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ing to denounce her family and statethat she wants to stay with MEK“holy worriers”, now a banned ter-rorist organization under Canadianlaw since 2005.Somayeh’s life has been in great dan-ger in the past 10 years and she isdefiantly threatened to comply withMEK’s rules. Her story is very dam-aging to MEK and as a result theorganization does not allow Somayehto leave camp Ashraf in order to con-tact or meet with the Canadian Offi-cials in private or in a 3
rd
party coun-try. This has further complicated hercase, as she offi-cially told an im-migration judgeover satellitephone that shedoes not wish toreturn to Canada.Her family andfriends know thisto be a testimonymade under pres-sure and there-fore devoid of anytruth. Somayeh is kept like a hostageat Camp Ashraf and must be treatedlike one.
About Us
We are Family and Friends of SomayehMohammadi who are deeply concernedabout her safety as she has been force-fully kept by Mojahedin-e Khalgh(MEK), Iranian guerrilla fighters inIraq, for the past ten years. Somayeh isone of the many Canadian and Ameri-can youth who were recruited tomonthly camps when they were teenag-ers, only to be kept like hostages at theheadquarters of the Organization of theFreedom Fighters of the Iranian People,Camp Ashraf, Iraq. This website is toraise awareness about Somayeh’s caseand help us organize our campaign tosave Somayeh. (more on page15)
The Campaign for “The Right toChoose” for Somayeh and others,who are in Ashraf 
September 27, 2006
About Somayeh Mohamadi
Somayeh was only 17 when she metthe recruiters of the Iranian opposi-tion group Mojahedin-e Khalagh(MEK) in Toronto. Born into a fam-ily with sympathies towards thegroup and having already lost herfavorite aunt in guerrilla fightsagainst Islamic Republic of Iran,Somayeh decidedto drop out of hergrade 10 highschool class atEtobicoke Colle-giate Institute andattend a MEKcamp in Iraq fora month. Most of all, she wasthankful to MEKfor offering to payfor her expansesto visit her aunt's grave. On Febru-ary, 1998 Somayeh left Toronto tospend a month in what later onturned to be a guerrilla compoundcalled Camp Ashraf, the headquar-ters of the Organization of the Free-dom Fighters of the Iranian People.Somayeh is a now a 25 year old, stillliving under harsh conditions of Ash-raf, despite her parents’ restless triesto bring her back home. Somayeh isone of the many Canadian andAmerican teenagers who were deceit-fully recruited by MEK and send toCamp Ashraf, where they weretrained for guerilla fights and forcedto stay inevitably. In an independentletter sent to the Canadian embassyin Jordan, Somayeh asks for the Ca-nadian government's help to get herback to Toronto. Later however, shewas forced by MEK in a court hear-
Help Somayeh ToSpend ChristmasWith Her FamilyJust Like You
 
Iranian-Canadian kids sentto guerrilla camps in Iraq Children of 'the resistance' 
National Post, Saturday,September 23, 2006
Father's sacrifice
 
National Post, Saturday,September 26, 2006
Getting out of an Iraqi ter-ror camp
 
National Post, Saturday,September 27, 2006
'I'm with the Mujahedin' 
National Post, Saturday,September 28, 2006
Secretariat of the NationalCouncil of Resistance ofIran
 
 
V
OLUME
1, I
SSUE
5D
ECEMBER
16, 2006
Nejat Newsletter
BRIEFING PERIODICAL OF NEJAT SOCIETY 
Let SomayehChoose in a FreeCountry
115
Strange Bedfellows
The Wall StreetJournal
2-5
Nejat Society Letterto the President of Iraq
67
Open Letter to Mr.Richard K. Armey
8-11
Suspicious At-tempts to Hide theTruth
1213
Gone with the wind
14
The residents of Camp Ashraf aresubject to the lawsof Iraq
16
Much Ado aboutNothing
16
Iraqis WelcomeRevelations of MKO
15
INSIDE THIS ISSUE: 
LET SOMAYEH CHOOSE IN A FREE COUNTRY
 
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By
ANDREW HIGGINS
and
JAYSOLOMON
,The Wall Street JournalNovember 29, 2006
 
Early this summer, as Washingtonfretted about Iran's nuclear pro-gram, supporters of Mujahedin-eKhalq, an Iranian oppositiongroup, held a rally in an audito-rium two blocks from the WhiteHouse. Prominent members of Congress addressed the crowd, asdid the State Department's re-cently retired ambassador-at-largefor war crimes.
 
Maryam Rajavi, the dissident out-fit's leader, beamed in a stirringspeech via satellite from France.Denouncing Iran's clerical rulersand their nuclear ambitions, sheproclaimed democracy "the an-swer to Islamic fundamentalism."
 
