Romania Occidentalis Romania Orientalis

Romania Occidentalis Romania Orientalis

Volum omagial dedicat Prof. univ. dr. / Festschrift fr

Ion Talo

Editat de / Herausgegeben von Alina Branda, Ion Cuceu

Editura Fundaiei pentru Studii Europene Editura Mega 2009

EDITURA FUNDAIEI PENTRU STUDII EUROPENE Str. Em. de Martonne nr. 1 Cluj-Napoca, Romnia Director general: Ion Cuceu

Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naionale a Romniei Romania Occidentalis - Romania Orientalis. Volum omagial dedicat Profesorului univ. dr. Ion Talo / Festschrift fr Ion Talo Editori: Alina Branda, Ion Cuceu, - Cluj-Napoca, Editura Fundaiei pentru Studii Europene i Editura Mega, 2009 704 p. ISBN 978-606-526-043-6 398(4) 821.135(082.2) Talo, I.

Cuprins

Tabula gratulatoria Bibliografie/Schriftenverzeichnis: George Achim Ultima revolt a avangardei romneti Istvn Almsi A Strophic Lament and a Brides Farewell Song Virtudes Atero Burgos Tengo mi pecho de coplas / que parece un hormiguero El cancionero gaditano tradicional. Nicolae Bocan Interesul pentru etnografie i folclor la iluminitii romni din Banat tefan Borbly Iepuraul de Pati i cteva consideraii despre calendarul cretin Alina Branda On Anthropology at Home. Indigenous Perspectives Rolf Wilhelm Brednich Gemeinsamkeiten. Eine Freundschaft mit Ion Talo und Rumnien Alberto Mario Cirese Contributi allo studio della poesia popolare di area romanza Ion H. Ciubotaru Ion Talo 75 years old Ion Cuceu Un vechi proiect de cercetare: Enciclopedia culturii tradiionale romneti Maria Cuceu Wheat and Last Ears Genies or Spirits Marco Cugno Mircea Eliade: Signorina Christina, un romanzo fantastico romeno

13 17 33 41

47 67 75 93 105 121 133

141 151 173

Romania Occidentalis - Romania Orientalis

Iordan Datcu Despre Ion Talo de-a lungul anilor Isabela Denize The Roma Identitary Question in Paremiology Ion Dumitrel Ioan Talo - pelerin prin lumea nepieritoare a sufletului romnesc Nicolae Edroiu Candid C. Mulea (18861965) i genealogiile braovene Virgiliu Florea Dr. M. Gaster: I Am a Bit of a Romanian Scholar Alin-Mihai Gherman Repere etnografico-folclorice n vechea noastr lexicografie. I: Dicionarele latino-romne Ladislau Gymnt Evreii n istoriografia romn i maghiar Gottfried Habenicht Ziua, ceasul despririi. Un cntec de lume i compoziia Walachisches Volkslied de Arthur Schott Klaus Heitmann Adrian Marino und sein Europakonzept Corina Iosif Lidentit culturelle de loralit lcriture. Les enjeux politiques de lmergence dune culture aroumaine crite  Sabina Ispas Le Matre Manole et le monastre dArgi Marius Jucan On Cultural Transition in Post-Cold War Romania and the Avatars of Authoritarianism Bernhard Knig Rettung durch Verkleidung und Die milungene Verfhrung. Zwei Motive profaner und geistlicher Erzhlungen in Mittelalter und Renaissance

193 205 211 213 221

233 243

251 269

277 293

309

337

Cuprins - Inhalt

Claude Lecouteux Cloches et clochettes: croyances et magie Anamaria Lisovschi Dendrolatria i conservarea unor componente ale dendroflorei romneti Episcopul Macarie (Marius-Dan) Drgoi Conotaii funerare n colindele romneti din zona ibleului Andrei Marga Emancipation, assimilation, disimilation Marianne Mesnil Structuralisme en robe des champs: le liseron et lhirondelle Michael Metzeltin Le dveloppement du vocatif en roumain Ilie Moise La o aniversare Bogdan Neagota, Ileana Benga Riti, maschere e cerimoniali con rami verti. Della festa di Sangiorgio nella Transilvania settentrionale. Un approccio etno-antropologico Jan Nicolae Taina Euharistiei, a paharului ritual i a omului euharistic n colinda tradiional romneasc Viorica Nicov O colecie inedit de naraiuni populare romneti Valentin Orga Lost Holiday. Connotations of the Communist Oppression in the Traditional Romanian Village Cristina Papa Il paesaggio come farsi delle popolazioni locali Amalia Pavelescu Gheorghe Pavelescu i Ion Talo

345

359 363 371 389 395 401

405

429 455

461 473 483

10

Romania Occidentalis - Romania Orientalis

Ovidiu Pecican Metafora egiptologic i orizontul ei cultural n Istoria ieroglific de Dimitrie Cantemir Antonio Jos Prez Las alabanzas al vino en los versos de la lrica popular Pedro M. Piero Ramrez La cara de la novia / como la luna. Un tpico con fortuna en la tradicin lrica Mircea Popa Un caiet manuscris cu versuri vechi din 1834 Doru Radosav Rugciunea la romni. Cteva consideraii istorico-etnologice Aurel Rduiu Art popular din Romos (jud. Hunedoara). Creaie i promovare Rodica Raliade Ion Pop Reteganul an Archive Fund of Current Interest Lorenzo Renzi Stilistica e retorica Viorel Rogoz Aspects de la magie despousailles dans la rgion slagienne de Some Mara Jess Ruiz Ritos de ascensin y de paso en la fiesta del columpio Marius Sala Castor i Pollux Ion euleanu Dou cri despre mitopoetica i arhaicitatea culturii populare (tradiionale) romneti Helga Stein Ludwig Adolf Staufe-Simiginowicz. ein Volks- und Landeskundler aus der Bukowina in der 2. Hlfte des 19. Jahrhunderts.

487 497

509 521 535 553 565 577

587 597 609

613

617

Cuprins - Inhalt

11

Petrua Teampu i ndat purcese greaNateri excepionale i destin ero(t)ic n basmul fantastic romnesc Emanuela Timotin Linvocation la lune dans les charmes roumains. Tradition manuscrite et tradition orale Nieves Vzquez Recio Y no enturbias el agua: de Fontefrida a una cancin del repertorio tradicional andaluz Christian Wentzlaff-Eggebert mpratul Traian ca mijlocitor ntre romanitatea oriental i occidental

635

651

661

669

Erzsbet Zakaris An Ethnographic Study of the Family in the Baraolt Basin (Erdvidk) with Special Regard to the Situation of Women 679 Filippo M. Zerilli Rural-ness and the Global Language of Rights: Transylvanian Peasants Entering EU

695

Tabula gratulatoria
Allende lvarez, Mara Jesus - Kln Angelescu, Silviu - Bucureti Antonescu, Georgeta - Cluj Armbruster, Claudius - Kln Arndt, Sabine - Kln Augerot, Jim - Seattle Barbn, Jos Antonio - Kln Barbn, Diana - Kln Beu, Nicolae - Chiinu Brbulescu, Constantin - Cluj Brbulescu, Elena - Cluj Becker, Martin - Heidelberg/Kln Bellosta von Colbe, Valeriano - Bielefeld Belozerov, Stela - Cluj Beltechi, Eugen - Cluj Blaga, Iulia - Cluj Blandiana, Ana - Bucureti Blumenthal, Peter - Kln Boca, Ioan - Cluj Boce, Maria - Cluj Boldureanu, Viorel - Timioara Bong, Heinrich - Kln Bong, Karin - Kln Boock, Barbara - Freiburg Bork, Hans Dieter - Kln Botezatu, Grigore - Chiinu Both, Ioana - Cluj Both, Livia - Cluj Bnisch-Brednich, Brigitte - Wellington Burr, Isolde - Kln Canciovici, Mihai - Bucureti Centro Internazionale di Etnostoria - Palermo Chicet, Isidor - Drobeta-Turnu Severin Chihaia, Matei - Kln Chindri, Ioan - Cluj Cid Martnez, Jos Antonio - Madrid Cire, Lucia - Iai Cirimpei, Victor - Chiinu Cistelecan, Alexandru -Trgu-Mure Citt di Palermo Ciubotaru, Silvia - Iai Clepe, Petru - Arad

14

Tabula gratulatoria Colac, Tudor - Chiinu Comloan, Doina - Timioara Consiliul Judeean Alba - Alba Iulia Consiliul Judeean - Cluj Constantinescu, Nicolae - Bucureti Corni, Constantin - Baia Mare Corni, Georgeta - Baia Mare Cristea, Avram - Alba-Iulia Cristofor, Ion - Cluj Da Mata, Giulle Vieira - Ouro Preto Da Mata, Srgio Ricardo - Ouro Preto Dahmen, Wolfgang - Jena Dejeu, Zamfir - Cluj Delavigne, Anne-Elne - Paris Deutsches Volksliedarchiv - Freiburg Dobre, Alexandru - Bucureti Dransfeld, Mariella - Menden Drgan, Hlinca-Elena - Cluj Editura Enciclopedic - Bucureti Eiwen, Daniel - Kln Fanache, Vasile - Cluj Foith, Alexander - Leverkusen Fontana, Alessio - Kln Fruntelat, Ioana - Bucureti Fundacin Machado - Sevilla Fundaia pentru Studii Europene - Cluj Geyer, Paul - Bonn Ghitta, Ovidiu - Cluj Goia, Augustin-Ioan - Cluj Goia, Vistian - Cluj Grambo, Ronald - Oslo Graur, Tiberiu - Cluj Greive, Erika - Niederpleis Grimm, Claudia - Kln Grosch, Nils - Freiburg Groza, Tiberiu - Cluj Grui, Gligor - Cluj Hammerschmied, Claudia - Trier Haplea, Doina - Cluj Haplea, Ioan - Cluj Hedean, Otilia - Timioara Heinen, Valerie - Kln

Tabula gratulatoria Hodi, Viorel - Cluj Ichim, Ofelia - Iai Idu, Eleni - Cluj Idu, Petre - Cluj Iercoan - Sara - Cluj Iken, Sebastio - Kln Itoc, Lucia - Cluj Jakob, Daniel - Freiburg Johansen, Ulla - Kln Kablitz, Andreas - Kln Keszeg, Vilmos - Cluj Klein, Franz-Josef - Siegen Kramer, Johannes - Trier Khler-Zlch, Ines - Gttingen Lengert, Joachim - Jena Losonti, Dumitru - Cluj Lyra Minima Oral - Sevilla Macavei, Ion - Cluj Mantsch, H. Horst - Ottawa Matter, Max - Freiburg Mauss, Othmar - Kln Marga, Delia - Cluj Mrculescu, Sorin - Bucureti Mrii, Ion - Cluj Miclea, Rodica - Sibiu Mihail, Zamfira - Bucureti Mocanu, Augustin - Slobozia Mocanu, Nicolae - Cluj Mohr, Martina - Kln Munteanu, Simona - Cluj Mulea, Ioan - Cluj Muthu, Mircea - Cluj Nicoar Simona - Cluj Nicoar, Toader - Cluj Nitsch, Wolfram - Kln Pape, Walter - Kln Pun, Nicolae - Cluj Plmdeal, Valerian - Arad Popa, Marcel - Bucureti Popovici, Victoria - Jena

15

16

Tabula gratulatoria Pozsony, Ferenc - Cluj Reinders-Lrks, Marita - Kln Rigoli, Aurelio - Palermo Roellenbleck, Georg - Kln Rolshoven, Jrgen - Kln Rntgen, Karl-Heinz - Kln Rusan, Romulus - Bucureti Sabu, Nicolae - Cluj Salazar Lacayo, Flor Mara - Madrid Sasu, Aurel - Cluj Sava, Eleonora - Cluj Schlmer, Anne - Kln, Cluj-Napoca Schlsser, Rainer - Jena Schmitt, Simone - Kln Schler, Gerda - Kln Siepmann, Helmuth - Kln Suiogan, Delia - Baia Mare Szenik, Ilona - Cluj cheau, Octavian - Cluj tiuc, Narcisa - Bucureti Tanczos, Vilmos - Cluj Teiu, Sabina - Cluj Tihan, Teodor - Cluj-Napoca Timotin, Andrei - Bucureti Todoran, Emilia - Cluj Top, Stefaan - Lwen/Louvain Toa, Ioan - Cluj Universitatea Lucian Blaga - Sibiu Uther, Jrg - Gttingen Valda, Nicole - Kln Valenciano, Ana - Madrid Walter, Philippe - Grenoble Werle, Peter - Kln Zaiser, Rainer - Kiel Zane, Rodica - Bucureti

Bibliografie/Schriftenverzeichnis:
Monografii/Monographien 1. Jertfa zidirii n obiceiurile i legendele europene. Bucureti 1970. 226 p. 2. Meterul Manole. Contribuie la studiul unei teme de folclor european. [vol. I]. Editura Minerva, Bucureti, 1973. 470 p. 3. Meterul Manole. Contribuie la studiul unei teme de folclor european. II. Corpusul variantelor romneti. Grai i Suflet, Bucureti, 1997. 491 p. 4. Gndirea magico-religioas la romni. Dicionar. Editura Enciclopedic, Bucureti 2001. XVII + 278 p. 5. Petit Dictionnaire de mythologie populaire roumaine. ELLUG, Grenoble 2002. 213 p. 6. Cununia frailor i Nunta Soarelui. Incestul zdrnicit n folclorul romnesc i universal. Editura Enciclopedic, Bucureti 2004. 959 p. 7. Lupta voinicului cu leul. Mit i iniiere n folclorul romnesc. Editura Academiei Romne, Bucureti 2007. 59 p. 8. Valea Gurghiului. Monografie etnologic. Coordonatori: Ion Mulea, Dumitru Pop, Ion Talo. Ediia a doua ngrijit de Ion Cuceu. Editura Fundaiei pentru Studii Europene, Cluj-Napoca 2008. 358 p., 26 pl. (Monografiile Arhivei de Folclor 7) Studii i articole/Abhandlungen und kleinere Beitrge 1. Pe urmele poetei populare Veronica Gbudean. In: RF 5, 1960, nr. 3-4, p. 73-76 2. Balada meterului Manole i variantele ei transilvnene. In: RF 8, 1962, nr. 1-2, p. 22-57 3. Motive folclorice n opera lui I. L. Caragiale. In: Steaua 13, 1962, nr. 6, p. 87-91 4. Pe marginea unor noi variante ale cntecului Meterului Manole. In: Buletin de Informaii 1962, nr. 4, p. 7-9 5. Cercetri de folclor n zona lacului de acumulare Cinci-Hunedoara. In: RF 1962, nr. 3-4, p. 112 6. Folclor din Transilvania. In: Tribuna 6, 1962, nr. 47, p. 3 7. Arthur Schott i culegerile lui de folclor romnesc din Banat. In: REF 8, 1963, nr. 3-4, p. 156-165 8. nceputurile interesului pentru folclorul romnesc n Banat. In: Studii de istorie literar i folclor. Cluj 1964, p. 201-221 9. Poezii populare ale romnilor. In: Tribuna 9, 1965, nr. 50 (463), p. 6 10. Activitatea folcloristic i etnografic a lui Simeon Mangiuca. In: AMET

18

Ion Talo 1966, p. 321-327 11. Manifestri folclorice n muzeul etnografic n aer liber. In: Organizarea muzeului etnografic n aer liber principii i metode. Vol II. Bucureti 1966, p. 149-151 12. Ion Mulea. In: Tribuna 10, 1966, nr. 31/496 (4 august)), p. 2 13. Colinde populare. Conferin radiofonic, 23.12.1966. In: Ion Moan: Sus la masa raiului. Culegere de colinde din Fonoteca Societii Romne de Radiodifuziune. Bucureti 2002, p. 39-44 14. Ion Mulea. In: S.I.E.F. Informations 1967, nr. 3, p. 19 15. n completarea unei prefee. In: Tribuna 11, 1967, nr. 26 (29 iunie), p. 6 16. Vuk Karadi n folcloristica romneasc din sec. al XIX-lea. In: REF 12, 1967, nr. 1, p. 39-49 17. Vuk Karadi u rumunskoj folkloristici XIX veka. In: Narodno stvaralatvofolklor 1967, nr. 22-24, p. 42-103 18. Folclorul romnesc la Freiburg im Breisgau. In: Steaua 18, 1967, nr. 8, p. 123-124 19. Ion Mulea, organizator al culegerii i publicrii folclorului romnesc. In: AMET 1965-1967, p. 353-365 20. Rituri de construcie la romni. In: Folclor literar (Timioara) 2, 1968, p. 221-262 21. Bausagen in Rumnien. In: Fabula 1968, p.196-211 22. Folclorul bihorean n Arhiva de folclor a Academiei. In: Zilele folclorului bihorean. Oradea 1968, p. 105-113 23. Traian Gherman (La 90 de ani de la natere). In: Tribuna 13, 1969, nr. 51 (18 dec.), p. 6 24. Prefa. In: Dumitru Vrtic: Trandafir cu creanga-n ap. Culegere de folclor poetic. Bistria-Nsud 1970 25. Observaii n legtur cu frecvena unui colind n Prodneti-Slaj. In: REF 16,1971, nr. 1, p. 41-47 26. Obiceiuri privitoare la seceri. Din materialele Arhivei de folclor-Cluj. In: AMET 1971, p. 261- 278 27. O meteorologie popular. In: AMET 1973, p. 677-682 28. D. Cantemir i folclorul romnesc. In: Tribuna 17, 1973, nr. 43 (25 oct), p. 13 29. La typologie des facties roumaines. In: CREL 1975, nr. 3, p. 149-150 30. Confluene folclorice. In: Vatra 1975, nr. 5 (20 mai), p. 13 31. De la legend la balad. In: Arge 10, 1975, nr. 2 (100), iunie, p. 8 32. Centenarul Arthur Schott. In: Steaua 26, 1975, nr. 8, p. 20 33. National et universel dans les recherches contemporaines sur le folklore littraire. In: CREL 3, 1975, p. 33-43 34. Once upon a time In: CREL 1, 1975, p. 98-100 35. Pauline Schullerus (n colab. cu Rolf Wilh. Brednich). In: AMET 1976, p. 297-320

Bibliografie/Schriftenverzeichnis

19

36. Enciclopedia povetilor romneti. In: Steaua 27, 1976, nr. 6, p. 9-10 37. Meterul Manole ediie bibliofil. In: Familia 18, 1976, nr. 5, p. 2 38. Sdost-Forschungen et les tudes roumaines. In: CREL 1976, nr. 2, p. 147-148 39. Colindatul i colindele [n Valea Gurghiului]. In: Marisia 6, 1976, p. 580586 40. Folclorul Vii Gurghiului. Obiceiurile agrare i pastorale. In: Marisia VI, 1976, p. 592-609 41. Folclorul Vii Gurghiului. I. (n colab. cu D. Pop, I. Cuceu, L. Itoc, E. Petruiu). In: Marisia (Trgu Mure) 6, 1976, p. 567-621 42. Solomonarul n credinele i legendele romneti. In: Anuar de Lingvistic i Istorie Literar (Iai), 25, 1976, p. 39-53 43. Baumeister. In: Enzyklopdie des Mrchens. Band 1. Berlin, New York 1977, coloanele 1393-1397 44. Einmauern. In: Enzyklopdie des Mrchens Band 3. Berlin, New York 1980, coloanele 1271-1274 45. La relation oral-crit-oral dans ltude du folklore roumain. In: CREL 1977, nr. 1, p. 41-52 46. 1877 n folclor. In: Steaua 38, 1977, nr. 5, p. 24 47. Short Encyclopaedia of Romanian Tales. In: Romanian Review 31, 1977, nr. 1, p. 109-111 48. Ovidiu Brlea: Istoria folcloristicii romneti. In: CREL 1977, nr. 1, p. 114117 49. Literatur popular eminescian. In: Steaua 29, 1978, nr. 4, p. 4-5 50. Folclorul Vii Gurghiului (III). Balada. In: Marisia 8, 1978, p. 688-694 51. Mit, eres, istorie. In: Steaua 29, 1978, nr. 1, p. 52 52. Canti narrativi romeni. In: CREL 1978, nr. 1, p. 141-143 53. Corespondena dintre Bartk i romni. In: Steaua 29, 1978, nr. 7, p. 51 54. n discuie: Basmele romne... de Lazr ineanu. In: Tribuna 23, 1979, nr. 12, (22 martie), p. 3 55. tudes romanes et livres populaires. In: CREL 1979, nr. 1, p. 151-152 56. Etnografia romneasc. In: Steaua 30, 1979, nr. 8, p. 46 57. Revue de littrature compare et tudes littraires sur la littrature de lAfrique Noire. In: CREL 1979, nr. 1, p. 149-151 58. Etnobotanica romneasc. In: Steaua 31, 1980, nr. 6, p. 47 59. Dou repertorii de cntece epice. In: AF 1, 1980, p. 249 60. Poveti din Europa de sud. In: AF 1, 1980, p. 253-254 61. Studies in East European Folk Narrative. In: AF 1, 1980, p. 254-256 62. Corpusul folclorului romnesc: Cimilitura. Din experiena unui colectiv de cercetare clujean. In: AF 1, 1980, p. 49-65 63. Folk Narrative Research. In: AF 1, 1980, p. 256-257 64. Bericht ber das Rumnistische Symposion am Romanischen Seminar der Universitt zu Koeln vom 26.-28. Juni 1981 (n colaborare cu Artur Greive i

