(79-81). Background on globalization,transnational corporations, and thecommodification of nature (81-88). Watercommodification schemes: 1) governmentsell-off; 2) concessions or leases bygovernments; 3) management contracts (88-92).
The groundwork is being laid forfinancial speculation with water, of which agreements like NAFTA are a part
(92-97). States are increasingly dominatedby corporate interests (97-100). “As UrsulaFranklin [the 86-year-old German-bornphysicist, winner of the 2001 Pearson Medalof Peace], Canadian scholar,environmentalist, and long-time peaceactivist puts it: What we have now is an‘economic war’ in which the new ‘enemy’ ispeople and Nature, and the new territories of occupation are ‘the commons’ (those not-for-profit spaces we ‘hold in common’ in ademocratic society). Says Franklin, we areliving under a military-style occupation with‘puppet governments’ running the countryon behalf of the corporations and their‘armies of marketeers.’ This is
the
corporate security state
that now shapes
the political life of nations and peoples in anera of global capitalism” (100, emphasesadded).
Ch. 5: Global Water Lords.
The 1993privatization of Buenos Aires’s water systemby Suez (101-04). Water as new market forcorporate exploitation (104-06). Structure of the industry: ten corporate players in threetiers: 1) Vivendi Universal; Suez (both basedin France, as
France pioneeredprivatizing water supplies underNapoléon III
); 2) Bouygues-SAUR, RWE- Thames Water, Bechtel-United Utilities, andEnron-Azurix; 3) smaller British and Americancompanies (106-09). Suez’s worldwideexpansion involved consolidating waterenterprises under the brand name ONDEO(109-12). Vivendi Universal (112-17).Enron’s acquisition of Azurix, which laterwent to American Water Works (117-22).E.ON’s bid for SAUR (123). Unsavory aspectsof privatization: health and safety,corruption, lack of transparency (124-28).
Ch. 6: Emergent Water Cartel.
Asystem of bulk water transport isemerging
, though it would be ecologicallydangerous (129-32). It involves pipelines(132-34), supertankers (134-36), grandcanals (137-39), water bag schemes (139-41), bottled water (142-45) under brandnames (145-50). A cartel, though presentlyunlikely, would be possible, involving (indescending order of importance) Brazil,former USSR countries, China, Canada, theU.S., Norway, and Austria (150-53).
Ch. 7: Global Nexus.
The Bolivianstruggle over the Cochabamba water utility(154-56). The current system is based in anetwork of international agencies founded inthe early 1990s (156-60). The World Bankand the IMF are key to main financingsystem (160-65). The role of the World Trade Organization and why GATT Article XXfails to protect water resources (165-67).Water is a “service” under the WTO’sGeneral Agreement on Trade and Services(GATS) (167-70).
Regional trade blocslike NAFTA are intended as thefoundation of the future Free TradeArea of the Americas (FTAA) andestablish investment rules that requirethat foreign-based water corporationsbe given “national treatment” and“most-favored nation” status, enablinga “continental energy and watercorridor”
(170-76). Proliferating but little-known “bilateral investment treaties” (BITs)can give water corporations additional clout(176-80).
PART III: THE WAY FORWARDCh. 8: Fightback.
An anti-dam struggle inIndia’s Narmada Valley that becamesymbolic (183-85). Struggles to regain localcontrol: Cochabamba, Bolivia, and Grenoble,France (185-88). Coalitions fightingprivatization (188-91). Fighting theexportation of water (191-93). Challengesbased on water quality (193-96). Watershedrestoration movements (196-99). Stoppingdams (199-202).
The internationalizationof water-issue struggles
(202-04).
Ch. 9: The Standpoint.
Principles can bethe global water justice movement’s“standpoint” (the basis of important socialmovements, bringing “a sense of priority, asense of proportion, and a sense of obligation”―a concept developed by UrsulaFranklin) (205-06). Malefic intent is generallylacking, but the embrace of economicglobalization has produced the same result;
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