Mujahedin-e Khalq, known asMEK, is Iran's largest exile opposi-tion group and, say its supporters,the best hope of bringing democ-racy to Iran. It reaches into Iranthrough its own satellite TV chan-nel and claims an undergroundnetwork of activists inside theIslamic republic. It also has a bigpresence in neighboring Iraq,where U.S. soldiers watch overmore than 3,000 MEK membersgathered in a sprawling campnorth of Baghdad.
 
The MEK, however, has a bighandicap: The U.S. governmentsays it's a terrorist organization.Officials cite its role in the murderof Americans in the 1970s andsubsequent terror attacks thatkilled hundreds of Iranians. An-other big blemish is the group'slong collaboration with SaddamHussein. On top of all that, formermembers describe the MEK as apersonality cult obsessed withcelibacy and martyrdom.
 
So how does an outlaw organiza-tion with a bloodstained past, ahistory of intimacy with Iraq's top-pled despot and a reputation foroddness generate thunderous ap-plause almost within earshot of the Oval Office?
 
Part of the answer lies in subter-fuge: Mujahedin-e Khalq, whichmeans People's Holy Warriors, hasa raft of support groups with in-nocuous names, such as the Na-tional Convention for a Democ-ratic, Secular Republic in Iran, thehost of the Washington event.These haven't been banned anddisavow violence.
 
More important in blurring theMEK's status, however, is themuddle surrounding U.S. policytoward Iran. With the U.S. armedforces bogged down in Iraq andAmerica's military options againstneighboring Iran severely limited,the MEK and its fans are lobbyinghard to present the group as anally that can help curb Tehran'sgrowing influence. These support-ers, who include lawmakers andconservative foreign-policy ana-lysts, insist the MEK has no linksto terrorism.
 
Most U.S. officials scoff at formingany alliance with the MEK anddispute its claims of having a massfollowing in Iran, stressing thatmany Iranians despise the organi-zation. A senior White House offi-cial says the Bush administrationcontinues to view the MEK as aterrorist organization and "not anadvocate for democracy or humanrights" in Iran.
 
But some Iran analysts say theMEK's thinly disguised presence inthe U.S. makes a mockery of theadministration's antiterrorismcampaign. The White House ac-cuses Iran of supporting terroristgroups, they say, yet turns a blindeye toward the MEK. "It gives theimpression that some terroristorganizations are better than oth-ers," says Trita Parsi, president of 
Strange Bedfellows,
Called a Terror Cult by Many, MEK WinsFriends in U.S. Because It Opposes Tehran
 
the National Iranian AmericanCouncil, an Iranian-American civicorganization.
 
Charm Offensive
 
Leading the push to get the MEK's"terrorist" tag removed, with helpfrom some members of Congress,is an outfit called the Iran PolicyCommittee. The committee'spresident, Raymond Tanter, a for-mer National Security Council offi-cial under President Reagan, saysthe MEK's designation is"restraining" the organization'sability to promote democraticchange in Iran. His group recentlypublished a glossy book that chal-lenges the terrorism charges madeagainst the MEK, and this monthhelped host an event on CapitolHill arguing the same point.
 
The charm offensive has taken theMEK far from its origins. First setup in 1965 by vaguely Islamic left-wing intellectuals in Tehran, Muja-hedin-e Khalq used to curseAmerican "imperialism" and mur-dered a string of U.S. military per-sonnel and defense contractors inthe 1970s, says the State Depart-ment. The group blames the at-tacks on rogue Marxist factionsand says they were not endorsedby MEK's leaders, who were in jailat the time or had been executed.
 
Shortly before Iran's 1979 Islamicrevolution, the Shah's crumblingAmerica-backed regime released jailed MEK activists. One of them,Massoud Rajavi, a former law stu-dent at Tehran University, becamethe group's paramount leader andallied with Islamist forces to topplethe Shah. But the group quicklysplit with Iran's new clerical rulersled by Ayatollah Khomeini, whoexecuted thousands of MEK sup-porters. The MEK retaliated with awave of terror of its own.
 
Mr. Rajavi fled to France, wherehis brother, a doctor, has a housein Auvers-sur-Oise, a sleepy townoutside Paris. To rally Iranians tohis cause, Mr. Rajavi sent MassoudKhodabandeh, a British-educatedelectrical engineer, to Iran's Kurd-ish region to set up a radio trans-mitter. He began to broadcasttaped tirades against AyatollahKhomeini.
 
 
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In France, the group swiftly fellprey to political and romantic bick-ering. Mr. Rajavi, who had justdivorced his second wife, shockedsupporters by taking up with thewife of a close friend and fellowMEK activist. They married andshe took the name Maryam Rajavi.
 