20

Ion Talo G. Schueler). In: Die neueren Sprachen. Vol. 80, Nr. 6 (1981), p. 557-558 65. Cartea baladelor. In: AF 2, 1981, p. 303 66. Semicentenarul Arhivei de folclor-Cluj. In: AF 2, 1981, p. 290-292 67. Popor fr carte. In: AF 2, 1981, p. 303-305 68. Mioria n Transilvania. In: AF 2, 1982, p. 95-134 69. Mioria i riturile funerare la romni. (I). In: AF 3-4, 1983, p. 15-35 70. Prefa. In: AF 3-4, 1983, p. 9 71. Mioria i vechile rituri funerare la romni. O posibil interpretare. In: Steaua 34, 1983, nr. 5, p. 40-44, 56 72. Folclorul romnesc vechime, statornicie, originalitate. In: AF 3-4, 1983, p. 11-14 73. Bibliografia internaional i folclorului pe anii 1977-1978. In: AF 3-4, 1983, p. 348-349 74. Mioria in Transsilvanien. Versuch einer Deutung. In: SAVk 79, 1983, Heft 3/4, p. 187-206 75. Mitologie i rscoal. In: Steaua 35, 1984, nr. 10, p. 13-15 76. Fascinaia comparrii folclorului. In: Steaua 35, 1984, nr. 4, p. 42 77. Un locus amoenus n poezia lui Eminescu. In: Steaua 36, 1985, nr. 1, p. 2122 78. Poezia popular de nunt. In: Tribuna 1985, nr. 37 (12 septembrie), p. 4 79. Foundation Rites. In: The Encyclopedia of Religion (editor Mircea Eliade). Vol. 5. New York, London 1987, p. 395-401 80. Der Sieg ber den Lwen. Ein Motiv rumnischer Colinden. In: Fabula 29, 1988, Heft 1-2, p. 96-138 81. Die eingemauerte Frau. Neuere Forschungsarbeiten ber die sdosteuropische Bauopfer-Ballade. In: Jhb. f. Vlksliedf. 34, 1989, p. 105-116 82. Ovidiu Brlea (1917-1990). In: Fabula 31,1990, Heft 3-4, S. 318-320 83. Inzest. In: Enzyklopdie des Mrchens. Vol. 7. Berlin, New York 1991, coloanele 229-241 84. Poemul eminescian Ce-i doresc eu ie, dulce Romnie (n colab. cu A. Greive i G. Schler). In: Tribuna 1992, nr. 2, p. 7-8 85. Ce-i doresc eu ie, dulce Romnie (n limba german, n colab. cu A. Greive i G. Schler). In: Mihai Eminescu 1889-1989. Nationale Werte Internationale Geltung. Mnchen 1992, p. 22-30 86. Mioria i epica medieval francez. In: Romnia literar 1992, nr. 18 (2026 mai), p. 7 87. Das Volksmrchen und Volksmrchenerzhlen in Rumnien. In: Diether Rth/Walter Kahn (eds.): Mrchen und Mrchenforschung in Europa. Ein Handbuch. Frankfurt am Main 1993, p. 190-202 i p. 304-305 88. Archaische Bestattungsriten im Rolandslied. In: Romanistisches Jahrbuch 44, 1993, p. 98-123 89. Lwe. In: Enzyklopdie des Mrchens, Band 8. Berlin, New York 1996, coloanele 1207-1215

Bibliografie/Schriftenverzeichnis

21

90. Menschenopfer. In: Enzyklopdie des Mrchens, Band 9. Berlin New York 1998, coloanele 577-582 91. Antologia liricii populare romneti a lui Lucian Blaga i destinul ei. In: Anuarul Arhivei de Folclor XV-XVII. 1994-1996, p. 717-728 92. Lucian Blaga i lirica popular. In Vatra 1997, nr. 6, p. 20-25 93. Fecioara Maria. Model cretin i imaginaie popular. In: Limb i Literatur XLIII, 1998, vol. III-IV, p. 88-95 94. Cteva consideraii asupra colindatului i colindelor la popoarele romanice. In: Limb i Literatur XLIV, 1999, p. 71-91 95. Centenarul naterii lui Ion Mulea. In: Vatra 1999, nr. 9, p. 92-94 96. Die rumnische Volkskultur. Ihre Stellung in Europa. In: Der Donauraum (Viena) 1999, nr. 3-4, p. 70-75 97. Die spanische Romanze La dama y el pastor und die europische Hirtenkultur. In: Bridging the Cultural Divide: our Common Ballad Heritage. 28. Internationale Balladenkonferenz der SIEF-Kommission fr Volksdichtung in Hildesheim, Deutschland, 19-24 Juli 1998. Hildeshein, Zrich, New York 2000, p. 466-476 98. Felix Karlinger 80. In: Romnia literar, 2000, nr. 20 (24-30 iunie), p. 22 99. ntlnirile mele cu Mircea Eliade. In: Vatra 2000, nr. 6-7, p. 119-121 100. Balladen zu Weihnachten in Rumnien und Spanien. In: Balada i studiile despre balad la cumpna dintre secole. Actele celei de a 30-a Conferine Internaionale a Comisiei de Balade din cadrul S.I.E.F. 15-20 august 2000. Bucureti, Romnia. Bucureti 2001, p. 229-233 101. El Romancero en los programas universitarios [en Alemania]. In: La eterna agona del Romancero. Homenaje a Paul Bnichou. Sevilla 2001, p. 267268 102. Maria Vergine nellimmaginario popolare romeno. In: Religiosit popolare tra antropologia e storia delle religioni. Atti del Convegno Academia di Romania in Roma, 15-17 giugno 2000. A cura di Ileana Benga, Bogdan Neagota. Cluj-Napoca 2002, p. 155-166 103. Marius Sala i universitile Renane. In: Marius Sala contemporanul lor, contemporanii lui. Bucureti 2002, p. 262-263 104. Profil de editor. In: Romnia Literar 36, 2003, nr. 23 (11-17 iunie), p. 23 105. Ana Blandiana vzut din Germania. In: Vatra 30, 2003, nr. 2-3, p. 148149 106. Gustav Weigand i literatura popular romneasc. In: A. Greive et al. (edd.): ntlniri ntre filologi romni i germani/Deutsche und rumnische Philologen in der Begegnung. Cluj-Napoca 2003, p. 27-43 107. Rumnien. In: Enzyklopdie des Mrchens. Band 11. Berlin, New York 2004, coloanele 886-897 108. Algunas observaciones sobre la lrica popular en Italia, Rumana, Francia y Espaa. In: De la cancin de amor medieval a las soleares. Profesor Manuel Alvar in memoriam. (Actas del Congreso Internacional Lyra minima oral

22

Ion Talo III. Sevilla, 26-28 de noviembre de 2001). Edicin Pedro M. Piero. Con la colaboracin de Antonio Prez Castellano. Sevilla 2004, p. 539-555 109. Kaiser Trajan in der Volkstradition der Rumnen. In: Pasajes. Passages. Passagen. Homenaje a/ Mlanges offerts / Festschrift fr Christian WentzlaffEggebert. Kln, Sevilla, Cdiz 2004, p. 791-800 110. Lazr ineanu. In: Enzyklopdie des Mrchens. Band 11. Berlin, New York 2004, coloanele 1049-1050. 111. Profesorul Gheorghe Pavelescu nonagenar. In: Convorbiri Literare (Iai), 2005, martie, p. 81-82 112. Ion H. Ciubotaru 65. In: Cronica (Iai) 40, 2005, nr. 6 (iunie), p. 14 113. Ion euleanu omagiu. In: Vatra 2006, nr. 1-2, p. 161-162 114. Vorbiri i scrisori ctre ardeleni (1877-1941). In: Vatra 2006, nr. 10, p. 30 115. Catolicii din Moldova. In: Steaua 57, 2006, nr. 12, p. 56-57 116. Profane Bruche und Lieder in der Weihnachtszeit bei den romanischen Vlkern. In: REF Serie Nou/Journal of Etnography and Folklore New Series 1, 2007, p. 41-77 117. An Old Theme in Romanian Folk Literature. Some Legends about King Solomon. In: Spiritualitate i cultur european. Volum dedicat profesorului Ladislau Gymnt la mplinirea vrstei de 60 de ani. Cluj-Napoca 2007, p. 355-360 118. [Ovidiu Brlea - 90 de ani de la natere]. In: Discobolul 2008, p. 180-187 119. Lucian Blagas Anthologie der Volkslyrik und ihre bersetzung in Kln. In: Rodica Miclea, Sunhild Galter, Doris Sava (eds.): Rumnischdeutsche Kulturbegegnungen. Verlag der Lucian-Blaga-Universitt Sibiu/ Hermannstadt, 2008, S. 43-54 120. Relaii folclorice romno-sseti: Opera Paulinei Schullerus. In: Rodica Miclea, Galter Sunhild, Doris Sava (eds.): Confluene culturale romnogermane. Editura Universitii Lucian Blaga din Sibiu, Sibiu 2008, S. 97106 121. Monumentul Caraman. In: Vatra 2008, nr. 11-12, p. 175-176 122. Cartea cu trei nivele de informaie. In: Rstimp 11, 2008, nr. 4, p. 31-34 123. Romanian folklore and the romance cultural area.In:Delia Suiogan, Stefan Maris, Carmen Darabus (eds.): Cultural Spaces and Archaic Background. Papers from the 1st Conference of Intercutural and Comparatives Studies.Editura Universitii de Nord, Editura Ethnologica, Baia Mare 2008, p. 42-61 124. Nicolae Constantinescu: retrospectiv.In: Portal-Miastra 5, 2009, nr. 4, p. 24. 125. Saint Peter in the Folk Religion of the Romanian. In: Acta Ethnographica Hungarica (Budapest), 54 (2), 2009, p. 357-362 126. Un prieten al culturii romne: Artur Greive. n: Steaua 60, 2009, nr. 9, p. 28-30 127. El pastor abstinente. Observaciones sobre el romance de la Dama y el

Bibliografie/Schriftenverzeichnis

23

pastor en el centro-sur de Espaa (n volumul Forum, care urmeaz s apar la Kln) 128. Celle qui aimait un mort. Lamour et la mort dans une romance espagnole (sub tipar n Formes et Difformits mdivales. Mlanges dhistoire, de littrature, de langue et de mythologie mdivales offerts au Professeur Claude Lecouteux, Paris) Ediii i traduceri/Editionen und bersetzungen 1. Lucian Blaga: Antologie de poezie popular. Volksdichtung. Ediie ngrijit i traducere de Artur Greive, Gerda Schler, Ion Talo. Studiu introductiv de Ion Talo. Bucureti 1995 2. Artur Greive und Ion Talo (Hg.): Brancaflr. Mrchen aus der Romania. Mit einem Vorwort von R. W. Brednich. Aachen 2009. 3. Ion Mulea: Cercetri etnografice i de folclor. I-II. Bucureti 1971, 1972 4. Arthur und Albert Schott: Rumnische Volkserzhlungen aus dem Banat. Mrchen, Schwnke, Sagen. Neauausgabe besorgt von Rolf Wilh. Brednich und Ion Talo. Bucureti 1971, 1973, 1975, 1976 5. Demetriu Boer, Mircea Vasile Stnescu Ardanul, tefan Cacoveanu: Poveti din Transilvania (n colab. cu Ovidiu Brlea). Cluj 1975 6. Alexiu Viciu: Flori de cmp. Doine, strigturi, bocete, balade (n colab. cu Romulus Todoran). Cluj 1976 7. Pauline Schullerus: Rumnische Volksmrchen aus dem mittleren Harbachtal. Neuausgabe besorgt von Rolf Wilh. Brednich und Ion Talo. Bucureti 1977 8. Izvoarele Rscoalei lui Horea. Seria B. Izvoare narative. Volumul V. Cronici n versuri. Folclor. Publicat de Nicolae Edroiu, Virgiliu Florea, Ladislau Gymnt, Ion Talo. Editura Academiei Romne, Bucureti 2007. 590 p. 9. 60 de cntece romneti din colecia Treufest Peregrin (1863). Ediie critic, introducere, bibliografie: Gottfried Habenicht i Ion Talo. Argonaut, ClujNapoca 2008. 207 p. 10. Inzesterzhlungen aus aller Welt (pregtit pentru tipar) Manual/Lehrbuch 1. Einfhrung in die rumnische Sprache (n colab. cu Florica Talo). Bonn 1999. 156 p. (Ediia a II-a, Bonn 2003)

24 2. Bibliografii/Bibliographien

Ion Talo

1. Bibliografia folclorului romnesc pe anul 1956. n: RF 3, 1958, nr. 4, p. 196-211 2. Bibliografia general a etnografiei i folclorului romnesc. II. (1892-1904). Coordonare i cuvnt nainte de Adrian Fochi [colaborator temporar]. Bucureti 2002 3. Bibliografia general a etnografiei i folclorului romnesc. 1956-1964 (n colaborare cu Dan Bugeanu, Elena Dncu, Adrian Fochi). Bucureti 2004 4. [Colaborare pentru partea romneasc la:] Internationale Volkskundliche Bibliographie fr die Jahre 1979-1980. Herausgegeben von James R. Dow und Rolf W. Brednich. Bonn, Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH 1985 5. [Colaborare pentru partea romneasc la:] Internationale Volkskundliche Bibliographie fr die Jahre 1981-1982. Herausgegeben von James R. Dow und Rolf W. Brednich. Bonn, Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH 1986 6. [Colaborare pentru partea romneasc la:] Internationale Volkskundliche Bibliographie fr die Jahre 1983-1984. Herausgegeben von James R. Dow und Rolf W. Brednich. Bonn, Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH 1988 Recenzii/Buchbesprechungen

1. Folclor din Suceava. Cules de George Muntean de la Varvara Muntean. Suceava 1959. In: Scrisul bnean 12, 1961, nr. 1, p. 78 2. Flori alese din poezia popular. Antologia poeziei lirice. Bucureti 1960. In: Scrisul bnean 12, 1961, nr. 7, p. 94-95 3. Folclor din Transilvania. Texte alese din colecii inedite. Ediie ngrijit de Ioan erb. Bucureti 1962. In: Tribuna 6, 1962, nr. 47, p. 3 4. Nicolae Pauleti: Cntri i strigturi romneti de cari cnt fetele i feciorii jucnd. Bucureti 1962. In: Steaua 13, 1962, nr. 10, p. 80 5. Recenzii. In: Demos. Volkskundliche Informationen. Berlin 3, 1962, nr. 1-2, p. 256, 261 6. Recenzii. In: Demos. Volkskundliche Informationen. Berlin 4, 1963, nr. 1-2, p. 127, 136 7. Adrian Fochi: Mioria. Tipologie, circulaie, genez, texte. In: Tribuna 7, 1964, nr. 48 (26 nov.), p. 7 8. Revista de folclor VI, 1961. In: Nyelv- s irodalmtudomny kzlemnyek 8, 1964, nr. 1, p. 110-112 9. Al. I. Amzulescu, Balade populare romneti. I-III. Bucureti 1964. In: Tribuna 8, 1964, nr. 29, p. 2 10. Marin Porumbescu, Dobroge, mndr grdin. Culegere de folclor poetic contemporan. n: Steaua 15, 1964, nr. 4, p. 125-126 11. Miodrag Ibrovac: Claude Fauriel et la fortune europenne des posies

Bibliografie/Schriftenverzeichnis

25

populaires grcques et serbes. Paris 1966. In: REF 12, 1967, nr. 5, p. 416419 12. Gheorghe Vrabie: Balada popular romn. Bucureti 1966. In: Jhb. f. Vksliedf. 12, 1967, p. 237-238 13. Adrian Fochi: Mioria. Tipologie, circulaie, genez, texte. Bucureti 1964. In: Jhb. f. Vksliedf. 12, 1967, p. 234-235 14. Liviu Rusu: Viziunea lumii n poezia noastr popular. De la resemnare la aciunea creatoare. Bucureti 1967. In: Jhb. f. Vksliedf. 13, 1968, p. 247 15. Folclor din Oltenia i Muntenia. Texte alese din colecii inedite. I-II. Bucureti 1967. In: Jhb. f. Vksliedf. 13, 1968, p. 243 16. Ion Brlea: Literatur popular din Maramure. Bucureti 1968. In: Jhb. f. Vksliedf. 15, 1970, p. 196-197 17. Dumitru Pop: Folclor din Bihor. Poezii populare. Oradea 1969. In: Jhb. f. Vksliedf. 15, 1970, p. 199-200 18. Lorenzo Renzi: Canti narrativi tradizionali romeni. Studio e testi. Firenze 1969. In: Jhb. f. Vksliedf. 15, 1970, p. 201-203 19. Gottscheer Volkslieder. Herausgegeben von Rolf Wilh. Brednich und Wolfgang Suppan. Mainz 1969. In: REF 15, 1970, nr. 3, p. 258-260 20. Ion Apostol Popescu: Arta icoanelor pe sticl de la Nicula. In: Tribuna 14, 1970 (30 aprilie), p. 7 21. Vasile Bogrea: Pagini istorico-filologice. Cluj 1971. In: Jhb. f. Vksliedf. 17, 1972, p. 265-266 22. Ion Mulea, Ovidiu Brlea: Tipologia folclorului din rspunsurile la chestionalrele lui B. P. Hasdeu. Editura Minerva, Bucureti 1970, 634 p. In: REF 16, 1971, nr. 2, p. 167-169 23. Max Lthi: Volksliteratur und Hochliteratur. Menschenbild - Thematik Formstreben. Bern, Mnchen 1970. In: Jhb. f. Vksliedf. 17, 1972, p. 246247 24. Schweizer Mrchen. Herausgegeben von Robert Wildhaber und Leza Uffer. Dsseldorf, Kln 1971. In: REF 18, 1973, p. 489-491 25. Wolfgang Putschke: Sachtypologie der Landfahrzeuge. Ein Beitrag zu ihrer Entstehung, Entwicklung und Verbreitung. Berlin, New York 1971. In: RESE 11, 1973, p. 164-166 26. Adrian Fochi: Recherches compares de folklore sud-est europen. Bucureti 1972. In: RESE 11, 1973, p. 757-760 27. Bulgarische Volksmrchen. Herausgegeben von Vclav Frolec. Kln, Dsseldorf 1971. In: RESE 12, 1974, p. 600-601 28. Lutz Rhrich: Lexikon der sprichwrtlichen Redensarten. 1-2. Freiburg, Basel, Wien 1973. In: Cercetri de lingvistic 20, 1975, nr. 1, p. 105-106 29. Lutz Rhrich: Lexikon der sprichwrtlichen Redensarten. Band I-II. Herder Verlag, Freiburg, Basel, Wien 1974. In: Neue Literatur 1975, nr. 3, p. 119120 30. Volkserzhlung und Reformation. Ein Handbuch von Erzhlstoffen und

26

Ion Talo Erzhlliteratur im Protestantismus. Herausgegeben von Wolfgang Brckner. Berlin 1974. In: REF 20, 1975, nr. 2, p. 207-209 31. Jahrbuch fr Volksliedforschung. Im Auftrag des Deutschen Volksliedarchivs herausgegeben von Rolf Wilh. Brednich. Achtzehnter Jahrgang 1973. Berlin. Erich Schmidt Verlag, 205 p. + 3 pl. In: Nyelv- s irodalomtudomnyi kzlemnyek 19, 1975, nr. 1, p. 114-115 32. Sigfrid Svenson: Einfhrung in die europische Ethnologie. Meisenheim am Glan 1973. In: AMET 1976, p. 343-344 33. Octavian Buhociu: Die rumnische Volkskultur und ihre Mythologie. Totenklage-Burschenbnde und Weihnachtslieder - Hirtenphnomen und Heldenlieder. Wiesbaden 1974. In: AMET 1976, p. 348-349 34. Max Lthi: Mrchen. Stuttgart 1974. In: AMET 1976, p. 349-351 35. Georgios A. Megas: Die Ballade von der Arta-Brcke. Eine vergleichende Untersuchung. Thessaloniki 1976. In: Fabula 18, 1977, Heft 3-4, p. 297299 36. Lutz Rhrich: Mrchen und Wirklichkeit. Wiesbaden 1974. In: CREL 1977, nr. 3, p. 120-123 37. Jahrbuch fr Volksliedsforschung 21, 1976. In: AMET 9, 1977, p. 469-470 38. Elsa Sophia von Kamphoevener: An Nachtfeuern der Karawan-Serail. Mrchen und Geschichten alttrkischer Nomaden. I-III. Reinbek bei Hamburg 1975. In: AMET 9, 1977, p. 471-472 39. Probleme der Volksballadenforschung. Herausgegeben von Elisabeth Pflger-Bouillon. Darmsatdt 1975. In: AMET 9, 1977, p. 467-469 40. Lutz Rhrich: Sage und Mrchen. Erzhlforschung heute. Freiburg, Basel, Wien 1976. 348 p. In: Anuar de lingvistic i istorie literar 26, 1977-1978, p. 219-221 41. Lutz Rhrich: Mrchen und Wirklichkeit. Dritte Auflage. Wiesbaden. Franz Steiner Verlag 1974. 320 p. In: Marisia 8, 1978, p. 787-788 42. Adrian Fochi: Coordonate sud-est europene ale baladei populare romneti. Bucureti 1975. In: Jhb. f. Vksliedf. 23, 1978, p. 212-213 43. Jahrbuch fr Volksliedforschung. Im Auftrag des Deutschen Volksliedarchivs herausgegeben von Rolf Wilh. Brednich 22, 1977, 220 p. In: AF 1, 1980, p. 231-233 44. Ingeborg Weber-Kellermann: Zur Interethnik. Donauschwaben, Siebenbrger Sachsen und ihre Nachbarn. Frankfurt am Main, Suhrkamp Verlag 1978. In: AF 1, 1980, p. 238-240 45. Richard Dorson: Volksleben in Amerika. Mndliche berlieferungen, Volksglauben und Bruche in den Vereinigten Staaten von der Kolonialzeit bis zur Gegenwart. Gttingen, Verlag Otto Schwarz & Co 1976, XII+267 p. In: AF 1, 1980, p. 241-243 46. Mircea Eliade: De la Zalmoxis la Genghis-Han. Studii comparative despre religiile i folclorul Daciei i al Europei orientale. Bucureti 1980. In: Jhb. f. Vksliedf. 26, 1981, p. 210-212

