates the carnage that resulted whennon-hierarchical and competing clans of Campania attacked rivals overturf, jealousy and most frequently over profitable opportunties.Saviano carefully catalogues the casualties of those Camorra clan warswithin the Campania region over a quarter of a century :
“You don’t need to count the dead to understand the business of theCamorra. The dead are the least revealing element of the Camorra’s realpower, but they are the most visible trace, what sparks a gut reaction. I startcounting” 100 deaths in 1979, 140 in 1980, 110 in 1981, 264 in 1982, 204 in1983, 155 in 1984, 107 in 1986, 127 in 1987, 168 in 1988, 228 in 1989, 222 in1990, 223 in 1991, 160 in 1992, 120 in 1993, 115 in 1994, 148 in 1995, 147 in1996, 130 in 1997, 132 in 1998, 91 in 1999, 118 in 200, 80 in 2001, 63 in2002, 83 in 2003, 142 in 2004, 90 in 2005.Since I was born, 3600 deaths. The Camorra has killed more than theSicilian Mafia, more than the ‘Ndrangheta, more than the Russian Mafia, morethan the Albanian familes, more than the total number of deaths by the ETA in
2
Casaliti refers to the powerful Camorra clan from Casal de Principe as does Caserta. A pentitois a “witness” or more appropriately someone who has “turned”.
Draft: © James Creechan Sept 10, 2009 page 2 of 13
Leave a Comment