Another contentious liaison fol-lowed. Mr. Rajavi moved to Iraq in1986 with his new wife and forgedan alliance with Saddam Hussein,then at war with Iran. Former MEKmembers say the Iraq dictatorprovided a six-story office buildingin Baghdad and military bases,including Camp Ashraf, named inhonor of Mr. Rajavi's first wife,who had been killed in Iran byAyatollah Khomeini's regime.
 
After a disastrous lunge into Iranin 1988, the MEK embarked on amore successful military venture.It helped Saddam Hussein crushan uprising by Kurds after Iraq'sdefeat by U.S. forces during the1991 Gulf War, according to U.S.diplomats and the State Depart-ment's 2005 Country Reports onTerrorism.
 
Increasingly seen in the West asan Iraqi stooge, Mr. Rajavi sentMs. Rajavi back to France to drumup support. Her campaign madesome headway but founderedwhen the U.S. and Europe beganlooking for ways to reach out toIran's newly elected reformistpresident, Mohammad Khatami.
 
Senior diplomats in the Clintonadministration say the MEK figuredprominently as a bargaining chipin a bridge-building effort withTehran. Washington hoped it couldget Iran to back a Middle Eastpeace initiative, stop funding ter-rorist groups and forswear nuclearweapons. Iran, for its part, wantedthe U.S. to take a hard lineagainst the MEK.
 
In 1997, the State Departmentadded the MEK to a list of globalterrorist organizations as "a sig-nal" of the U.S.'s desire for rap-prochement with Tehran's reform-ists, says Martin Indyk, who at thetime was assistant secretary of state for Near East Affairs. Presi-dent Khatami's government"considered it a pretty big deal,"Mr. Indyk says.
 
The MEK also got hit by a string of defections. Among those to quitwas Mr. Khodabandeh, the electri-cal engineer. He married anotherdefector, Anne Singleton, an Eng-lish woman who had visited CampAshraf, where she says she wastaught an anti-imperialist songthat vowed "death to America."Ms. Singleton wrote a book de-nouncing the MEK as a crazed cultof enforced celibacy and brutaldiscipline.
 
Other formermembersdescribe agood causewarped bymethodsreminiscentof Mao Tse-tung's Cul-tural Revolu-tion -- a con-stant hunt forinternal ene-mies, ideo-logical"cleansing"sessions andharsh punish-ment of realor imagineddissent. Moh-sen Abbasloo,a 28-year-oldformer MEK activist, says he was jailed and beaten at Camp Ashraf for over a month after he voicedmild doubts. "I went there full of hope but it was not even 1% of what I expected," says Mr. Abba-sloo, who says he spent four yearsat the huge desert complex of barracks, office buildings and mili-tary training grounds betweenBaghdad and Iraq's border withIran.
 
Mohammad Mohaddessin, a vet-eran MEK member and chief for-eign-affairs official of its politicalarm, denies accusations of brutal-ity and describes defectors as"tools of the Iranian regime."
 
Throughout the 1990s, the MEKcontinued to operate in Washing-ton and elsewhere through variousfront organizations, the mostprominent of which was the Paris-based National Council of Resis-tance of Iran. In 1999, the State
Strange Bedfellows,
Called a Terror Cult by Many, MEK Wins Friendsin U.S. Because It Opposes Tehran (cont)
 
Department banned the NCRI onthe grounds that it is the MEK'sofficial political arm. The NCRIdescribes itself as an Iranian par-liament-in-exile comprising 530members and not just represent-ing the MEK.
 
Its former U.S.-based spokesman,Alireza Jafarzadeh, remained aregular on the Washington lobby-ing and policy circuits. In recentyears he appeared routinely onFox News as a foreign-affairs ana-lyst. In 2002, he held a Washing-ton news conference to reveal asecret ura-nium enrich-ment facilityin the Iraniancity of Natanz. TheInternationalAtomic En-ergy Agencyin Viennalater con-firmed theclaim. Presi-dent Bushand othersenior U.S.officials pub-licly praisedwhat theycalled anIranian"dissidentgroup" forunearthingthe information.
 
Former MEK members and someU.S. officials say they believe theNatanz information was fed to theMEK by Israel, which wanted tomake it public. The MEK deridesthis as nonsense.
 
John Moody, a Fox News seniorvice president, says Mr. Jafar-zadeh's contract as a foreign-affairs analyst lapsed, but doesn'trule out further employment. "Heconsistently provides accurate andsometimes exclusive information,"he says.
 
In 2002, 150 members of theHouse of Representatives signed apetition seeking the MEK's re-moval from the U.S. government'sterrorist list.
 
As America geared up for war with
Iraqi dictator Saddam Husseingreets Massoud Rajavi, head of the Iranian opposition groupMujahedin-e Khalq, beforeAmerica's 2003 invasion of Iraq.
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