Bibliografie/Schriftenverzeichnis

27

47. Polnische Sagen. Herausgegeben und bersetzt von Veroboj Vildomec. Vorwort und Parallelenachweise von Will-Erich Peuckert. Berlin, Erich Schmidt Verlag 1979 (Europische Sagen). In: AF 2, 1981, p. 347-348 48. Mircea Eliade: De la Zalmoxis la Genghis-Han. Studii comparative despre religiile i folclorul Daciei i Europei Orientale. Bucureti 1980. In: AF 2, 1981, p. 307-309 49. Gnter Wiegelmann, Mathias Zender, Gerhard Heilfurth: Volkskunde. Eine Einfhrung. Berlin 1977 (Grundlagen der Germanistik 12). In: AF 2, 1981, p. 328-329 50. Konrad Kstlin und Kai Detlef Sievers: Das Recht der kleinen Leute. Beitrge zur rechtlichen Volkskunde. Berlin 1976. In: AF 2, 1981, p. 340-342 51. Elisabeth Frenzel: Motive der Weltliteratur. Ein Lexikon dichtungsgeschichtlicher Lngsschnitte. Stuttgart, Alfred Krner Verlag 1976. In: AF 2, 1981, p. 342-345 52. Elisabeth Frenzel: Stoffe der Weltliteratur. Ein Lexikon dichtungsgeschichtlicher Lngsschnitte. 4. berarbeitete Auflage. Stuttgart 1976. In: AF 2, 1981, p. 342-345 53. Wrterbuch der Symbolik. Unter Mitarbeit zahlreicher Fachwissenschaftler herausgegeben von Manfred Lurker. Stuttgart 1979; Wrterbuch der Religionen. Begrndet von Alfred Bertholet in Verbindung mit Hans Freiherrn von Campenhausen. Dritte Auflage. Neubearbeitet, ergnzt und herausgegeben von Kurt Goldammer. Stuttgart, Alfred Krner Verlag 1976. In: AF 2, 1981, p. 345-347 54. Das grosse Handbuch der Volkslieder. ber 400 Lieder aus Deutschland, sterreich und der Schweiz und Illustrationen von Ludwig Richter. Herausgegeben von Walter Hansen unter bearbeitender Mitarbeit von Georg Schwenk und Dr. Wiegand Stief. Mnchen, Mosaik Verlag 1978. In: AF 2, 1981, p. 349-350 55. August Stber: Die Sagen des Elsasses. Zum ersten Male getreu nach der Volksberlieferung, den Chroniken und anderen gedruckten und handschriftlichen Quellen, gesammelt und erlutert. Mit einer Sagenkarte von J. Ringel. Nachdruck der Ausgabe St. Gallen 1858. Lindlar, Verlag Ute Kierdorf 1979. In: AF 2, 1981, p. 350-351 56. Mrkische Sagen. Berlin und die Mark Brandenburg. Herausgegeben von Ingeborg Drewitz. Dsseldorf, Kln 1979. In: AF 2, 1981, p. 351 57. Cahiers roumains dtudes littraires 2, 1979: Lumires roumaines Lumires europennes. Bucarest 1979. In: Romanische Forschungen 93, 1981, nr. 3-4, p. 499-500 58. Otto Holzapfel: Folkevise und Volksballade. Die Nachbarschaft deutscher und skandinavischer Texte. Mnchen 1976 (Motive Freiburger folkloristischer Forschungen Bd. 6). In: AF 2, 1981, p. 336-337 59. Adrian Fochi: Estetica oralitii. Bucureti 1980. 416 p. In: SAVk 77, 1981, p. 228

28

Ion Talo 60. Hermann Bausinger, Utz Jeggle, Gottfried Korf, Martin Scharfe: Grundzge der Volkskunde. Darmstadt, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft 1978, 281 p. (Grundzge, Band 34). In: AF 3-4, 1983, p. 360-362 61. Adrian Fochi: Estetica oralitii. Bucureti 1980. In: AF 3-4, 1983, p. 365366 62. XIe Arbeitstagung ber Probleme der europischen Volksballade vom 22. bis 24. August 1980 in Jannina/Griechenland. Jannina 1981. In: AF 3-4, 1983, p. 368-370 63. Jahrbuch fr Volksliedforschung. Im Auftrag des Deutschen Volksliedarchivs herausgegeben von Rolf Wilh. Brednich. Gesamtregister zu den Jahrgngen 1-20, 1928-1975. Berlin, Erich Schmidt Verlag 1979. 164 p. [vol.] 23, 1978, 246 p.; 24, 1979, 253 p.; 25, 1980, 230 p.; 26, 1981, 246 p.; 27-28, 1982/83. In: AF 3-4, 1983, p. 370-372 64. Lutz Rhrich, Wolfgang Mieder: Sprichwort. Stuttgart 1977, Metzlersche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 138 p. In: AF 3-4, 1983, p. 380-381 65. Wolfgang Mieder: Das Sprichwort in der deutschen Prosaliteratur des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts. Mnchen, Wilhelm Fink 1976, 107 p. In: AF 3-4, 1983, p. 382 66. sterreichische Mrchen. Herausgegeben von Ingo Reiffenstein. Dsseldorf, Kln, Eugen Diederichs Verlag 1979. In: AF 3-4, 1983, p. 399-400 67. Brder Grimm: Kinder- und Hausmrchen. Ausgabe letzter Hand. Mit Originalanmerkungen der Brder Grimm. Mit einem Anhang smtlicher nicht in allen Auflagen verffentlichter Mrchen und Herkunftsnachweisen herausgegeben von Heinz Rlleke. Band I-III. Stuttgart, Philipp Reklam jun. 1980. In: AF 3-4, 1983, p, 388-391 68. Ukrainische Mrchen. Herausgegeben von Bohdan Mykytiuk. Dsseldorf, Kln, Eugen Diederichs Verlag 1979 (Mrchen der Weltliteratur). In: AF 3-4, 1983, p. 400-401 69. Wrterbuch der Soziologie. Begrndet von Gnter Hartfiel. Neubearbeitet von Karl-Heinz Hillmann. Dritte Auflage, Stuttgart 1982, X+832 p. (Krners Taschenausgabe Bd. 410). In: AF 3-4, 1983, p. 401-403 70. Ren Knig: Die Familie der Gegenwart. Ein interkultureller Vergleich. Dritte, erweiterte Auflage. Mnchen, Verlag C. H. Beck 1978, 176 p. (Becksche Schwarze Reihe, Bd. 116) In: AF 3-4, 1983, p. 403-404 71. Ina-Maria Greverus: Kultur und Alltagswelt. Eine Einfhrung in Fragen der Kulturanthropologie. Mnchen, Verlag C. H. Beck 1978. In: AF 3-4, 1983, p. 404-406 72. Wrterbuch der Antike. Mit Bercksichtigung ihres Fortwirkens. In Verbindung mit E. Bux und W. Schne, begrndet von Hans Lamer, fortgefhrt von Paul Kroh. Achte, verbesserte und ergnzte Auflage. Stuttgart, Alfred Krner Verlag 1976, 10+832 p. (Krners Taschenausgabe, Bd. 96). In: AF 3-4, 1983, p. 412-413 73. Mythos und Mythologie in der Literatur des 19. Jahrhunderts. Herausgegeben

Bibliografie/Schriftenverzeichnis

29

von Helmut Koopmann. Frankfurt am Main 1979. In: AF 3-4, 1983, p. 414415 74. Leben und Tod in den Religionen. Symbol und Wirklichkeit. Herausgegeben von Gnther Stephenson. Darmstadt 1980. In: AF 3-4, 1983, p. 415-416 75. Inge Vielhauer: Bruder und Schwester. Untersuchungen zu einem Urmotiv zwischenmenschlicher Beziehung. Bonner Verlag Herbert Grundmann 1979, 237 p. (Abhandlungen zur Kunst-, Musik- und Literaturwissenschaft, Bd. 297). In: AF 3-4, 1983, p. 420-421 76. Alexandru Duu: European Intellectual Movements and Modernization of Romanian Culture. Bucureti 1981. In: Romanische Forschungen 96, 1984, Heft 1-2, p. 232-234 77. M. I. Manusakas; W. Puchner: Die vergessene Braut. Bruchstcke einer unbekannten kretischen Komdie des 17. Jahrhunderts in der griechischen Mrchenvarianten vom Typ AaTh 313c... Wien 1984. In: RESE 13, 1985, p. 183-184 78. Sabina Ispas, Doina Tru: Lirica de dragoste. Index motivic i tipologic. 2.: D-H. Bucureti 1986. In: Fabula 29, 1988, p. 207-209 79. Kpeczi Bla: Une Enqute linguistique et folklorique chez les Roumains de Transsylvanie du Nord 1942-1943. Budapest 1985. In: Fabula 30, 1989, Heft 1/2, p. 139-141 80. Cancionero popular espaol. Moskau 1987. In: Jhb. f. Vksliedf. 35, 1990, p. 195 81. O capodoper a baladei romneti: Toma Alimo. Ediie critic i studiu introductiv de Iordan Datcu i Viorica Svulescu. Bucureti 1990. In: Jhb. f. Vksliedf. 36, 1991, p. 186-187 82. Radu Niculescu: Folclorul. Sens - Valoare. Ediie ngrijit de Viorica Nicov. In: Fabula 33, 1992, Heft 3-4, p. 351-352 83. Wolfgang Mieder; Stewart A. Kingsbury; Keslie B. Harder: A Dictionary of American Proverbs. New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press 1992. 719 p. In: SAVk 89, 1993, p. 224-225 84. Jean Cuisenier: Le feu vivant. La parent et ses rituels dans les Carpates. Paris, Presses Universitaires de France 1994. 448 S, 16 Tafeln. In: ZfVk 1996, Band I, p. 149-152 85. Tomas Tomaek: Das deutsche Rtsel im Mittelalter. Tbingen, Niemeyer 1994. X, 372 S. (Hermaer N. F., 69): In: SAVk 91, 1995, Heft 2, p. 227 86. Doroth Schubart; Antn Santamarina: Escolma de Cntigas do Cancioneiro Popular Galego. La Corua 1991. In: Jhb. f. Vksliedf. 40, 1995, p. 209-210 87. Ajdai, Dejan (ed.): The magical and aesthetic in the folklore of Balkan Slavs. Papers of International Conference. (Folkloristic Studies 1): Belgrad: Library Vuk Karadi, 1994. In: ZfEthn 121, 1996, Heft 1, p. 127-128 88. Lecouteux, Claude: Dmons et gnies du terroir au Moyen ge. Prface de Rgis Boyer. 218 Seiten. Paris: Editions Imago 1995. In: ZfEthn 122, 1997, p. 291-293

30

Ion Talo 89. Simone Reicherts-Schenk: Die Legende vom Meister Manole in der rumnischen Dramatik. Aspekte eines kreativen Schaffensprozesses am Beispiel der Dramen von Adrian Maniu, Lucian Blaga, Horia Lovinescu und Marin Sorescu. Frankfurt am Main, Berlin, Bern, New York, Wien 1994, 228 p. (Heidelberger Beitrge zur Romanistik, 20). In: Limb i Literatur 1997, vol. I, p. 142-144 90. Virtudes Atero Burgos: Romancero de la Provincia de Cdiz. Cdiz 1996. In: Jhb. f. Vksliedf. 43, 1998, p. 228-230 91. Salazar, Flor: El Romancero vulgar y nuevo. Preparado en el Centro de Estudios Histricos Menndez Pidal, con la gua y concurso de Diego Cataln. Madrid 1999. In: Fabula 42, 2001, Heft 1/2, p. 178-180 92. Valenciano, Ana: Os romances tradicionais de Galicia. Catlogo exemplificado dos seus temas por Ana Valenciano, coa axuda de Jos Luis Forneiro, Concha Enrquez de Salamanca e Suzanne Petersen. Madrid/ Santiago de Compostela 1998. In: Fabula 42, 2001, Heft 1/2, p. 187-189 93. Pedro M. Piero, Enrique Baltans y Antonio J. Prez Castellano: Romances y canciones en la tradicin andaluza. Sevilla 1999. In: Max Matter & Nils Grosch: Lied und populre Kultur/Song and Popular Culture. Jahrbuch des Deutschen Volksliedarchivs. Mnster, New York, Mnchen, Berlin 2001, p. 304-306 94. Iordan Datcu: Dicionarul etnologilor romni. I-II. Bucureti, Editura Saeculum 1998. In: Max Matter & Nils Grosch: Lied und populre Kultur/ Song and Popular Culture. Jahrbuch des Deutschen Volksliedarchivs, Mnster, New York, Mnchen, Berlin 2001, p. 210-211 95. Pedro M. Piero Ramrez: Romancero. Biblioteca Nueva. Madrid 1999. In: Fabula 42, 2001, p. 378-379 96. Eva Behring: Rumnische Schriftsteller im Exil 1945-1989. Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag 2002. In: Romanistisches Jahrbuch 53, 2002, p. 350-351

Lucrri n manuscris/Unverffentliche Arbeiten (la Institutul Arhiva de Folclor a Academiei Romne/Im Institut Arhiva de Folclor der Rumnischen Akademie) 1. Corpusul ghicitorilor romneti (n colaborare cu I. Cuceu i V. Florea) 2. Dicionarul tezaur al proverbelor romneti, maghiare i sseti din Romnia (n colaborare cu I. Cuceu, V. Florea, G. V i H. Markel) Conferine i comunicri/Vortrge (selectiv, ncepnd din 1996/eine Auswahl ab 1996) 1. Die Erfahrung des Erwachsenwerdens im italienischen Zaubermrchen (Italienisches Kulturinstitut, Kln, 13.11.96)

Bibliografie/Schriftenverzeichnis

31

2. Antologia de liric popular a lui Lucian Blaga n traducere german (Centrul Cultural Romn din Kln i Deutsche Welle, Kln 15.2.97) 3. Zwei Brder aus Stuttgart als Brder Grimm der Rumnen (Auslandsgesellschaft Nordrhein-Westfalen, 14.1.1998) 4. Die Stellung der rumnischen Volkskultur in Europa (Universitt Wien, 7 mai 1998) 5. Ion Mulea - o sut de ani de la naterea sa (la Academia Romn - Fliala Cluj. Simpozion aniversar Centenarul Ion Mulea 1899-1999, 29 sept. 1999) 6. Gentil dona, gentil dona (Universitt zu Kln, oct. 2000) 7. Rumnische Geschichte im Spiegel der Volksliteratur (Universitt Jena, februarie 2001) 8. Colindatul i colindele la romni, n trecut i prezent (ntlnirea romnilor din zona Kln, 16.12.2001) 9. Versuch ber die Natur der Rumnen, frher und heute (Auslandsgesellschaft Nordrhein-Westfalen, Dortmund, 9.1.2002) 10. Lupta voinicului cu leul folclor i literatur medieval (Academia Romn, Bucureti, 20 mai 2004) 11. Balada Nunta Soarelui vs Homer, Virgiliu, Dante (la Zilele Academice Clujene, 27 mai 2004) 12. Traducerea n limba german a antologiei de liric popular a lui Lucian Blaga (Festivalul Internaional Lucian Blaga, Sebe, 6 mai 2006) 13. Colinda leului (Simpozionul Cretinismul popular ntre teologie i etnologie, Alba Iulia, 27 mai 2006) 14. Locul folclorului romnesc n cadrul romanitii (Conferina Internaional de Studii Interculturale i Comparatism Spaii Culturale i Fond arhaic Ediia I. Baia Mare 8-10 mai 2008) Interviuri/Inteviews 1. [Un interviu]. n: Mvelds 1976, nr. 5, p. 50-51 2. Dac vrem s descifrm elementele specifice sufletului romnesc, acestea trebuie cutate n capodoperele lui culturale. In: Suplimentul literar-artistic al Scnteii tineretului 5, 1985, nr. 31 (202), 4 august, p. 3 (Mihai Coman) 3. Folclorul romnesc este cel mai interesant din ntreg spaiul romanic. In: Adevrul literar i artistic 2000, septembrie 5, p. 3, 6 (Lucia Cire) 4. De la Cluj la Kln. De vorb cu Prof. univ. Ion Talo. In: Steaua 60, 2009, nr. 3, p. 44-52, 56 (T. Tihan)

32

Prescurtri/Abkrzungen AF = Anuarul de folclor. Cluj AMET = Anuarul Muzeului Etnografic al Transilvaniei. Cluj CREL = Cahiers roumains dtudes littraires. Bucureti Jhb. f. Vksliedf. = Jahrbuch fr Volksliedforschung. Freiburg REF = Revista de etnografie i folclor. Bucureti RESE = Revue des tudes sud-est europennes. Bucureti. RF = Revista de folclor. Bucureti RJ = Romanistisches Jahrbuch. Berlin SAVk = Schweizerisches Archiv fr Volkskunde. Basel/Zrich ZfVk = Zeitschrift fr Volkskunde. Berlin ZfEthn. = Zeitschrift fr Ethnologie. Berlin

Ultima revolt a avangardei romneti

George Achim
Universitatea de Nord Baia Mare i Universitt Wien
Ultima revolt avangardist notabil, nainte de a se aterne tcerea total, n sumbrul peisaj al Romniei comunizate, este cea a grupului suprarealist: Gellu Naum, Paul Pun, Gherasim Luca, D. Trost, Virgil Teodorescu. Poziia radical i nihilist a lui Breton din Al doilea manifest devine, dup muli ani, premis teoretic pentru Critica mizeriei, textul din 1945, semnat de Gellu Naum, Paul Pun i Virgil Teodorescu. Totul i nemulumete pe cei trei tineri suprarealiti: critica literar oficial (n care vd un perfid instrument burghez al represiunii), ca i poliia nsi, i asuprete cinic i i limiteaz; modernitii sunt depii (iat negarea negaiei i irepresibila tentaie, dac nu vocaie, a avangardei, de punere n chestiune a tuturor avangardelor anterioare) pentru c au rmas cantonai n preocupri pur formale i sunt responsabili, att de eecul spiritului nou n Romnia, ct i, mai ales, de nelegerea confuz, reacionar a suprarealismului i aici sunt nirai de-a valma dumanii curentului, de la Saa Pan, care-i analizase pe autori n volumul Sadismul adevrului, pn la colegii lor Gherasim Luca i D. Trost, acuzai de orientare mistic. Dar ceea ce-i irit cel mai mult pe rebeli este blasfemia comis de unii, de a vedea n suprarealism doar o revoluie verbal, cnd el de fapt este, n opinia lor, permanentul efort pentru eliberarea expresiei umane sub toate formele ei, eliberare care nu poate fi conceput n afara eliberrii totale a omului 1. Ideea are un smbure bretonian, dar un vizibil nveli lozincard propagandistic, care la Bucureti putea rima atunci cu unele dintre sloganurile proaspt instalatei puteri comuniste. Radicalismul militant i angajat al lui Breton, din Al doilea manifest i din alte cteva luri de poziie de la nceputul anilor 30, este reluat, reapat i revalorificat, n condiiile particulare de schimbare a climatului politic i de circumstane revoluionare. Adeziunea definitiv la materialismul dialectic cu care nu e de glumit, ne amintim c se preciza ritos n Al doilea manifest ca i asumarea idealurilor i practicilor revoluiei sociale, implicnd subversiunea sistemului, practicat prin scrisul suprarealist, sunt mijloace consacrate de lupt pentru eliberarea omului. Tinerii romni se arat intransigent imperativi fa de absoluta necesitate a implicrii n transformrile sociale care vor urma, detest subiectivismul, onirismul excesiv sau alunecrile n metafizic (suprarealismul nu are voie s se lase curtat de Dumnezeu!) i se declar adepi nflcrai ai atitudinii i aciunii revoluionare, din fericire, lipsii de anarhismul violent pe care Breton l propovduia n scrierea sa.

1 apud Ion Pop Avangarda n literatura romn, Editura Atlas, Bucureti, 2000, pp. 315-317.

34

George Achim

Refuzul i inacceptarea oricrui preexistent sunt manifeste, att n ceea ce privete nivelul social, ct i pe cel literar, prin respingerea violent a vechilor experiene avangardiste, ndeosebi a tiinei moderne integraliste: n acest sens se spune n Critica mizeriei ceea ce ne propunem aici nu este de a discuta asupra eficacitii unor metode sau altora, ci de a semnala activitatea unei serii de personagii a cror prezen ntmpltoare sau voit n marginea suprarealismului nu poate avea alt explicaie dect dorina de a ntrzia ct mai mult, de a compromite pe ct posibil acest efort. dar ce ne facem atunci cu celebra afirmaie bretonian din Vasele comunicante, prin care ilustrul pap al suprarealismului maria tot revoluionar, desigur aciunea cu visul, depind prin aceasta o stare anterioar prelungit, de divor deprimant? Rspunsurile vin din mai multe pri, iar unul deosebit de tranant i aparine lui Gellu Naum2, ntr-un articol din 1945, intitulat Medium. Poezia este tiin a aciunii, afirma poetul teoretician n alt parte, dar sensul ei liric este redescoperit i direcionat spre explorarea zonelor nc neexplorate, spre realitatea hipnotic, mediumnic, a obiectelor, spre misterul care se nate n regimul nocturn, hipnotic i hipnagogic, al imaginii poetice, atunci cnd incontientul imerseaz, pe cale oniric, n adncuri altfel insondabile. Marcel Raymond3, care e ntotdeauna exact i esenial n aprecieri, vede o caracteristic fundamental a suprarealismului n dorina membrilor si de a fi regii unui regat nocturn, luminat de stranii aurore boreale, de fosforescene, de fantasme emannd din insondabil. O adnc nostalgie i bntuie i un regret dezndjduit de a nu putea urca din aproape n aproape, pn la sursa unde posibilele coexist fr s se exclud . Poetul romn exalt i el misterul, locurile delirant de pustii din pnzele lui De Chirico, orizonturile succesive ale lui Tanguy, vraja poemelor lui Lautramont sau Breton: pentru acest mister iubesc imaginile, nu import ce imagini, tulburtoarele i deconcertantele imagini mister, care-i schimb faa universului. Poeii, aadar, nu ar avea altceva de fcut dect s descopere, s creeze i s multiplice, ilimitat, misterul despre care e vorba. ntr-un fel, ca un rspuns aposteriori la o afirmaie bretonian din mult pomenitul Manifest al doilea, misterul hipnotic pe care-l exalt poetul romn poate fi privit ca un vehicul de acces n teritoriile infralirice ale suprarealismului, ntr-un un areal supralogic, al reconcilierii contrariilor: Totul te face s crezi c exist un anumit punct al spiritului de unde viaa i moartea, realul i imaginarul, trecutul i viitorul, comunicabilul i incomunicabilul, superiorul i inferiorul, nceteaz de a mai fi concepute contradictoriu. Or, zadarnic am cuta n activitatea suprarealist un alt mobil dect sperana de a determina acest punct. Pe calea ce duce spre acest more geometrico al spiritului pur se vor etala toate instrumentele consacrate ale suprarealismului: automatismul psihic, imaginaia atotputernic (lumina imaginii), hazardul asociativ i obiectiv (imaginile spontane), ocultismul magic, autenticitatea, percepia hipnotic etc.

2 Gellu Naum Medium, reprodus de Marin Mincu n Avangarda literar romneasc, Editura Minerva, Bucureti, 1983, pp. 619-621. 3 Marcel Raymond De la Baudelaire la suprarealism, traducere de Leonid Dimov, studiu introductiv de Mircea Martin, Editura Univers, Bucureti, 1998, passim.

Ultima revolt a avangardei romneti *

35

Ele reapar i n ultima revolt notabil a suprarealismului, o viguroas luare de poziie teoretic, prin textul semnat n acelai an, 1945, de Gherasim Luca i Trost, intitulat Dialectique de la Dialectique message adress au mouvement surraliste internationale. Textul, ca i, n general, trzia dar extraordinara ecloziune a micrii suprarealiste romneti din preajma rzboiului nu trec fr a fi bgate n seam i primesc o recunoatere important prin afirmaia lui Breton, fcut cu prilejul Expoziiei internaionale suprarealiste, deschise la Paris n 1947, care constat, mgulitor pentru tinerii romni, c centrul poeziei mondiale moderne s-a mutat la Bucureti. Din pcate, afirmaia a nsemnat i ultimul panegiric (onorant, e adevrat) pentru suprarealismul romnesc, care nu va putea coexista n nici un chip cu realismul socialist. Drept pentru care, dei n 1945 adoptau, n tonul epocii, violente i zgomotoase poziii pro-marxiste i fceau nflcrate jurminte de credin materialismului dialectic, suprarealitii (i n general, avangarditii) vor fi silii s abandoneze cmpul de lupt, unii lund calea exilului (Gherasim Luca, Paul Pun, D. Trost, Sesto Pals), alii pe cea a tcerii impuse sau a refugiului n genuri literare inofensive, care nu ridicau probleme ideologice, cum ar fi literatura pentru copii, n care a excelat, de pild, Gellu Naum. Civa doar (Aurel Baranga, Virgil Teodorescu), vor ocupa poziii literare importante n timpul regimului, pltindu-le prin angajament i tezism, n cazul primului, prin obedien i literatur encomiastic, la cel de-al doilea, ajuns prin anii 70 preedinte al Uniunii Scriitorilor. Dialectica dialecticii ambiioneaz s aib btaie lung i, n consecin, se adreseaz micrii suprarealiste internaionale (prietenilor notri suprarealiti rspndii n ntreaga lume) i lui Breton nsui (cu cel mai arztor mesaj), ntr-un efort lansat, de afirmare i de poziionare, nu numai geografic-latitudinal (le indicm poziia noastr exact, 455 latitudine nordic i 26 longitudine estic), cum o fac autorii, cu un teribilism ce nu exclude chic-ul, ci, teoretic, doctrinar i principial. E un text eclectic i prolix pe alocuri, dar impetuos i nvalnic, excesiv adeseori, dar patetic convingtor, prin freamtul ideatic ce se nate din debordana preaplinului intelectual i sufletesc. Un text oarecum provincial, cu o luxurian verbal pe care i-o d o perioad de ndelung izolare i de tiere a tuturor punilor (pricinuit de rzboiul imperialist mondial), cu angajamente revoluionare ce par naive, astzi: n adeziunea noastr la materialismul dialectic, n destinul istoric al proletariatului internaional i n sublimele cuceriri teoretice ale suprarealismului. Pn aici, nimic nu pare neobinuit; e o asumare a unora din ideile for ale celui deal doilea manifest, cu o ntrziere istoric de peste un deceniu i jumtate. Paradoxal, defectele manifestului eseu sunt totodat i calitile lui. Sentimentul izolrii, care i ncearc pe autori, le ofer n acelai timp necesara distan a privirii panoramice asupra fenomenului suprarealist, patetismul poate prea marcat i mpinge nspre un radicalism al judecilor exemplare, sinceritatea angajamentului revoluionar, n puritatea sa originar, utilizeaz dialectica cu un aplomb i cu o consecven mult mai mari dect cele care le erau ngduite marxist-leninitilor ortodoci: noi credem c suprarealismul nu poate exista dect ntr-o opoziie continu fa de lumea ntreag i fa de el nsui, n aceast negare a negaiei; dirijat de delirul cel mai neexprimabil, i aceasta fr s piard, bineneles, un aspect sau altul din puterea sa revoluionar imediat.

36

George Achim

Un suprarealism al dorinei (care ia n considerare nu numai dorinele pitite n incontient, ci i pe acelea pe care trebuie abia s le inventm ), bazat pe plcerea diabolic a negaiei i a negrii negaiei, mpinge cmpul de semnificaie al revoltei suprarealiste (suntem specialiti ai Revoltei) n orizonturi foarte vaste. Nu revolta estetic i intereseaz n primul rnd pe cei doi autori; dimpotriv, ea este sortit s eueze inevitabil n capcana, ferm denunat, a refuzului i a scandalului, frecvente pe terenul artelor moderne, de care cu perfidie s-ar putea servi dumanul de clas. Starea permanent revoluionar a suprarealismului aceasta e finalitatea suprem! singura n stare a oferi sintezele salvatoare (zadarnic ateptate) i ntlnirea cu hazardul obiectiv (n accepia sa de ntlnire a finalitii umane cu cauzalitatea universal), trebuie viguros susinut de o metod concret revoluionar care s nu fie ptat de vreun reziduu idealist. Continuum-ul revoluionar suprarealist are nevoie de un sens activ, dinamic i insurgent, cci altfel este ameninat de devierile artistice iat c deviaionismul, care a ocazionat teribilele procese staliniste ale anilor30, face, pe lng zecile de mii de victime politice, i victime artistice. Unde poate fi gsit necesarul i infailibilul sens? Suprarealismul valah rspunde cu nonalan (precum un celebru personaj apollinairean, de aceeai obrie) n eros. noi am ajuns s considerm magnetismul erotic drept suportul nostru insurecional cel mai valabil (s.n). () Puterea distrugtoare a iubirii fa de orice ordine stabil, conine i depete nevoile revoluionare ale epocii noastre. Noi proclamm iubirea, eliberat de constrngerile ei sociale i individuale, psihologice i teoretice, religioase sau sentimentale, ca principala noastr metod de cunoatere i de aciune (s.n.). Nu altceva proclama Breton n Point du Jour, afirmnd c nu exist soluie n afara dragostei. Ba mai mult, erosul este pentru printele suprarealismului principiul subversiunii totale, n faa cruia toate barierele convenionale ori sociale cad, pentru c lumea poate fi reconfigurat prin prezena femeii iubite (la beaut sera convulsive ou ne sera pas), prin erosul devorator, sublim, mpins pn la ultimele sale consecine, focalizat exclusiv asupra unei unice prezene, vitale i de nenlocuit. Este viziunea pe care Breton o ilustreaz n Nadja (puisque tu existes, comme toi seule sais exister...), este eroul absolut al lui Eluard (ardenta, inexorabila aspiraie spre puritate i spre absolutul iubirii, de care vorbete Raymond), diferit ns esenial de viziuni mult mai violente i mai radicale asupra subiectului, acelea care producnd, cum spune Breton nsui, un dezacord ireductibil asupra concepiei despre iubire, au produs n snul micrii suprarealiste schisme mai numeroase i mai nete dect nsei opiunile politice. Pentru cei doi suprarealiti romni (al cror suport teoretic se ntinde de la Sade la Breton, neuitndu-i pe Engels i Freud), iubirea se ntreptrunde strns cu puterea i, n consecin, cu impulsul revoluionar care face ca s se dialecticizeze: Aceast iubire dialecticizat i materializat (s.n) constituie metoda revoluionar relativ-absolut pe care suprarealismul ne-a dezvluit-o, iar prin descoperirea de noi posibiliti erotice, care s depeasc amorul social, medical sau psihologic, noi ajungem la sesizarea primelor aspecte ale iubirii obiective. () Noi credem c erotizarea fr limite a proletariatului constituie garania cea mai preioas care se poate gsi pentru a-i asigura, n epoca mizer pe care o traversm, o real dezvoltare revoluionar .

Ultima revolt a avangardei romneti

37

Propun ca exerciiu de imaginaie pentru realizarea tabloului vivant al iubirii materialist-dialectice, n Bucuretiul anului 1945, portretul de grup al celor patru cavaleri roii, Ana, Luca, Teo, Dej, cei care vrau spaima n burgheji, folosind armele proletariului ndelung i temeinic erotizat (eventual, n cazul celor mai ndrtnici, n stabilimente speciale, ca cele de la Jilava, Sighet sau Aiud). Un peisaj suprarealist pe care numai diabolica art combinatorie a unui Dali l-ar fi putut imagina. n ciuda enormitii afirmaiei despre necesitatea erotizrii proletariatului i a umorului involuntar pe care aceasta l conine, aseriunea merit a fi discutat, n contextul relaiei sexualitate-putere, care revine adesea, explicit ori subiacent, n proieciile social revoluionare. n cteva dintre lucrrile lui importante, ncepnd cu Totem i tabu (1913), trecnd prin Psihologia de grup, pentru a ajunge ndeosebi la Angoas n civilizaie i Moise i monoteismul (1939), Sigmund Freud ia n discuie conflictul care se nate ntre dorina individual i constrngerile sociale i sugereaz c dorina nit din instictualitate va veni, inevitabil, n atingere conflictual cu regulile civilizatorii i cu principiile ordinii sociale, iar impulsurile reprimate se vor sublima n diferite reprezentri ale socialului: politic, tiin, art. n acest context, Freud va critica regimul sovietic tocmai datorit faptului c energiile sociale ale comunismului izvorsc din ur mpotriva burghezei, iar nu din dragoste pentru propriile idealuri. Pentru doctorul vienez, sexualitatea va funciona att ca un loc central al energiilor represive, ct i ca o surs potenial de energii subversive. Premis pe care suprarealitii au mbriat-o cu un entuziasm fr rezerve. Critica economic a sistemului comunist - scrie Freud4 n Das Unbehagen in der Kultur - nu este treaba mea i nu sunt n msur s cercetez dac suprimarea proprietii private este oportun i avantajoas. Dimpotriv, n ceea ce privete postulatul su psihologic, m socot autorizat s recunosc aici o iluzie fr nici o acoperire.(). Dac am desfiina dreptul individual la bunurile materiale, va subzista privilegiul sexual, de unde eman n mod obligatoriu cea mai violent gelozie, ca i ostilitatea cea mai vie ntre fiine care, de altfel, ocup acelai rang. Gnditorii neo-freudieni, precum Herbert Marcuse, l urmeaz pe maestru n a reprezenta sexualitatea ca sediu uman central al pornirilor represive, dar se despart de el atunci cnd vd n eliberarea sexual i un pas important al eliberrii sociale i politice. Nimic mai interesant dect acest soi de fourierism sui-generis, n care energiile libidinale sunt asamblate cooperatist, n vederea eliberrii personale i a progresului social. Un proiect de utopie socialist care, n vagul ei, nu este prea departe de tatonrile suprarealitilor romni5. Acetia, la rndul lor, se despart n linie marxist de Freud, mai exact de viziunea sa, aa numit oedipian, asupra erosului. Noi am pus problema spun ei eliberrii integrale a omului, condiionnd astfel aceast libertate de distrugerea poziiei noastre oedipiene iniiale; convini c o revoluie suprarealist trebuie dublat concret de o revoluie mpotriva naturii. Or, n aceste condiii, finalitatea demersului lor este extrem de ndrznea: transformarea calitativ a iubirii ntr-o metod general de revoluie i posibilita4 Sigmund Freud Angoas n civilizaie, n Opere, traducere, cuvnt introductiv i note de Leonard Gaviliu, Editura tiinific, Bucureti, 1991, pp. 332-336. 5 cf. M. Keith Booker The Dystopian Impulse n Modern Literature, Greenwood Press, London, 1994, pp.12-13.

38

George Achim

tea de a depi, printr-un salt formidabil, imaginea incontient a iubirii, mai precis, eliberarea de spaima de moarte datorat naterii, de limitrile complexuale, de fixitatea mnezic a mamei i de persistena dublului primitiv pe care l purtm n noi. Atitudinea non-oedipian va fi extins din necesiti revoluionare cum altfel? pe un plan general, la toate nivelurile existenei, servind drept suport infrapsihic n lupta revoluionar nemijlocit. Ce este aceast atitudine n fond, autorii manifestului nu ne spun cu claritate. Dimpotriv, pentru Gherasim Luca, cel care abordeaz subiectul i n Inventatorul iubirii6, infuzia liric, vagul sentimentului i imprecizia semantic par a fi uneltele cele mai la ndemn, iar rezultatul este sugerarea unei stri de spirit nebuloase care, pentru moment, se refuz preciziei conceptului, plutind n vagi aluzii existenialiste. De cteva mii de ani se propag ca o molim obscurantist acest om axiomatic al lui Oedip, omul complexului de castraie i al traumatismului natal, pe care se sprijin iubirile, profesiunile, cravatele i genile, progresul, artele i bisericile voastre. Detest acest fiu natural al lui Oedip, ursc i refuz biologia lui fix. i dac omul e aa pentru c se nate, atunci nu-mi rmne dect s refuz naterea (s.n.), s refuz orice axiom, chiar dac are de partea ei aparenele certitudinii. Suportnd ca un blestem aceast rudimentar psihologie, consecin a naterii, nu vom descoperi niciodat posibilitatea de a apare pe lume n afara traumatismului natal. Umanitatea oedipian i merit soarta. Pentru c nu m-am desprins nc de pntecele matern i de sublimele lui orizonturi, par acum att de ameit, de somnoros i totdeauna n alt parte. De aceea, gesturile mele par ntrerupte, vorbele fr ir, micrile prea lente sau prea repezi, contradictorii, monstruoase, adorabile. Nici n manifest, lucrurile nu sunt mai limpezi. Deducem doar c incontientul proletariatului l menine pe acesta ntr-o form de sclavie fa de sine nsui i c dinii revoluiei trebuie s mute adnc din pasivitatea incontient i natural a omului. Pentru ca proletariatul s-i asigure victoria n lupta cu dumanul de clas, ascuns chiar n sngele lui, el trebuie s dea fru liber unei sexualiti debordante i eliberatoare. Nu altceva va susine, desigur n ali termeni i de pe poziii teoretice diferite, Michel Foucault7, n fundamentala sa Istorie a sexualitii, combtnd ipotezele freudiene despre rolul represiv al instinctului libidinal. Aadar, nu s abolim orgasmul, cum sun sloganul Marelui Frate, din 1984 al lui Orwell, ci, a contrario, s-l declarm obligatoriu. E i prerea lui Foucault: societile moderne (inclusiv regimurile totalitare) nu vor mai reprima sexualitatea, ci se vor servi de energiile pe care aceasta le elibereaz i vor cuta s le administreze (uneori cu mn de fier!), n propriul lor folos. Puterea i sexul vor forma un binom indestructibil, susinndu-se i condiionndu-se reciproc: Plcerea i puterea scrie Foucault nu se vor anula i nici nu se vor ntoarce una mpotriva alteia, ele se vor cuta, se vor suprapune i se vor susine una pe alta. ntre cele dou categorii exist o adevrat relaie de complicitate.

6 Gherasim Luca Inventatorul iubirii, Editura Negaia Negaiei, 1945, pp. 14-15. 7 Michel Foucault The History of Sexuality, Volume II, The Use of Pleasure, New York, Vintage, 1986, p. 48, et passim.

Ultima revolt a avangardei romneti

39

Aceeai opinie o exprim, n stilul lor inconfundabil, Pascal Bruckner i Alain Finkielkraut, n celebra de acum, Noua dezordine amoroas8. Cum s nu vezi, dimpotriv, c orgasmul este ntotdeauna cuvntul puterii (s.n.), c nu este deloc punctul orb, ci orbitor i c, reinserare din afar a dorinei nluntrul calm al legilor, el este nsi aspiraia instituiei. Instituia (i, dac e vorba de puterea proletariului, statul totalitar nsui) va gestiona, mai permisiv sau mai represiv, sexualitatea, n funcie de propriile-i interese. De pild, n primii ani ai puterii bolevice n Rusia, sexualitatea se desfura liber i nengrdit, ca o sfidare la adresa moralei burgheze i era tratat n limite strict fiziologice, la fel ca hrnirea sau odihna, adic o mplinire a unor nevoi naturale, un steag care merit fluturat n faa burgheziei (aceasta, privit ca fiind generatoarea unui cod moral restrictiv i represiv) sau, cum spune un istoric recunoscut al perioadei respective, Sheila Fitzpatrick9, ea devenise aproape un rite de passage comunist. Situaia va fi textualizat distopic n binecunoscuta contrautopie a lui Zamiatin, Noi, n care cetenii, devenii nonidentiti, adic simple realiti numerice, sunt recompensai pentru fidelitate de ctre Statul Unic, prin favoruri sexuale cu parteneri-numere, alei cu grij, pe baza unor corespondene tiinifice (determinarea cantitii de hormoni sexuali din circuitul sanguin), chiar de ctre infailibila Instituie. Erotizarea proletariatului ca s folosim formula suprarealitilor notri adic liberalizarea sexualitii ncepe scenariu imuabil, cu valoare de generalitate n patriile proletarilor prin a fi proclamat ritos i sfrete prin a fi confiscat brutal de ctre statul totalitar, alergic la orice form de libertate a individului, inclusiv la cea amoroas. ndrzne pn la insolen, retoric i gomos, dar i fantezist i intuitiv, intransigent ideologicete, de pe binecunoscutele poziii de stnga, dar i sprinar eseistic, scris cu pasiune i talent, ca un permanent slalom printre idei suprarealiste i sloganuri marxiste, cu anunate premise revoluionare, dar cu finalitate teoretic minim, textul celor doi, D. Trost, dar mai ales Gherasim Luca (cea mai mare parte a ideilor le-am regsit i n alte opere ale sale), rmne un demers fermector, susinut cu febrilitate juvenil i ascuime de condei, o sfidare adresat confortului mental i conveniilor de toate felurile, unul dintre textele cele mai incitante ale perioadei. Pasiunii i strii frenetice n care a fost scris, li s-ar potrivi - extrapolat, desigur - chiar o fraz a autorilor nii, vorbind despre acea siguran ce amintete voiajurile somnambulilor ctre luntrul propriului lor mister, identificat o clip cu destinul secret al omenirii10. Chiar dac nu a vizat ntotdeauna cauze mree, de genul erotizrii proletariatului, ci s-a mrginit la contexte i la circumstane mult mai personale, erosul a prilejuit ntotdeauna textualizri avangardiste eclatante (teribilistele romane de dragoste, cum ar spune acelai Gherasim Luca) ntr-o gam foarte ntins de la exhibarea ostentativ a liceniosului, la interogaii dramatice nvluite deseori ntr-un halou tragic.
8 Pascal Bruckner, Alain Finkielkraut Noua dezordine amoroas, traducere de Luminia Rileanu, Editura Nemira, Bucureti, 1995, pp. 24-25. 9 Sheila Fitzpatrick The Russian Revolution, 1917-1932, Oxford University Press, 1984, p. 79, cf. M. Keith Booker, op. cit., p. 33. 10 Citatele au fost extrase din Dialectica dialecticii Mesaj adresat micrii suprarealiste internaionale, text reluat n Avangarda literar romneasc... pp. 637-648.

40

George Achim

Unele dintre insolenele patente ale avangardei se domolesc ncetul cu ncetul, dar spiritul sfidrii avangardiste disemineaz ntr-un cmp literar foarte vast, pentru a deveni n cele din urm canonic, integrat i constitutiv oricrui demers literar al modernitii ori al postmodernismului.

A Strophic Lament and a Brides Farewell Song

Istvn Almsi
Cluj
In December 1916, on the occasion of an intensive fieldwork carried out in SalontaNagyszalonta (Bihar County), Zoltn Kodly recorded on phonograph cylinder the following lament (here are the first two stanzas of it):

This is a variant of the most representative Hungarian strophic lament. Kodly published it (together with another lament and two parodies) in 1924 in the Book Nagyszalontai gyjts (Collection from Nagyszalonta) edited in collaboration with Zsigmond Szendrey. It was included as well in his collected papers prepared for the press by Ferenc Bnis,1 and in the fifth volume of the Corpus Musicae Popularis Hungaricae.2 The informations obtained in Salonta constituted the starting point of Kodlys
1 Kodly Zoltn: Visszatekints. sszegyjttt rsok, beszdek, nyilatkozatok. II. ktet. Sajt al rendezte s bibliogrfiai jegyzetekkel elltta Bnis Ferenc. (Retrospect. Collected Writings, Speeches, Statements. Vol. 2. Edition and bibliographical notes by Ferenc Bnis.) Budapest, 1964. 126127. 2 A Magyar Npzene Tra. Szerkesztette Bartk Bla s Kodly Zoltn. V. ktet. Siratk. Sajt al rendezte Kiss Lajos s Rajeczky Benjamin. (Collection of Hungarian Folk Music. Edited by Bla Bartk and Zoltn Kodly. Vol. 5. Laments. Prepared for the press by Lajos Kiss and Benjamin Rajeczky.) Budapest, 1966. 742743.

42

Istvn Almsi

views concerning the strophic lament, when he defined for the first time in the literature the lament as a musical genre in his study on Hungarian Folk Music written in 1937.3 By reason of their function, he ranged the less frequent strophic forms among the free, loose, improvised laments. As he emphasized: The significance of the lament as a musical genre in Hungarian folk music consists in its being the only example of prose recitative song, and almost the only field of improvisation.4 On the other hand, he pointed out, that In Nagyszalonta (Bihar County), and in its vicinity, in Bihar and Hajd Counties as well as in several places in Central Transylvania, it is no longer possible to hear improvised personal laments in prose; instead, rhymed texts are sung to a fixed tune. Although traces of church burial-chants are to be heard in these verses, the textual content is generally independent still. This is apparently a later stage of development, when the individuals personal expression of grief gives way to a typical fixed text. Yet this too is most certainly a lament, because the nearest female relative of the deceased sings it beside the corpse in the cemetery.5 The authors of the fifth volume of the Corpus, Lajos Kiss and Benjamin Rajeczky have revealed the various interferences between the two types of lament (recitative and strophic songs) as well as the manysided relationships between laments and other categories of folk and church music. They have ascertained: The function of lamentation never extends beyond the expression of sorrow, the manifestation of affection and reverence. Its lyrical and plaintive character is displayed, however, in widely differing contexts, quite apart from funeral ceremonies: it is evident in bridal laments, in valedictions for soldiers and travellers, in complaints over lost money and dead animals, and in individual complaints about ones lot this is often the main theme of laments by old people.6 In this regard, especially Blint Srosis investigations were very important.7 Such a close affinity has been illustrated by some bridal laments added to the last chapter of the afore-mentioned volume.8 Herewith, I would like to draw attention to a further connection between the strophic lament of Salonta and a brides farewell song. Nearly half a century after Kodlys research work in Salonta, in 1963, Rudolf Vgh collected in Carastelec Krsztelek (Szilgy County) two examples,9 and then, some years later, in 1976, I found in the same village three beautifully performed variants of this farewell song. Here is one of them:10

3 See Kodly Zoltn: A magyar npzene. (Hungarian Folk Music.) Budapest, 1937. 4145. 4 Quotation according to Zoltn Kodly: Folk Music of Hungary. Revised and enlarged by Lajos Vargyas. Budapest, 1982. 86. 5 Ibid. 93. 6 Op. cit. 106. 7 See Srosi Blint: Sirat s keserves. (Laments and Plaintive Songs.) Ethnographia LXXIV(1963). 117122. 8 Op. cit. 779780. 9 See A Magyar Npzene Tra. Alaptotta Bartk Bla s Kodly Zoltn. VII. ktet. Npdaltpusok. 2. Jrdnyi Pl rendszerben szerkesztette Olsvai Imre. (Collection of Hungarian Folk-Music. Established by Bla Bartk and Zoltn Kodly. Vol. 7. Types of Folk-Songs. 2. Edited by Imre Olsvai in the system of Pl Jrdnyi.) Budapest 1987. 477481. 10 It has been published in Almsi Istvn: Szilgysgi magyar npzene. (Hungarian Folk-Music from the Szilgy Region.) Bucharest 1979. 101102.

A Strophic Lament and a Brides Farewell Song

43

Not only this, but all variants have been sung by old women. As they told me, this song could be heard in the past at weddings. Usually before evening meal, the bridesman invited the bride to the ceremony of plaiting her hair into a knot. The witness to marriage took her by the hand, and they walked round in the room. Thereafter, in the middle of the circle formed by women and girls, she took off her headdress to permit to be plaited the knot of hair. During this time, those present were singing the farewell song, while the bride generally tried to cover her eyes with her hands and wept, because at that moment, according to the sense ot the ceremony, she was transformed from a girl to a woman. Thus, properly speaking, our song has been linked with the brides farewell to her headdress, that is to say: to her maidenhood. The text of the song has been known in much longer versions already in the 18th and 19th centuries due to printed booklets. Sometimes the melody has been played at the same moment of the wedding in Carastelec instrumentally, in most cases by gipsy bands. The next example was recorded in1969 in amudSzilgysmson, where the musicians lived.11

The fiddler stated firmly, that they used to play this piece exclusively in Carastelec. And his competence in such problems was beyond controversy, because he often had played at entertainments in several villages of the region, being aware of the local traditions.
11 Published in Almsi: op. cit. 104.

44

Istvn Almsi

In my opinion, the relationship between the tune of the brides farewell song (prtabcsztat) and that of the lament (sirat) of Salonta is obvious.

Their main features above all the outline of the melody, the sequence-like sections, the character of the performance and the Phrygian mode are identical. Nevertheless, some noteworthy deviations cant remain unobserved. So, for instance, the valley-like shape of the first and third lines is somehow strange in this domain, for the overwhelming majority of the lament tunes, even those of strophic structure, are constructed of descending lines, arched sections and recitative passages on one single pitch level. The final notes of the same lines are different too, but, curiously enough, the first and the last notes of the third line E flat and A flat , very characteristic for the Phrygian mode, are corresponding, whereas inversed. In 1979, when I published the book Szilgysgi magyar npzene (Hungarian Folk-Music from the Szilgy Region), in which I had included three variants of the farewell song,12 I conferred the tune of Carastelec with a melody of clear tempo giusto type.13

This melody is very popular in the villages of the eastern part of northern dialect area and the north-eastern side of the Great Plain (Ung, Bereg, Szabolcs and Szatmr Counties), but it is unknown in the Szilgy County and in Transylvania. The texts joined to it show, that it is a so-called dawn-song, that means, it is usually sung or played by musicians at dawn, especially toward the end of weddings or dancing-parties. Very often, the melody serves to accompany the Slow Csrds or, sometimes, also the Quick Csrds. The comparison between the north-eastern dawn-song (hajnali nek) and the
12 See Almsi: op. cit. 101104. 13 See Jrdnyi Pl: Magyar npdaltpusok. I. ktet. (Types of Hungarian Folk-Songs. Vol. I.) Budapest 1961. 24.

A Strophic Lament and a Brides Farewell Song

45

brides farewell song (prtabcsztat) of Carastelec seems to be justifiable particularly if we transpose the latter tune a note higher.

In this case, certain external similarities come into sight. Surely this (perhaps artificially created) parallelism urged likewise the ethnomusicologists who edited the seventh volume of the Collection of Hungarian Folk-Music, in 1987, to attach the tunes of the farewell-song as variants to the north-eastern tempo giusto type.14 Although partial similarities between the melodic lines of the two songs cant be denied, the identical characteristic features of the strophic lament and the brides farewell song are more important arguments, and they ought to be respected, when we try to find the proper place of the melody in the framework of the musical system. Moreover, there is no reason to suppose, that the north-eastern dawn-song could have influenced the tune of the farewell song, as it hasnt been sung in the whole Szilgy Region. I am convinced, that the undoubted connection with the strophic lament of Salonta, brought into the limelight by Zoltn Kodly, must be taken into consideration.

14 See op. cit. 477481.

Tengo mi pecho de coplas / que parece un hormiguero El cancionero gaditano tradicional.

Virtudes Atero Burgos
Universidad de Cdiz
Hace ya casi veinte aos que el romancero tradicional me llev a la Universidad de Colonia, eran los ltimos das de junio de 1989. All conoc a Ion Talos. Su indiscutible magisterio en el mbito de la literatura popular romnica, su finura y lucidez investigadora, su rigor, su clida sonrisa y esa humildad que siempre adorna a los sabios me acercaron a l desde el primer momento. Desde aquellos das, han sido muchas las visitas a la Universidad alemana, muchos los encuentros, los viajes de estudio y los trabajos compartidos, mucho lo que se ha acrecentado nuestra hermosa amistad. Hoy, en este merecidsimo homenaje que se ofrece a su brillante trayectoria profesional, se me da la oportunidad de agradecerle, adems de su generoso afecto, sus muchas enseanzas, y voy a hacerlo acercndome a un nuevo campo de estudio para m, en el que l siempre ha demostrado su enorme conocimiento, el de la lrica tradicional. Culminada hace aos la publicacin del romancero gaditano1 y aclarados ya sus rasgos caracterizadores2, urga acometer un anlisis riguroso sobre la otra vertiente de la literatura oral de la provincia de Cdiz, la lrica. Desde mis primeras encuestas romancsticas, a finales de los setenta del pasado siglo, centenares de textos lricos fueron acumulndose en nuestros archivos, exigiendo una atencin que contribuyera a completar el perfil de la oralidad literaria de esta tierra. Abordar su estudio era, pues, una deuda pendiente largamente aplazada por m que ahora, por fin, he comenzado a saldar. Si a lo largo de mis muchos aos de investigacin sobre la oralidad andaluza slo me haba acercado a la lrica de forma puntual3, en estos momentos tengo en prensa un extenso volumen dedicado al cancionero gaditano adulto, un repertorio
1 Virtudes Atero, Romancero de la provincia de Cdiz, (Romancero general de Andaluca, I. Dirigido por Pedro M. Piero), Con la colaboracin de A. J. Prez Castellano, E. Baltans y M J. Ruiz Fernndez, Cdiz, Fundacin Machado-Universidad de CdizDiputacin Provincial de Cdiz, 1996, 720 pp. 2 Vase, por ejemplo, Pedro M. Piero y Virtudes Atero, El Romancero andaluz: a la bsqueda de sus rasgos diferenciales, en El Romancero. Tradicin y pervivencia a fines del siglo XX, Actas del IV Coloquio Internacional del Romancero (Sevilla-Puerto de Santa Mara-Cdiz, 23-26 de Junio de 1987), Ed. a cargo de P. M. Piero, V. Atero, E. Rodrguez Baltans y M J. Ruiz, Cdiz, Universidad de Cdiz, Fundacin Machado, 1989. pp. 463-477. 3 En colaboracin con Pedro M. Piero, publiqu, en 1986, Romancerillo de Arcos de la Frontera (Cdiz, Diputacin Provincial-Fundacin Machado) y con M Jess Ruiz, en 1990, En la baranda del cielo. Romances y canciones infantiles de la baja Andaluca (Sevilla, Guadalmena), en ambas obras se incluyen algunas canciones lricas adultas e infantiles.

48

Virtudes Atero Burgos

francamente rico en su diversidad, que rene 1165 versiones, inditas en su mayora, de 1020 temas diferentes4, un nmero verdaderamente espectacular en relacin a todo lo conocido en la zona anteriormente y lo suficientemente significativo como para poder afirmar que refleja con bastante exactitud el estado actual de esta parcela de la literatura oral en la provincia. Mi intencin, en estas pginas, es presentar una visin general de estos materiales. El corpus lrico gaditano procede de diversas encuestas llevadas a cabo, entre los aos 1975-2007, por distintos colectores a los que he podido arrastrar en este mi empeo de rescate de la oralidad literaria. Algo ms de la mitad de los textos fueron surgiendo en trabajos de campo orientados fundamentalmente a la bsqueda y rescate de romances, por lo que la historia de la recoleccin de estos materiales lricos coincide en parte con la del romancero, ya detalladamente explicada en otros lugares5. A ellos, habra que aadir los abundantes documentos, recogidos entre 1979 y 1985, que Carmen Tizn incorpor a su tesis de licenciatura, an indita, El cancionero del trmino municipal de Tarifa6, que generosamente me ha permitido utilizar. La riqueza del cancionero gaditano no puede engaarnos sobre su forma actual de pervivencia, las coplas y canciones ya no se cantan de forma espontnea. Los contextos naturales de transmisin de la literatura oral han ido perdindose poco a poco. El avance de las formas de vida urbanas y de las nuevas tecnologas, junto a la fuerza uniformadora de los potentes medios de comunicacin, han trado la eliminacin de algunos de estos contextos. El individualismo del mundo occidental de hoy choca igualmente con el sentido colectivo y ritual, caracterizador del mundo rural, espacio natural en que las formas orales vivan de forma espontnea. La mayora de los informantes gaditanos confiesan haber aprendido sus repertorios en prcticas comunales, laborales y festivas, en las que participaron activamente7, aunque ya muchos ni siquiera puedan recordar las costumbres concretas a las que se asociaban muchos de sus cantos. Sorprendidos por un universo nuevo y vertiginoso, se consideran con pesar ignorantes, detentadores de un conocimiento que ya no interesa a los ms jvenes, como algunos de ellos nos comentaban en nuestras entrevistas. Sin embargo, el tesoro textual almacenado en sus memorias, demuestra que Cdiz es especialmente frtil en lo que toca a la lrica oral. Del inmenso repertorio guardado en la tradicin oral de la provincia, quisiera destacar el papel fundamental que ha tenido (y sigue teniendo) la fiesta. La simplicidad, el dinamismo y la capacidad de sugerencia de la cancin lrica se adapta mejor en esta tierra a la expresin ldica y de cohesin social de las celebraciones festivas, lo que no quiere decir que no se cantaran coplas durante el trabajo. Son muchos los cantos asociados al quehacer laboral que todava se conservan en la memoria de los informantes, pero son, sin duda, muchos ms numerosos los ligados a lo festivo. La fuerza del flamenco y, sobre todo en la capital, de las coplas de carnaval, hablan claramente del arraigo que aqu tiene la vertiente ldica
4 Ser publicado por la Universidad de Cdiz y la Diputacin Provincial con el ttulo Cancionero Gaditano Tradicional (Patrimonio oral de la provincia de Cdiz, 740 pp) y conformar el n 5 de la Coleccin Cdiz y la Msica. 5 Vase. sobre todo, mi Romancero de la provincia de Cdiz, ob. cit., pp. 32-43. 6 Dirigida por Pedro M. Piero, fue defendida en 1989 en la Universidad de Sevilla. Citar en adelante, Tizn. 7 Una descripcin detallada de estas prcticas en la provincia puede verse en mi libro, Romancero de la provincia de Cdiz, ob. cit., pp. 43-48.

El Cancionero Gaditano Tradicional

49

en el uso de la lrica. Es, pues, esta funcin de diversin colectiva la que ha prevalecido en lo que respecta a la utilidad de estos poemas populares. Dos manifestaciones destacan como espacios privilegiados en la conservacin de la literatura tradicional en la provincia de Cdiz: las fiestas de chacarr en el Campo de Gibraltar y la Navidad en la Campia. El conjunto de manifestaciones tradicionales que giran alrededor del chacarr (nombre dado al fandango tarifeo), ha sido hasta hace muy poco el eje central que articulaba las relaciones sociales en esta comarca gaditana. Las fiestas comenzaban el 3 de mayo, da de la Cruz, prolongndose durante todas las festividades del verano: da de la Ascensin, Corpus Christi, San Juan y San Pedro. Pero si estas celebraciones parecen definitivamente condenadas a desaparecer, no ocurre lo mismo con el otro contexto ritual festivo de la provincia: la Navidad goza de una sorprendente y pujante vitalidad. Para los transmisores de Jerez y Arcos de la Frontera la literatura tradicional no es, en estas fechas, recuerdo sino realidad permanente. Estos contextos son los nicos en los que la lrica tradicional sigue cantndose de forma espontnea en Cdiz, fuera de ellos, esta parcela de la oralidad es hoy ya algo enterrado cuidadosamente en la memoria de sus gentes. Los textos nos han sido proporcionados por 244 informantes identificados. Perdidos los espacios rituales, y relegada prcticamente al mbito domstico, la lrica oral tiene hoy en las mujeres sus principales depositarias. Casi en un estado paralelo al del romancero, son mujeres, y mujeres de cierta edad, las que ms han cantado y recreado estos textos. No obstante, hay en este mbito un ndice algo ms alto de hombres que en el romancstico. Por algn motivo, la lrica se ha desarraigado menos del contexto laboral y festivo masculino del que el romancero se exili hace ya mucho tiempo8. Las edades de nuestros transmisores son muy variadas, tenemos recogidos textos desde nios de 11 aos a ancianos de 94. Los ms jvenes (antes de la treintena contabilizamos 20) son en general meros eslabones pasivos de la cadena de transmisin tradicional, la mayora de ellos slo conocen uno o dos textos. Si en el romancero hay un vaco de memoria en los informantes de 30 a 40 aos, aqu contabilizamos 10 transmisores de esta edad que recordaban 34 temas. No podemos explicar este hecho. Parece que en la inmediata posguerra, fecha de su nacimiento, la lrica seguira cantndose con ms vitalidad que los largos temas romancsticos, de carcter ms trgico y transgresor. En la primera etapa de la madurez, de los 40 a los 59 aos, registramos 86 usuarios. Su repertorio comprende 206 temas. Seis mujeres de este grupo se integran entre las mejores transmisoras de la provincia. Curiosamente, el grupo formado por informantes de 60 a 79 aos, el ms numeroso (78 mujeres y 15 hombres), nos ha suministrado slo dos versiones ms que el anterior: 208, y, por su parte, los ms ancianos de 80 a 94 aos- han resultado tambin magnficos informantes. Si su nmero es menor (15 mujeres y slo 1 hombre), sus textos son
8 De los 244 nombres registrados, 202 son mujeres (lo que supone el 82,79 % del total) frente a 42 hombres (el 17,21 %). En el romancero la proporcin de hombres es algo inferior (el 10,35 %). Es curioso sealar que si los hombres gaditanos sienten un extremado pudor a la hora de cantar romances, no ocurre lo mismo con la cancin lrica. Los hombres encuestados se han manifestado orgullosos de su saber lrico tradicional, conscientes de que este conocimiento les reporta un claro prestigio en su comunidad. (Vanse mis observaciones sobre los informantes gaditanos del romancero en Ibid, pp. 48-52).

50

Virtudes Atero Burgos

numerosos: 63 coplas (proporcionalmente el nmero mayor) y 26 canciones. Resulta evidente que en la provincia de Cdiz la literatura oral vive hoy cada vez ms como recuerdo lejano. Aunque hay algunas excepciones (los nios en edad escolar y algunos estudiantes de bachillerato o universitarios), ms del 85% de nuestros informantes oscilan entre el analfabetismo funcional confesado y los estudios primarios ms o menos completos. La cancin tradicional en Cdiz, como en todas partes, es privativa de gente iletrada y de baja condicin social, han sido ellos, los ms alejados de la cultura escrita, los que mejor han sabido conservar este tesoro literario. Y entrando ya en el repertorio, he de comenzar con una confesin, toda mi larga experiencia anterior como editora de textos orales se convirti en confusin al enfrentarme a la lrica: su naturaleza cambiante, su peculiar forma de transmisin, sus apretados significados simblicos, sus diversas estructuras, tan alejadas en apariencia del discurso y la codificacin de la balada narrativa, me colocaron frente a un territorio resbaladizo y complejo que me ha resultado francamente difcil -y no menos apasionante- transitar. Comprend, desde un principio, que, para llegar a la correcta comprensin de estos textos, necesitaba utilizar nuevas prcticas de investigacin de las que estaba habituada. La cuestin ms compleja a la que se enfrenta cualquier editor de textos orales es siempre el de su clasificacin, no se han establecido an criterios cientficos que puedan aplicarse de forma rigurosa a todos los materiales. Si entre los estudiosos del Romancero, gnero ms fijo por su estructura narrativa y su extensin, reelaborado en cada repeticin pero esencialmente el mismo desde hace seis siglos, se sigue debatiendo este problema9, en la lrica el panorama se complica extraordinariamente al tratarse de un producto breve, esencialmente nmada, que vive y se transmite desgajndose10. La lrica por su naturaleza migratoria y esquiva se escapa de todos los moldes en que querramos encerrarla, desbordando cualquier tipo de taxonoma rgida. Partiendo del objetivo que siempre me ha guiado en la investigacin sobre la oralidad: la naturaleza literaria de los textos y, por tanto, su esencial consideracin filolgica, era necesario comenzar seleccionando el criterio eje que vertebrara su ordenacin. Distintos cancioneros publicados organizan los materiales o bien atendiendo a su funcin ritual, segn el ciclo anual, o simplemente a su tema. Ni una ni otra opcin me convencan. Ambas ignoran, o por lo menos relegan a un segundo plano, el carcter potico de los textos, cuando no resultan demasiado forzadas, por no decir arbitrarias. En coherencia con mi propsito, opt por una clasificacin estructural. Pienso que slo la forma de desenvolverse el texto, podr darnos la clave de una ordenacin que nos permita comprender literariamente la sabia manera de hacerse de la lrica tradicional, aunque, no obstante, pueda ser matizable atendiendo
9 Los editores seguimos mezclando los criterios historiogrficos y temticos sobre todo que fueron acuados desde finales del siglo XIX. (Para la ltima discusin sobre el tema vase Los problemas de clasificacin en La eterna agona del Romancero. Homenaje a Paul Bnichou, ed. de P. M. Piero Ramrez, Sevilla, Fundacin Machado, Col. De viva voz, 3, 2001, pp. 221-233). 10 Como dice M. Alvar, la lrica en su transmisin se deshace, pierde toda su estructura rigurosa y nos deja finsimas arenas de su oro. (Patologa y teraputica rapsdica. Como una cancin se convierte en romance en El Romancero. Tradicionalidad y pervivencia, Barcelona, Planeta, 1970, p. 293).

El Cancionero Gaditano Tradicional

51

a otros criterios no puramente formales. Soy consciente de que este sistema no deja de entraar muchos problemas por la misma naturaleza esquiva del material que tratamos. El corpus lrico gaditano se articula, as, en dos grandes tipos perfectamente diferenciados: las Coplas y las Canciones. Entiendo por Copla el complejo temtico formal que tiene el carcter de unidad potica mnima, una estrofa que se canta de forma autnoma, con independencia del metro. Por su parte, con el trmino Cancin me refiero a aquellos textos que estn constituidos por una serie de estrofas o coplas enlazadas por una meloda. Las Coplas constituyen el grupo ms numeroso de textos lricos de Cdiz: 746 temas representados en 788 versiones. Las ms de ellas se han recogido en Tarifa (442), y en general en el Campo de Gibraltar (626) por su uso especfico en las fiestas de chacarr. En el riqusimo repertorio de coplas gaditanas encontramos textos representativos de diversos niveles de tradicionalizacin y diferentes grados de antigedad. Frente a temas aejos y extendidos en toda la tradicin hispnica:
guilas que van volando, en el pico llevan hilos, dejdmelos pa coser mi corazn que est herido11. Cuando quise, no quisiste; ahora que quieres, no quiero; sufras t del amor triste, como yo sufr primero12.

11 Versin del Campo de Gibraltar, sin datos. En Juan Timoneda, Cancionero llamado Sarao de amor... Segunda Parte, Valencia, 1561, f. 13, ya apareca: guila que vas volando, / lleva en el pico estas flores, / dselas a mis amores, / dile como estoy penando (M. Frenk, Corpus de la Antigua Lrica Popular Hispnica (siglos XV a XVII), Madrid, Col. Nueva Biblioteca de Erudicin y Crtica, Castalia, 1990, 2 ed., n 571). En la tradicin oral moderna la copla se documenta en Castilla-Len, Extremadura, Argentina, Mxico, Andaluca y Canarias. (N. Alonso Corts, Cantares populares de Castilla, (1914), Valladolid, Institucin Cultural Simancas, Diputacin Provincial, 1982, ns 92 y 1297. J.A. Carrizo, Cancionero de Catamarca, (1926), Selec., introd.. y notas de B.C. Jacovella, Buenos Aires, Ediciones Dictio, 1987, n 112 (880). M. Frenk Alatorre et al., Cancionero folklrico de Mxico, Mxico, El Colegio de Mxico, Tomo I, 1975, nos 99, 2117 y 2291. B. Gil, Cancionero del Campo, (1966), Madrid, Taurus, 1982, Reimp., p. 128. C. Magis, Lrica popular contempornea. Espaa, Mxico, Argentina, El Colegio de Mxico, 1969, ns 2360-2362. M. Manzano, Cancionero Leons, Len, Diputacin Provincial, 1988-1993, I, I, n 58, p. 267. A. Marazuela, Cancionero segoviano, Madrid, CSIC, Instituto de Filologa, 1964, p. 398. F. Rodrguez Marn, Cantos Populares Espaoles, (1882-1883), Madrid, Atlas, 1981, III, n 5086. M J. Ruiz Fernndez, La tradicin oral del Campo de Gibraltar, Cdiz, Diputacin Provincial, 1995, p.136. M. Trapero, Lrica Tradicional Canaria, Biblioteca Bsica Canaria, 3, Islas Canarias, Viceconsejera de Cultura y Deportes, Gobierno de Canarias, 1990, p. 87). 12 Versin de Tarifa, sin datos. (Tizn, n 120). E. M. Torner cita una Glosa de principios del siglo XVII, claramente relacionada: A una seora tratndola de vieja, claramente relacionada (Ms. del British Museum, Add. 18.706): Quando quise no quisisteis, / agora que vos queris / no quiero, porque paguis / por la pena que me disteis. (Lrica Hispnica. Relaciones entre lo culto y lo popular, Madrid, Castalia, 1966, n 65 Conocemos versiones de esta copla de otras provincias andaluzas, Canarias, vila, Valencia, Burgos, Mxico y Argentina. (N. Alonso Corts, Ibid, n 465. J.A. Carrizo, Cancionero popular de Jujuy recogido y anotado por... (1935), Rep. facsimilar, S.S. de Jujuy, Universidad Nacional de Jujuy, 1989, n 1871. M.L. Escribano Pueo et al., Cancionero granadino de tradicin oral, Granada, Universidad, 1994, n 311. Fernn Caballero, Cuentos y poesas populares andaluces / coleccionados por , Leipzig, F.A. Brockhaus, 1887, p. 145. A. Machado y lvarez, Cantes Flamencos, Buenos Aires, Espasa Calpe Argentina, Col. Austral, 143, 1947, 2 ed, p. 139. C. Magis, Ibid, ns. 2195-2196. Rodrguez Marn, Ibid, III, n 4551. S. Segui,

52

Virtudes Atero Burgos

Aparecen otros de reciente factura, de difusin local y que responden claramente a las prcticas de la improvisacin potica.
De Valencia yo he salido con toda pura verdad, cuando se muera Tirilla, ya se acab el chacarr13. Yo me despido de ustedes y no me doy de cobarde, la nia que est grabando, dale recuerdo a tu padre14.

Algunas de estas composiciones improvisadas han perdido la nocin de autora intelectual y han pasado a integrarse en la poesa oral de la comunidad. Siempre han sido aquellas coplas que mejor se adaptan al horizonte de expectativas de los receptores, al estilo formulaico oral15. A partir del momento en que estas coplas pasan a ser propiedad del patrimonio colectivo, no siempre es fcil identificar su origen. Muchas de las posiblemente nacidas en tiempos recientes, en el calor de la fiesta, pueden ser vistas como pertenecientes a la tradicin oral inmemorial, ya que su estilo, estructura y contenido no difieren de los de la copla tradicional. La identidad del poema se esfuma y su impersonalidad permite su utilizacin por cualquier miembro de la comunidad, que la adapta a sus necesidades, integrndola en el movimiento perpetuo, hecho de interferencias, alteraciones y quiebras de la lrica oral. He ordenado las coplas por temas16, lo que, a mi entender, facilita su lectura y permite su adscripcin al mbito en el que se recrean. No he dudado en iniciar el repertorio con las Nanas o coplas de cuna, aunque estas suelan aparecer incluidas convencionalmente dentro de los repertorios infantiles. Los usuarios de las nanas son adultos y tal circunstancia se refleja explcitamente en su potica, muy alejada de la que presentan los textos en los que el nio es transmisor. La nana es un gnero de madres y abuelas que ejercen, singular y apasionadamente, el emotivo papel de arrulladoras. Construidas con una fuerte codificacin formulaica, su funcin, la necesidad de encontrar un ritmo meldico repetitivo que incite al sueo, hace que el texto sea lo menos importante17, como vemos en estos excelentes ejemplos:

Cancionero musical de la provincia de Valencia, Valencia, Instituto Alfonso el Magnnimo, 1980, p. 629. E.Tejero Robledo, Literatura de tradicin oral en vila, vila, Instituto Gran Duque de Alba de la Diputacin Provincial de vila, 1994, pp 125, 150. Trapero, Ibid, p. 93). 13 Copla improvisada a principio de los aos ochenta por Juan Gonzlez Romn, el Tirilla, de sesenta aos, uno de los fandangueros ms populares de Tarifa, famoso por su virtuosismo a la guitarra y su facilidad como improvisador. Emigrado hace aos a Valencia, acuda puntual a la romera de la Virgen de la Luz para participar muy activamente en las fiestas del chacarr. (J.I. de Vicente Lara, El chacarr y sus tradiciones, Algeciras, Junta Coordinadora de Actividades y Establecimientos Culturales, 1982, p. 81). 14 Copla dedicada a la recolectora, Carmen Tizn. No conocemos datos de informante ni fecha de recoleccin. (M J. Ruiz Fernndez, La tradicin oral del Campo de Gibraltar, ob. cit., 1995, p.141). 15 Cfr. para esta cuestin P. Zumthor: Introduccin a la poesa oral, Madrid, Taurus, 1991, especialmente pp. 237-238. 16 He seguido, simplificndolo, el criterio de Rodrguez Marn en su obra clsica, Cantos Populares Espaoles, ob. cit.. 5 Vols. 17 Vase el estudio de P. Cerrillo Torremocha, Nanas, Ciudad Real, Perea Ediciones, 1992.

El Cancionero Gaditano Tradicional

Ea la ea, ea la ea, paolitos de nieve, lazos de seda18. Ea la ea, ea la ea, perejil y culantro y alcaravea19.

53

Las coplas amorosas son las ms abundantes (297). Divididas entre las que expresan un amor gozoso (Requiebros, Declaraciones, Ternezas y Constancia) y un sentimiento dolorido (Penas, Ausencia, Celos y Desdenes), muestran, sin duda, el tema preferido en la fiesta. El copioso repertorio de coplas amorosas tarifeas es un excelente testimonio de lo que el chacarr ha significado para la tradicin lrica campogibraltarea y para toda la provincia de Cdiz.
Los dientes de tu boquita me tienen cautivo y preso; en mi vida he visto yo echar cadenas a un preso20. A la mar fueron mis ojos por agua para llorar y se han venido sin ella porque se ha secado el mar22. A lo lejos que te veo se alegra a mi corazn: donde candelita hubo, nunca rescoldo falt21. Anoche estuve en tu puerta, te pegu en la cerradura; no me quisiste abrir, corazn de piedra dura23.

Las burlas, stras y picardas, el segundo ncleo temtico ms abundante de las coplas gaditanas (144), han formado parte destacada, en cualquier rincn del mundo hispnico, de las controversias orales poticas. Ms frtiles en forma de cancin, tambin estn ligadas en Cdiz principalmente a las ceremonias festivas del fandango tarifeo aunque no falten en otras comarcas.
18 Versin de Tarifa, cantada por Lucrecia Jimnez Iglesias (45 a.) a Francisco Vegara en 1979. 19 Versin del Campo de Gibraltar, sin datos. 20 Versin de Tarifa, sin datos. (Tizn, n 152). La prisin o crcel de amor es un motivo de larga andadura en la literatura occidental. Ms recurrente en la vertiente culta castellana (recurdese simplemente la conocida cantiga que Alfonso lvarez Villasandino incluye en el Cancionero de Baena: vos me pusiste en prisin / do eu non pos salir..., (J.M. Azceta (ed.), Cancionero de Juan Alfonso de Baena, Madrid, CSIC, 1966, I, p. 104), est tambin presente en la antigua lrica popular: Preso est mi corazn / preso est / mas muerte le librar (J. M.Aln, Cancionero Tradicional, Madrid, Castalia, 1991, n 158) o No te tardes, que me muero, / carcelero, / no te tardes, que me muero (M. Frenk, Corpus, ob. cit, n 494). Son caudales, el culto y el popular, que se entrecruzan. 21 Versin de Tarifa, sin datos. (Tizn, n 179). El amor como fuego es un lugar comn de toda la literatura amatoria tanto de Occidente como de Oriente desde muy antiguo. Y en relacin con el tpico, la calentura de amor, enfermedad que padece el protagonista del romance de Tamar, tambin lo encontramos en otros textos lricos gaditanos: Tres veces cog la pluma, / tres veces cog el tintero, / puse tres veces tu nombre, / tres calenturas me dieron. Versin de Tarifa, sin datos. (Tizn, n 76). 22 Versin de Tarifa, sin datos. (Tizn, n 90). Los ojos, el mar y las penas de amor ya aparecan unidos en la tradicin antigua: Por la mar abajo / ban los mis ojos: / quirome ir con ellos, / no baian solos. [1620] (Frenk, Corpus, ob. cit., n 177B). 23 Versin de Rota, cantada por Manuela Castellano Lanzarote (85 a.) a Pedro P. Santamara Curtido en diciembre de 1997. La misma idea aparece en la tradicin antigua: Paseando por mi calle, / no me quieres ver: / corazn de azero / debes de tener [comienzos siglo XVII]. (M. Frenk, Corpus, ob. cit., n 2318). La cerradura es claramente un smbolo sexual femenino relacionado con su correspondiente masculino, la llave, del mismo modo que la entrada en el hogar, la apertura de la puerta, se convierte en un acto metonmico que ampla su significado hacia un sentido sexual.

54
Marco se cas en Segovia, era tuerto y jorobado, cmo sera la novia, que Marco fue el engaado24.

Virtudes Atero Burgos

Al subir las escaleras Una vieja mu revieja, te vi las medias azules, ms vieja que San Antn, y ms parriba te vi se echaba la teta al hombro sbado, domingo y lunes25. y le colgaba el pezn26.

El canto a la propia fiesta (82), los textos sentenciosos que encierran un verdadero compendio de sabidura popular (71), la exaltacin del sentimiento religioso (27), los oficios y ocupaciones (25), la alabanza a la tierra (20), el cario o la pena filial (13) y las letras de columpio (8) completan el riqusimo cuadro temtico que la copla adopta en Cdiz. Son temas recurrentes en la lrica oral hispnica que resaltan el sentido profano de la vida con esa esencialidad emocionada y comprimido simbolismo que caracteriza a la expresin popular.
Cuando sales de bailar con los palillos y los lazos, pareces la reina mora cuando sale del palacio27. El que es ciego y viene al mundo con esperanza de ver, penita no tiene tanta como el que ha visto y no ve28. Mira qu nio!, ay, qu bonito! Su madre le est lavando los paalitos29.

Al marinero en la mar nunca le falta una pena; ya se le parte el timn, ya se le apaguen las velas30. De la raz del olivo naci mi mare serrana y yo, como soy su hijo, nac de la misma rama32.

Viva Cdiz porque tiene las murallas junto al mar y los caones mirando al Pen de Gibraltar!31 La nia que est en la bamba es mi hermana y no me pesa; quisiera ponerle flores de corona en la cabeza33.

24 Versin de Tarifa, sin datos. (Tizn, n 246). 25 Versin de Rota, cantada por Manuela Castellano Lanzarote (85 a.) a Pedro P. Santamara Curtido en diciembre de 1997. Sobre el valor ertico de las medias y el significado de sus colores trata un divertido cupl de la Chelito, La pantorrilla: Una media azul / demuestra que del pueblo ayer lleg / y la blanca ser criada / de algn viejo senador / cuando tiene rayas verdes / o puntitas de color / suelen ser de una jamona / que exhibir quiere el jamn. (J. M. Fraile, Disquisiciones galanas, reflexiones sobre el porte tradicional, Salamanca, Centro de Cultura Tradicional, Diputacin de Salamanca, 2002, pp. 99-100 y n 122). 26 Versin del Campo de Gibraltar, sin datos. La desmesura fisonmica recuerda a la de la Serrana del Arcipreste de Hita Teni por el garnacho [las sus ] tetas colgadas, / dvanle a la inta pues que estavan dobladas,... (Libro de buen amor, ed. J. Joset, Madrid, Taurus, 1990, c. 1019). 27 Versin de Tarifa, cantada por M Luisa Daz Prez (84 a.) a Mara Luz Vegara Jimnez en 1986. 28 Versin del Campo de Gibraltar, sin datos. En G. Correas leemos: El ciego que nunca vio, / como no sabe qu es ver, / no siente tanto el no ver / como aquel que vio y ceg. (Vocabulario de refranes y frases proverbiales (1627), ed. L. Combet, Bordeaux, 1967, p. 83). 29 Versin de Barbate cantada por Antonia Snchez Mera (65 a.) a Ana M Astorga en diciembre de 1999. 30 Versin de Tarifa, sin datos. (Tizn, 336). 31 Versin de Espera, de Ana Campn Bautista, sin ms datos. (M. Garrucho Jurado, La tradicin oral en Espera, Espera, Ayuntamiento de Espera y Diputacin de Cdiz, 1999 p. 81). 32 Versin del Campo de Gibraltar, sin datos. 33 Versin de Arcos de la Frontera, cantada por Josefa Oliva (76 a.) a Mara Rodrguez, Rafaela Cadenas y M Luisa Bagaces en febrero de 2000.

El Cancionero Gaditano Tradicional

55

Algo ms complejo que ste de las coplas es el mundo de las Canciones. Su nmero en la provincia de Cdiz es tambin muy elevado: 377 versiones de 274 temas. En este caso, es en la Campia, concretamente en Jerez (68) y en Arcos de la Frontera (57), donde se han registrado mayor nmero de materiales. Teniendo en cuenta que la mayora de las canciones son un conglomerado de coplas heterogneas, y que no presentan, por tanto, un nico asunto, resulta imposible aplicar en ellas el criterio temtico para su ordenacin, por tanto, ha sido la consideracin de su estructura textual la que me ha guiado en esta difcil tarea. Desde el punto de vista de su organizacin formal, el cancionero lrico gaditano se diversifica en una multiplicidad de tipos que ejemplifican ntidamente los caminos por los que se desenvuelve la lrica panhispnica. Las Monoestrficas con estribillo son canciones mnimas formadas por una sola copla con estribillo que se canta antes o despus de la estrofa bsica o intercalado entre sus versos. En Cdiz se documentan 28 ttulos con esta estructura. En este tipo de canciones los estribillos parecen incluirse nicamente por su naturaleza poemtica, perdiendo la funcin de cohesin de estrofas que suelen desempean en la lrica popular contempornea. En bastantes ocasiones, la copla queda completamente oscurecida por el intenso lirismo o la capacidad rtmica del estribillo que se convierte en el centro de la composicin.
A la orilla de un ro llora un cabrero que se le ha muerto un chivo de los primeros. Tended la barca, tendedla, tendedla sobre la arena, y los marineritos venid por ella, que se la lleva el agua, que se la lleva. La barca ya se ha anegado y el barquerito con ella. Tirad de los cordeles, madame bella, tira de los cordeles que son de seda. Y a la orilla de un ro llora un cabrero Tin, tin, tin, tin, tin. que se le ha muerto un chivo de los primeros. Tin, tin, tin, tin, tin. Molin, molin, cordn, cordn, fardn, fardn, ay molin!. Turrn, tutn, tarrn tantan. A la rueda del molino de moler. Ay, fortun!34

En algunos textos, esta supremaca del estribillo es tan marcada que la copla llega a cambiar sus versos. En una versin monoestrfica de una cancin tremendamente folklorizada, Yo no soy marinero, se sustituye la condicin, el nmero y las seas de identificacin de los personajes: cuatro muleros / mula torda, por
34 Versiones de Arcos de la Frontera, cantadas por Jos M Capote (39 a.) a Pedro Piero y Virtudes Atero en enero de 1982. (P. M. Piero, Con agua de toronjil. Del cancionero popular arcense de Jos M Capote, en AA.VV. Mosaico de varia leccin literaria. Homenaje a Jos M Capote, Sevilla, Universidad, 1992, pp. 21-59. Los textos en pp. 50-51). (P.M. Piero, Con agua de toronjil. Del cancionero popular arcense de Jos M Capote, en AA.VV. Mosaico de varia leccin literaria. Homenaje a Jos M Capote, Sevilla, Universidad, 1992, pp. 21-59. Los textos en pp. 50-51).

56

Virtudes Atero Burgos

De los tres marineros que van al ro y el de la toca blanca es mi maro. Yo no soy marinero, yo no, yo no soy cardenal del amor. Yo no soy marinero, que si lo fuera, yo cogiera los remos y a mi morena, y a mi morena35

tres marineros / toca blanca para mejor adaptarse al largo bordoncillo.

Un fenmeno inverso se produce en este villancico. Aqu, el estribillo, una verdadera joya de larga y asentada andadura, ha tenido la suficiente vitalidad para adaptarse con el paso del tiempo a las necesidades concretas de la comunidad que lo ha hecho suyo. En Cdiz ha encontrado la mejor metamorfosis para garantizar su supervivencia, la copla de Navidad.
La Virgen y San Jos iban pasando un ro y en un canasto de flores llevan al nio meto. Y ay qu tumillito, y ay qu tumill! Ay que hermoso nio que est en el portal!36

Las canciones seriadas, aquellas que amplan un ncleo temtico en una serie inacabada de repeticiones y / o enumeraciones, son las ms numerosas en Cdiz. Se documentan 75 ttulos con 125 variantes. El carcter socializador de la cancin popular explica el gusto por estos esquemas compositivos. Segn sus diferentes estructuras, distingo en ellas las paralelsticas, las enumerativas y las acumulativas. Las paralelsticas, conformadas por series abiertas de estructura progresiva, son las preferidas (55 temas con 92 versiones). Como seala E. Asensio, todas ellas se sirven de la repeticin como principio que domina y organiza la materia potica37: sta puede consistir en repeticin de palabras, eptetos, frmulas, versos enteros

35 Versin de Tarifa, cantada por Juana Gonzlez Ortiz (70 a.) a Francisco Vegara y Carmen Tizn en agosto de 1979. 36 Cantar de labradores que cuando menos vivi en el siglo XVII: Qu tomillejo, / qu tomillar! / Qu tomillejo, / tan malo de arrancar! (G. Correas, Arte de la lengua espaola castellana, (1625), ed. de E. Alarcos Garca, Madrid, 1954, p. 446). Versin de Ubrique, cantada por Vicenta Carrasco Salas (62 a.) a Teresa Prez en diciembre de 1998. 37 Potica y realidad en el cancionero peninsular de la Edad Media, Madrid, Gredos, 1970, 2 ed., p. 72.

El Cancionero Gaditano Tradicional

57

[...], hasta llegar a las modalidades ms desarrolladas de las tcnicas paralelsticas38. La iteracin continuada implica las ms de las veces una enumeracin. He considerado el paralelismo en este sentido amplio, incluyendo en este apartado tanto las canciones que presentan un paralelismo conceptual (aquellas que insisten en un mismo tema con alguna limitada coincidencia en el modo de expresin), como las que se construyen con distintos grados de paralelismo formal. Y tanto las que muestran un paralelismo integral en todas las estrofas, como las que alternan estrofas paralelas con otras exentas, paralelismo parcial. En estas ltimas, el paralelismo se consigue, sobre todo, con la reiteracin de clichs iniciadores del discurso39. Estas frmulas llegan a funcionar muchas veces como un motor que gua o genera la estructura sintctica y/o semntica de las coplas que integran la cancin. Pueden limitarse a la repeticin de una o varias palabras, llenar todo el primer verso o alargarse a toda la composicin. Uno de los chicls ms asentados en la tradicin es el iniciador Dicen que / yo Utilizado con profusin en la lrica popular desde la antigedad40, presenta diferentes formas de organizacin41. En una nana recogida en Arcos de la Frontera42, sus dos coplas, conceptualmente distintas, aparecen perfectamente trabadas entre s gracias al giro estereotipado inicial. En los primeros dsticos de cada estrofa se hace una aseveracin objetiva de un elemento de la naturaleza la pechuga blanca de la golondrina y el vuelo sobre el mar de la palomita, que acta como smbolo de la afirmacin subjetiva (y yo...) manifestada en los segundos la pureza de Mara y el deseo de pasar el mar en los brazos del amante. Esta estructura dicotmica constituye uno de los esquemas favoritos de la cancin popular43:
Dicen que la golondrina tiene la pechuga blanca y yo digo que Mara fue concebida sin mancha. Dicen que la mar pasara la palomita en un vuelo
38 A. Snchez Romeralo, Hacia una potica de la tradicin oral. Romancero y lrica, apuntes para un estudio comparativo, en El Romancero en la tradicin oral moderna,1er. Coloquio Internacional, Ed. de D.Cataln, S.G. Armistead y A.Snchez Romeralo, Madrid, CSMP-Gredos, 1972, p. 230. 39 Ano los conceptos de esquema cristalizacin de una estructura mental y sintctica y clich ciertas frases y versos que se estereotipan y circulan en textos de las ms variada ndole que C. Magis separa de forma algo confusa y poco operativa. (Ob. cit., pp. 393-439). 40 As por ejemplo en el siglo XVII: Dicen que el alfiler / que se da por despedida; // mas yo digo que es mentira, / que se da por bien querer (J. M Aln, ob. cit., n 980) 41 Vase B. Garza Cuarn, Los clichs iniciales en la lrica popular. Mxico y otros pases del mundo hispnico, en B. Garza e Y. Jimnez de Bez, Estudios de Foklore y Literatura dedicados a Mercedes Daz Roig, Mxico, El Colegio de Mxico, 1992, pp. 495-537. El anlisis concreto de Dicen que en pp. 496-502. 42 Cantada por Jose M Capote (39 a.) a Virtudes Atero y Pedro Piero en enero de 1983. (P. M. Piero, Con agua de toronjil art. cit., pp. 36-37). (P.M. Piero, Con agua de toronjil, art. cit., pp. 36-37).. 43 J.de Almeida Pavo distingue dos tipos morfolgicos fundamentales en la copla: el de estructura dicotmica, onde visible o cotejo de duas realidades mais o menos interdependientes ou at independentes entre si, enunciadas en el primero y en el segundo dstico; y el de estructura homognea o unitaria, onde avulta apenas uma unidade semntica. (Aspectos do Cancioneiro Popular Aoriano, Ponta Delgada, Universidade dos Aores, 1981, p. 226).

58

Virtudes Atero Burgos

y yo quisiera pasarla en los brazos de mi dueo44.

Sin embargo, son las canciones de paralelismo integral, las compuestas sobre la repeticin conceptual y lxica entre estrofas con variacin por sinonimia o inversin, las ms numerosas en la tradicin gaditana.
Me estn haciendo una bata del color del caramelo, cada vez que me la pongo me sale un novio torero. Me estn haciendo una bata del color de los tomates, cada vez que me la pongo me sale un novio estudiante. Me estn haciendo una bata del color de los pimientos, cada vez que me la pongo me sale un novio sargento. Me estn haciendo una bata del color del aguardiente, cada vez que me la pongo me sale un novio teniente.45

Abundantes son tambin las llamadas por M. Frenk canciones mixtas, las que integran dos o ms conjuntos de estrofas paralelas46. Un buen ejemplo lo encontramos en Ya no va la Sinda, compuesta por dos ncleos temticamente diferentes: el primero, de paralelismo exacto, y el segundo, con reiteracin invertida en los dos primeros versos y cambio parcial en los ltimos:
1) Ya no va la Sinda por agua a la fuente; ya no va la Sinda ya no se divierte. Ya no va la Sinda por agua al arroyo; ya no va la Sinda ya no tiene novio. 2) Mi madre no quiere que vaya al molino porque el molinero se mete conmigo. Mi madre no quiere que al molino vaya porque cuando bajo,
44 Vase el estudio que dedica P. M. Piero a esta cancin, La cancin de cuna, entrecruce de ritmos, temas y motivos. El ejemplo de una nana de tradicin moderna andaluza, ELO. Estudos de Literatura Oral, 2 (1996), pp. 189-202. 45 Versin de Tarifa, sin ao. Recogida por C. Tizn y F. Vegara de varios informantes. 46 Estudios sobre lrica antigua, Madrid, Castalia, 1978, p. 266.

El Cancionero Gaditano Tradicional

me rompo la saya47.

59

Aunque todos los textos paralelsticos contienen en mayor o menor medida una enumeracin, singularizo las Canciones Enumerativas -16 temas con 23 versionesen las que incluyo aquellas que presentan una enumeracin cerrada48 y el principio enumerativo domina y organiza la estructura de los textos. Un esquema muy codificado en este tipo de textos es el que podramos llamar enumeracin distributiva, que consiste en especificar en la primera estrofa el nmero de elementos que se glosarn en las siguientes. En cada copla se repite el nmero de la anterior y se anuncia el inmediatamente inferior, que impone la rima. Ambos temas se cierran con una estrofa conclusiva que rompe el esquema:
Entr en un jardn de flores cinco capullos cort; eran los cinco sentidos que yo puse en tu querer. De los cinco te doy uno y yo me quedo con cuatro, por haberte conocido y haberte querido tanto. De los cuatro te doy uno y yo me quedo con tres, por haberte conocido y haberte querido bien. De los tres yo te doy uno y yo me quedo con dos, por haberte conocido y haberte querido yo. De los dos yo te doy uno y yo me quedo con otro, por haberte conocido y que no te quiera otro. Y el ltimo que me queda se no te lo doy yo. Fueron los cinco sentidos que puse en tu corazn49.

Como vemos, en este tipo de canciones el paralelismo colabora tambin muy especialmente en la conformacin del texto, lo que, sin duda, contribuye a su socializacin. El anuncio de los elementos que se van a glosar al principio del texto y el
47 Versin de Arcos de la Frontera, cantada por Rocio Ruiz Machado (22 a.) a Mara Romero Ruiz, diciembre de 1990. Este romperse la saya, tan metafrico, es un equivalente del romperse el cntaro de un villancico del Cancionero dEvora: Envirame mi madre / por agua a la fuente fra: / vengo del amor herida. / Fui por agua a tal sazn / que corri mi triste hado / traigo el cntaro quebrado / y partido el corazn..... (D. Alonso y J. M. Blecua, Antologa de la poesa espaola. Lrica de tipo tradicional, Madrid, Gredos, 1992, n 81). 48 La que tiene ciertos lmites que impiden su desarrollo. Estos lmites pueden ser internos o externos al texto. (M.Daz Roig, El romancero y la lrica popular moderna, Mxico, El Colegio de Mxico, 1976, pp. 157-164). 49 Versin de Arcos de la Frontera, cantada por Remedios Perdigones (62 a.), Josefa Oliva (59 a.) y Antonia Salvador (48 a.) a Pedro Piero y Virtudes Atero en enero de 1983.

60

Virtudes Atero Burgos

hecho de que cada estrofa genere, restando, la siguiente, ayuda a que transmisores ajenos al canto se incorporen a ste con relativa facilidad. Esta estructura, la combinacin de enumeracin y paralelismo estricto, en la que cada elemento enumerado abarca una copla, es la ms frecuente en las canciones enumerativas gaditanas, aunque no falten textos que slo presentan repeticiones sintcticas y los elementos enumerados ocupan un solo verso. Dentro de ellos, gozan de una aquilatada andadura en la lrica oral panhispnica los llamados Dictados tpicos50. La modalidad que encontramos en la cancin Los lugares es la preferida: una larga retahla enumerativa que refiere las virtudes o los rasgos particulares de diversos pueblos. La estructura es siempre la misma: para + cualidad + pueblo o pueblo + para + cualidad. En ambos casos, la anfora domina la composicin.
Para pepinos Ubrique, para sandas Utrera, para nabo(s) Algodonales, Morn para borracheras. Para buen vino Jerez, Cdiz pa la pescadilla, y para buenos pasteles los que hacen en Melilla. Para regalos Sevilla, Madrid para la nobleza, para tropas Barcelona, para jardines Valencia51.

Una forma peculiar de la enumeracin paralelstica distingue a las Canciones Acumulativas. En ellas, al nuevo elemento enumerado en cada estrofa se aaden todos los anteriores en una especie de ritornelo, de manera que en el ltimo se recogen todos los miembros de la enumeracin. Estas canciones presentan paralelismo total con la variacin de cada elemento.
Caminaba mi nia a la una, ni una, ni nada pero cmo la madrugaba, pero cmo la madrug Caminaba mi nia a las dos, ni dos, ni una, ni nada pero cmo la madrugaba, pero cmo la madrug Caminaba mi nia a las doce, ni doce, ni once, ni diez, ni nueve, ni ocho, ni siete, ni seis, ni cinco, ni cuatro, ni tres, ni dos, ni una, ni nada,
50 C. Magis los define como: aquellas coplas que nos hablan del contorno (circunstancias naturales, paisaje, fenmenos naturales), que citan nombres de pueblos y regiones, o se refieren a esos lugares para calificarlos, para dar apodos colectivos de sus habitantes, o para registrar las relaciones que mantienen entre s los pueblos vecinos y sus moradores. (Ob. cit., p. 245). 51 Versin de Jerez de la Frontera, cantada por Josefa Romero Castro (89 a.) a Eva M Corrales e Ins Soto en noviembre de 1994.

El Cancionero Gaditano Tradicional

pero cmo la madrugaba, pero cmo la madrug52.

61

La necesidad de reforzar la unin entre las distintas estrofas que componen un tema se intensifica en las Canciones Encadenadas, en las que cada copla se inicia con el verso final de la anterior. El encadenamiento puede reforzarse con el paralelismo. De las siete canciones encadenadas documentadas en Cdiz, Me peg mi padre es quiz la ms sugerente. El arcasmo de su estructura, en la que cada estrofa comienza con la repeticin de los dos ltimos versos de la precedente, consigue el efecto del antiguo leixa-pren: multiplicar los registros, facilitar el recuerdo, retardar el desenlace y agotar el tema. La evocacin de una lrica primitiva se subraya por el empleo excepcional en este tipo de canciones de un estribillo de honda raigambre tradicional, ya recogido por Correas en su Vocabulario 53:
Molo, molondrn, molondrn, molondrero. Me peg mi padre, me peg mi abuelo, por salir de noche con el mi pasiego. Molo, molondrn... Por salir de noche con el mi pasiego, me ha pegao en la cara, me ha pegao en el cuello. Molo, molondrn... Me ha pegao en la cara, me ha pegao en el cuello, me ha llenao de golpes y no soy fandero. Molo, molondrn... Me ha llenao de golpes y no soy fandero, yo me voy de casa, yo me voy del pueblo54.

El encadenamiento que se consigue completando la ltima palabra de una estrofa en el comienzo de la siguiente da lugar a las Canciones Imbricadas. Este procedimiento, de clara intencin provocadora y maliciosa, est documentado ya en el siglo XVI y parece remitir a extendidos juegos cortesanos55. El fraccionamiento de la palabra final sugiere una expresin cargada de significado que no
52 Versin de San Fernando, cantada por Juana Arroyo Parazuelo (58 a.) a Rosario Garfano y Silvia Garca Cruz en 1995. 53 Yo molondrn, t molondrona; / csate conmigo, Antona. (Ob. cit., p. 162). 54 Versin de San Fernando, cantada por Emilia Moreno Castro (47 a.) a Rosario Garfano y Silvia Garca Cruz en 1995. 55 Ya en Cancionero Musical de Palacio [h. 1505-1521, 141] leemos: Una mouela de Logroo / mostrado me ava su co... / po de lana negro que hilava.

62

Virtudes Atero Burgos

compromete al cantor y que acta como un falso eufemismo con el que se trata no de disimular expresiones contundentes y tabes sino, por el contrario, de traerlas a la memoria a travs de la risa.
Desde que te vi venir por la fuente de Logroo, con la mano en la cintura que te llegaba hasta el co... Como estar tu padre que ayer no vino al trabajo, que a m se me dan tres pitos en la punta del cara... Caramba con las mocitas que se miran al espejo y se dicen una a otra: Qu largo tengo los pe... Pens que estabas durmiendo en cama de dos colchones y una nia muy bonita me tocaba los co... Cogerme ese gato negro, hijo de la gata parda, que el que no sepa esta copla no tiene la pi... larga56.

El sentido comunitario de la lrica se diluye bastante en las Canciones Dia-de las que en Cdiz se documentan 30 temas con 42 versiones- y, ms concretamente, en un tipo de stas fuertemente tradicionalizado: las festivas de discusin o de pique entre amantes, interpretadas, por lo tanto, a dos. Quizs esta circunstancia de su actualizacin sea la decisiva para comprender la falta de inters que tales textos muestran hacia las estructuras fijas, lo que se manifiesta en varios niveles de su potica discursiva. Los textos de pique recuerdan, por su planteamiento general, a las requestas cancioneriles, se construyen en forma de alocucin, respuestas y contrarrplicas, en las que abundan los versos encadenados y el tono desafiante y de reto. Representan una de las vertientes ms extendidas de la lrica en su funcin de poesa comunicativa y, por eso, estn vinculadas muy ntimamente a la improvisacin potica. Los contrapuntos, payadas y controversias de Argentina y Puerto Rico, las bombas de Mxico o el trovo alpujarreo son bien representativos de este mbito de la poesa popular en el que, sin duda, se han amparado las canciones dialogadas para su gnesis y tradicionalizacin. Los temas de disputa se documentan sobre todo en el Campo de Gibraltar, donde, como deca, la tradicin de las pullas formaba parte destacada del repertorio de coplas sueltas de las fiestas de chacarr.
logadas

El pauelo que me distes con puntitas y arramales me cre que eran firmezas
56 Versin de Tarifa, recogida por Carmen Tizn en 1979, sin ms datos.

El Cancionero Gaditano Tradicional

y eran puras falsedades. Si eran puras falsedades, seora, perdone usted, que se me ha cado un yerro y otra vez me enmendar. Te dijes que te enmendaras, no te has querido enmendar; dar parte a la justicia, vendrn y te prendern. Diste parte a la justicia, vendrn y me prendern; yo me arrodillo a tus plantas, lgrimas te han de costar. Lgrimas me costaran, yo borrara tu nombre; considero que t has sido pcaro, traidor, mal hombre. Pcaro, traidor, mal hombre considero que yo he sido; yo me arrodillo a tus plantas, seora, perdn te pido. De m ya ests perdonado, de mis padres no lo s; vuelve maana a mi casa, la respuesta te dar. La respuesta que me diste me la ech en la faltriquera, y como no te quera, la dej que se perdiera57.

63

Desvindose, en cierto modo, del tono especficamente lrico, las Canciones Cuento 63 temas con 76 versiones manifiestan cierta narratividad, o por lo menos, la revelacin de una ancdota a lo largo de sus estrofas. Los estribillos, con todas las formas y funciones usuales en la lrica contempornea, son muy frecuentes en estas canciones. En este sentido, slo quisiera resaltar un caso peculiar que afecta a la misma vida de la cancin. En este texto, clara recreacin moderna de un tema registrado ya en la lrica antigua, el estribillo se integra de forma tan perfecta en la cancin, que llega a formar con ella un bloque temtico inseparable, perdiendo su condicin de aditamento lrico.
Me gustan los labradores, sobre todo en el verano, por el salero que tienen para recoger el grano. Los labradores por la maana el primer saco es por su dama.
57 Versin de Tarifa, cantada por Elvira Castro Velasco (74 a.) a Francisco Mendoza en 1975.

64

Virtudes Atero Burgos

Es por su dama, ramo de flores a m me gustan, ol, los labradores. En mi casa yo soy dama y en la calle soy seora, en la cocina, criada y en el campo, labradora. Los labradores... 58

No parece el de las canciones-cuento el territorio ms apropiado para ejemplificar ese rasgo de las canciones lricas, extremadamente huidizo, difcil de observar, pero sin ninguna duda decisivo en su configuracin: me refiero al carcter migratorio de versos y estrofas, que acuden aqu y all en la bsqueda de las posibilidades expresivas que se plantea cada cancin. Pero as sucede. En la cancin Qu tormento es el vivir!, que desarrolla el aejo motivo medieval del lamento de una muchacha a su madre por la ausencia del amado, el tono narrativo de las primeras estrofas se altera con la lrica queja dolorida de la cuarteta final.
Por qu me preguntas, madre, por qu peno y por qu lloro? si sabes que estoy ausente del bien que adoro. Al pasar por el atajo tropec con el cartero, le pregunt si traa carta del bien que yo quiero. Pero fue mi pena grande cuando pas por mi lado y volviendo la cabeza por su camino sigui callado. Qu penita y qu sufrir es la ausencia de un querer! Ojos que le vieron ir cundo le vern volver!!59

Y son precisamente estos dos ltimos versos los que llenan de inters a la cancin. Se trata de una de las raras supervivencias de la lrica medieval en el cancionero moderno. Su huella puede rastrearse desde el siglo XIV:

58 Versin de San Fernando, cantada por Emilia Moreno Castro (47 a.) a M del Rosario Garfano Fernndez y Silvia Garca Cruz en 1995. La segunda estrofa aparece ya en Lope de Vega, La bella malmaridada [antes de 1598]: Ser dama en la ventana / y en el estrado seora; / en la aldea aldeana, / en el campo labradora / y en la mesa cortesana. Como reflexiona acertadamente J. M Aln: Estaba incorporando Lope, como hizo en otras ocasiones, una cancin popular? O procede la copla moderna de esos versos de la comedia? (Nuevas supervivencias de la poesa tradicional, en B. Garza e Y. Jimnez de Bez, ob. cit., 1992, pp. 403-465. La cita en p. 424). 59 Versin de Barbate, cantada por Soledad Martnez Ramrez (82 a.) en mayo de 1985 a Soledad Bonet.

El Cancionero Gaditano Tradicional

Otro mensaje a decir, por que me aya de quexar; ojos que bos vieren yr, nunca se bern tornar60.

65

Como bien ha sealado Nieves Vzquez61, un antiguo fragmento desgajado de una composicin medieval, transformado y conservado en algunos villancicos y romances del siglo XVI, pervive hasta hoy, incrustado en una cuarteta que se aade a su vez como colofn perfecto a esta cancin narrativa moderna, pero referida, como ayer, al eterno motivo de la ausencia. Precisamente de encuentros sorpresivos y de relaciones poticas invisibles dan cuenta, por ltimo, las que he denominado Canciones con Coplas Libres. En Cdiz, como en el resto de la tradicin moderna panhispnica, son muy cantadas (68 temas con 87 versiones 62). Se configuran como una serie indefinida de coplas libres, es decir, de diversos contenidos, raramente de distinto metro. Aunque a veces pueda existir entre ellas algn tipo de conexin, en realidad lo nico que le da categora de cancin es la meloda nica con que se cantan y el estribillo que suele unirlas. Como las ha caracterizado M. Frenk: Las estrofas, mtricamente iguales, se van engarzando como cuentas en un collar, cada una por separado, sin que, en general, importe mucho el orden. Suele haber entre todas o entre algunas una conexin temtica y aun verbal; pero a menudo lo nico que las asocia es un pequeo leitmotiv o la tnica general de la cancin, y no faltan casos en que no hay ningn lazo de unin entre las diferentes estrofas63. Su forma de hacerse ejemplifica, mejor que ninguno de los tipos antes visto, el carcter migratorio de las estrofas y la capacidad de desmembracin consustancial a la lrica popular. Una forma que, segn la gran hispanista mexicana, parece iniciarse en el Siglo de Oro, cuando la difundida seguidilla semipopular comienza a actualizarse como un canto de series estrficas seguidas sin una necesaria conexin temtica o expresiva. Lo tradicionalizado ha sido, pues, la forma de asociacin de las coplas, dando lugar as, a lo que hoy slo podemos identificar como cancin heteroestrfica64. En estos textos encontramos magnficos ejemplos:

60 Rodrigo Ynez, Poema de Alfonso XI, 1344, vs. 2411-2415. Fue tanta su popularidad en los Siglos de Oro que llegaron a ser proverbiales. P. Daz Mas seala que fueron usados hasta la saciedad para referirse (por lo general de modo irnico) a algo irremisible perdido y no solamente en la lrica, en el Romance de Belerma, publicado por Martn Nucio en su Cancionero sin ao (h. 1548), los encontramos con un evidente sentido grotesco: Que ojos que nos vieron ir, / nunca nos vern en Francia! (Romancero, Barcelona, Crtica, 1994, p. 213). 61 Pervivencias de la antigua lrica popular en el cancionero andaluz moderno a la luz de una cancin de Calaas (Huelva) en Lyra minima oral. Los gneros breves de la literatura tradicional, Actas del Congreso celebrado en la Universidad de Alcal, 28-30 Octubre 1998, ed. de C.Alvar, C.Castillo, M.Masera y J.M. Pedrosa, Alcal, Universidad, 2001, pp. 345-352. 62 Soy consciente de que en este tipo de canciones es casi una contradiccin hablar de versiones ya que es precisamente la mezcla de estrofas heterogneas lo que las define, no obstante, los casos en que las he considerado se justifican por haber sido interpretadas con la misma meloda y mantener en las distintas actualizaciones bastantes estrofas coincidentes. 63 Estudios sobre lrica antigua, ob. cit., pp. 259-266. 64 Ibid.

66

Virtudes Atero Burgos

Si porque te di un beso llora tu madre, toma, nia, tu beso, dile que calle. Mi cielo, dnde estar mi querido dueo? y adnde, adnde? dnde lo busco que no responde? Mi cario y el tuyo se han enredado como la zarzamora por los vallados. Mi cielo65 En medio de la plaza cay la luna, cuatro partes se hizo y t eres una Qutate, nia, de ese balcn. Porque si no te quitas, ramo de flores, doy parte a la justicia que te aprisione con las cadenas de mis amores. Esta noche ha llovido maana hay barro, pobre del carretero que va sin carro. Qutate, nia...66

Este comentario acelerado del cancionero gaditano muestra, como ya ocurra con el romance, que Cdiz es un territorio privilegiadamente frtil en el mantenimiento de la literatura tradicional. Materiales tan abundantes y diversos, tan ricos en contenido y esplndidos de formas, dejan ver que el sur del sur de Espaa encierra, en la memoria de sus hombres y mujeres, el milagro de un universo potico de creatividad desbordada.
Tengo mi pecho de coplas que parece un hormiguero, batallando unas con otras pa ver cul sale primero67.

65 Versin de Arcos de la Frontera, cantada por Jos M Capote (39 a.) a Virtudes Atero y Pedro Piero en enero de 1983. (P.M. Piero, Con agua de toronjil, art. cit. p. 35). La primera estrofa apareca ya en el Cancionero sevillano, fol. 283 r. [a. de 1568]: Porque te bes, carillo, / me ri mi madre a m: / torna el beso que te di! y en Flor de enamorados, fol. 29 v [1562]: Pues por besarte, Minguillo, / me rie mi madre a m, / vulveme presto, carillo, / aquel beso que te di. (M. Frenk, Corpus, ob. cit., ns 1684A y 1684B). En Lope de Vega (Servir a Seor discreto, III, Obras, t. 15, p. 596a) encontramos a su vez ecos del estribillo: Ay! Adnde, adnde?. (M. Frenk, Corpus, ob. cit., n 2209). 66 Versin de Chiclana de la Frontera, cantada por M Carmen Ramos Falcn (52 a.). Recogida por M Carmen Flores en agosto de 1995. 67 Versin de Los Badalejos (Medina Sidonia), cantada por Antonia Coronil Rocha (65 a.) a Mara Mercedes Pons en junio de 2002.

Interesul pentru etnografie i folclor la iluminitii romni din Banat

Nicolae Bocan
Universitatea Babe-Bolyai
n Sfaturile a nelegerii cei sntoase, Dimitrie Tichindeal a exprimat crezul generaiei de aufklreri din iluminismul romnesc bnean despre rolul scriitorului i al scrisului n societate, despre rosturile creaiei literare: Deci scriitorii i prefctorii de cri din pricina aceasta i cu socotina aceasta ntrebuineaz i i deart ostenelile lor spre folosul de obte, pentru ca s poat inimile oamenilor cele pline de nebunii i de credin deart curi i iubirea de oameni, dragostea i adevrul ntr-nsele a turna i a nrdcina.1 Fragmentul trdeaz viziunea utilitarist care a grevat asupra literelor romneti n epoc2, cvasigeneral n estetica secolului al XVIII-lea, asumat de scrierile inspirate de filosofia i gndirea iluminist. Precizarea este necesar, pentru c n epoc se interfereaz, uneori, pn la suprapunere, diferite niveluri literare, ncepnd cu cel popular, de o mare bogie i complexitate, continund cu cel al crilor populare i literatura sapienial, raportabile la un orizont mental i estetic baroc, peste care se suprapune literatura cult, citadin, cum o denumea Ovidiu Papadima. Cercetrile consacrate crilor populare n literatura romn3 au demonstrat convingtor prelungirea universului mental baroc n receptarea crilor populare i n epoca Luminilor, care va aduga acestora literatura didactic i moralizatoare, specific sensibilitii iluministe. La primul palier literar, cel al folclorului, semnalm ntreptrunderea nivelului popular cu cel iluminist, o influen a creaiei populare dinspre orizontul livresc al epocii i, n acelai timp, a apropierii a scriitorilor de creaia poporului. Semnificativ pentru acest fenomen este literatura inspirat de campaniile Austriei mpotriva lui Napoleon, la care bnenii au avut o participare semnificativ prin batalioanele de grniceri. Inspirat de propaganda oficial austriac, antinapoleonian, aceasta a circulat mai mult n manuscrise. Este greu ncadrabil unui gen,
1 Dimitrie inchindeal, Sfaturile a nelajerii cei sntoase, Buda, 1802, p. XII 2 Adrian Marino, Lumires roumaines: ides sur le thtre, la posie et la litterature, n Cahiers roumaines dtudes littraires, 1977, nr. 2, p. 29 3 Mihai Moraru, Postfa: Crile populare ncercare de definire structural, la Nicolae Cartojan, Crile populare n literatura romneasc, vol. I II, Bucureti, 1974; Ctlina Velculescu, Crile populare i cultura romneasc, Bucureti, 1984 ; Mircea Popa, Universul crilor populare, n vol. Tectonica genurilor literare, Bucureti, 1980, p. 11-36; Ion Istrate, Barocul literar romnesc, Bucureti, 1982, cap. Prima prefigurare baroc: Lumea crilor populare, p. 115-194; Meda Diana Brc, Carte i societate n Transilvania secolului al XVIII, Manuscrise de cri populare romneti, Cluj-Napoca, 2002

68

Nicolae Bocan

pentru c din punct de vedere al formei se prezint ntr-o mare varietate de genuri, de la cronic la ode, alegorii, maxime, ce s-au ntreptruns cu folclorul. Sunt scrieri culte, la grania cu literatura popular sau uneori sunt adaptri ale temelor antinapoleoniene la formele literare populare. Este semnificativ n acest sens oda Contra lui Bonaparte (1809)4, ce se adresa ranilor pentru a evita o contaminare de mitul napoleonian, care deseori a imitat versificaia popular. n acelai spirit se nscria Nicolae Stoica de Haeg, cu excelentele sale naraiuni din Cronica Banatului i cu alegoria D-zaii cu dzinele pe muntele Olimp, n Thesalia, la sobor 1814 adunai (1815)5, unde pune n scen un proces al lui Napoleon n Olimp, n care zeii erau acuzatori. Sensul alegoriei viza desacralizarea imaginii lui Napoleon, dislocarea mitului acestuia, nlturarea aurei de legend. Multe din ntmplrile epocii napoleoniene au fost reinute de contiina popular, trecnd n legend. Povestea faptelor lui Prvu Jumanca, conductorul rscoalei de la Cruia mpotriva Habsburgilor a circulat n satele din jurul Oraviei, acolo unde, potrivit tradiiei, s-a nscut eroul rscoalei grnicereti. Pn acum civa ani, la Ciclova Romn a circulat cntecul lui Jumanca, din pcate acum pierdut.6 Memoria popular a pstrat o imagine vie despre participarea bnenilor la campaniile mpotriva lui Napoleon. Pentru contiina romneasc momentul a fost neles ca o mprejurare favorabil pentru a individualiza romnii printre naiunile Europei. Calendarul de la Buda, din 1829, evoc un episod, petrecut n Italia, unde grnicerii romni de pe frontul italian au jucat cluul n faa unui public ales, format din prelai i demnitari italieni, emigrani francezi, ofieri imperiali. Autorul textului din calendar a recurs la acest episod pentru demonstrarea romanitii romnilor. n viziunea lui, originea roman, chestiunea romneasc au dobndit cu cel prilej o recunoatere european. Veridicitatea faptului este greu de controlat, dar pentru mentalitatea colectiv textul din Calendar este relevant: La nceputul btliei cu francezii sub Napoleon Bonaparte, au fost fugii din Francia i alte ri mai muli episcopi i preoi din Italia, n care se afla i armata noastr. Cu prilejul unei petreceri aranjate de ofierii armatei noastre austriece i alte fee bisericeti din Italia, unsprezece ostai romni ardeleni, mbrcai n haine cluereti, au jucat clueriul, carele aa de tare au plcut acelei adunri, ct toi cu o gur au strigat : bravo ! bravo ! acesta este jocul cel adevrat roman. Acetia sunt adevrai nepoi ai lui Romul. Episodul ilustreaz atitudinea intelectualitii romne fa de jocurile populare, n spe a cluului, a cror origine o descopereau n jocurile romane, aa cum a fcut Damaschin Bojinc n Anticile romanilor peste numai civa ani. La grania folclorului cu barocul literar se plaseaz i legenda lui Napoleon, care a avut un destin aparte n Banat. Dup campania antinapoleonian din perioada rzboaielor, deceniile urmtoare au reevaluat dimensiunea tragic a marelui conductor, tradiia local concentrndu-se preponderent asupra tragismului exilului i a patriotismului lui Bonaparte. n manuscrisele din secolul al XIX-lea s-au pstrat variante ale Cntecului lui Bonaparte, un cntec de jale ce a circulat n tot spaiul
4 Cornelia Bodea, Moise Nicoar, Arad, 1943, p. 142-144 5 Nicolae Stoica de Haeg, Scrieri. Cronica Mehadiei i a Bilor Herculane. Povestiri moti, colarilor romneti. Varia, Ediie ntocmit de Damaschin Mioc i Costin Fenean, Timioara, 1984, p. 140-143 6 Gh. Ciulei, Date despre familia Jumanca din Ciclova Romn, manuscris, p. 45-50

Interesul pentru etnografie i folclor la iluminitii romni din Banat

69

romnesc, dar cu o frecven mai mare n Banat i Transilvania, ceea ce a constituit un argument n favoarea atribuirii paternitii asupra versului lui Bonaparte unui grnicer din Banat sau Transilvania, care a participat la rzboaie.7 Cu titlul de ipotez, Valeriu Leu a atribuit o variant lui Nicolae Stoica de Haeg. Bine informat, exersat n redactarea unor cntece de tabr, cronici diversificate. Argumentele n favoarea paternitii lui Nicolae Stoica, n afar de cele de mai sus, ar fi asemnrile dintre varianta bnean a Cntectului lui Bonaparte, copiat la Oravia i poezia Hotine, Hotine, prelucrat de Nicolae Stoica n 1800 la Mehadia. Exist unele asemnri de nume, cuvinte identice n Cronica lui Stoica i n Cntecul lui Bonaparte. Mai important pentru istoria cultural este faptul c acest cntec a ptruns n folclor, a avut o circulaie popular, chiar dac la origine a avut o variant cult, redactat n ritmica i structura versurilor de jale, a cntecelor la oameni mori. Pn n prezent se cunosc patru texte provenind din Banat, toate avnd ca subiect tnguirea mpratului n clipa despririi de Frana pentru a lua drumul exilului. Dou sunt mai cunoscute, diferenele dintre ele fiind destul de mari, varianta pstrat n manuscrisul de la Oravia i varianta de la Sinteti Tnguirea lui Bun Parte pstrat n copia unui ran din sat, Arsenie Dragomir. Alte variante de origine bnean au mai circulat n zona Aradului, Hunedoarei, au fost reproduse n culegeri sau antologii.8 Imaginea despre Napoleon este mult schimbat n comparaie cu scrierile anterioare. Timpul, mentalitatea romantic, mitul eroului au modificat imaginea negativ cu una care este tipic romantic, ce reflect nivelul de percepere al epocii i interesul acesteia. Dimensiunea tragic a eroului desprit de ar, familie, patriotismul acestuia, timpuri glorioase revolute, sunt elemente specifice mentalitii romantice romneti, pe care legenda lui Napoleon s-a pliat, alimentnd contiina colectiv cu imagini ale unui trecut glorios, pe care i-l asum i romnii, contientiznd dimensiunea european a istoriei lor. Interesul crturarilor iluminiti pentru etnografie i folclor a fost motivat de cel puin trei factori: concepia raionalist, ce condamna obiceiurile i credinele, declarndu-le superstiii i prejudeci; ideea originii latine, susinut i prin argumentul descendenei acestor obiceiuri din cele identice romane, ca o expresie a continuitii spirituale i de civilizaie (punct de vedere tributar, la rndu-i, concepiei raionaliste);9 n sfrit, al treilea motiv are temeiuri estetice, manifestndu-se cu deosebire la grupul scriitorilor preromantici din finalul epocii (Damaschin Bojinc, Eftimie Murgu), n strns legtur cu ideile despre naiune i naional. Combatarea superstiiilor ca expresie a ignoranei i iraionalismului apare n toate manifestele programatice ale Luminilor, n scrierile didactice, ca de exemplu, Bucvarul din 1781, n prefee, reviste, calendare. Denumite generic superstiii sau prejudeci, obiceiurile nu s-au bucurat de un interes direct, pn la explicaie sau interpretare, preocuparea meninndu-se n sfera unei condamnri n bloc, ca un obstacol n calea luminrii. Repudierea lor n numele concepiei raionaliste, potrivit
7 J. Georgescu, Micri antihabsburgice romno-srbe n grania militar bnean la nceputul secolului al XIX-lea, n Studii i articole de istorie, XV, 1970, p. 105 8 BRV, III, 1414. Textul a circulat n Banat i n manuscris. Citatul este dup un manuscris care n secolul al XIX-lea se afla la Maidan. Apud. S. Limba, Datini i credine poporale despre fraii sau frtaii de cruce, n Foaia Diecezan, 1890, nr. 13 9 D. Pop, I. Niculi, Napoleon dans le folklore roumain, n Studia Universitatis Babe-Bolyai. Philologica, 1969, fasc. 2, p. 37-48

70

Nicolae Bocan

tezei: unde nflorete odat cultura acolo piere superstiia, se nscrie organic n programul de educare a poporului, de emancipare a omului i colectivitilor. Obiceiurile scria Dimitrie inchindeal sunt potrivnice nelegerii cei sntoase i folosului celui de obte.10 Orientarea s-a prelungit pn spre sfritul epocii Luminilor, regsindu-se trziu i la Pavel Vasici. Cel mai nverunat adversar al credinelor dearte a fost Dimitrie inchindeal, influenat de ideile lui Dositei Obradovici: Aa minciuni s nu le credei nici s nfricoai pre pruncii cei micui i fr de reotate cu aa fel de minciuni, din care se scornete i se nate ntr-nii dearta credin, c aceste snt minciuni goale de la oamenii cei proti i ntunecai la minte scornite.11 Acelai crturar a avut meritul de a fi inaugurat i noua atitudine fa de folclor. n Sfaturile a nelegerii cei sntoase, inchindeal a descris obiceiurile care stpnesc pn acum ntre romni, prima asociere a folclorului la caracterul etnic n literatura bnean. Repertoriul obiceiurilor romneti, superior ca valoare celui comunicat de Samuil Micu sau Gheorghe Sincai, aprecia Ion Talo, era un argument pentru autor n favoarea descendenei romane a poporului romn. n aceast lucrare, inchindeal a ilustrat o faz de tranziie n atitudinea Luminilor fa de creaia popular, aspirnd s concilieze viziunea raionalist cu cea istoric, combaterea obiceiurilor ca superstiii cu valoarea lor documentar pentru demonstrarea romanitii romnilor. Inaugura astfel i o metod de valorizare a folclorului, asociind, n termenii comparatismului, obiceiul romnesc celui roman, aa cum va proceda mai trziu Damaschin Bojinc. n finalul demonstraiei, Dimitrie inchindeal a rmas la punctul de vedere tradiional n iluminismul bnean privind obiceiurile: Mcar dei sntem noi strnepoii romanilor, precum se poate vedea din obiceiurile aceste de acum, care le in romnii, tot nu ar trebui s le inem noi, c moii notri multe rele pentru faptele lor au rbdat, nu e dirept i noi s petrecem ntru lucrurile lor Si iar din vremile cele de demult s-au obicinuit romnii cu descntece i vrji i pn n ziua de azi le in.12 O nou abordare n interpretarea folclorului a fost consacrat prin opera lui Damaschin Bojinc. n finalul epocii Luminilor el a repertorizat obiceiurile romneti pentru a ilustra, prin compararea cu cele romane, latinitatea limbii i romanitatea poporului romn, direcie ce va stpni pn trziu, n a doua jumtate a secolului al XIX-lea, interpretarea folclorului romnesc din Transilvania i Banat.13 n Respundere desgurztoare la crtirea cea n Hale i n Anticile romanilor, Bojinc a expus o serie de consideraii privind continuitatea sau asemnarea unor obiceiuri, credine, ocupaii romane cu cele existente printre romni, convins de valoarea lor documentar, ca argument n favoarea romanitii, cci precum se citesc a fi fost la romanii cei vechi, aa snt i astzi la daco-romani. El a inaugurat o concepie nou fa de creaia popular, un capitol nou n etnografie, care susinea repertorizarea obiceiurilor i interpretarea lor din perspectiva spiritului creator al po10 Nicolae Bocan, Mihai Duma, Petru Bona, Frana i Banatul (1789-1815), Reia, 1994, p. 100. Ideologia generaiei romne de la 1848 din Transilvania, Bucureti, 1968, p. 131 11 Dimitrie inchindeal, Sfaturile a nelajerii cei sntoase, p. 9 12 Dimitrie inchindeal, Filosoficeti i politiceti prin Fabule moralnice nvturi, Buda, 1814, p. 19 13 Ion Talo, nceputurile interesului pentru folclorul romnesc n Banat, n vol. Studii de istorie literar i folclor, Cluj, 1964, p. 203

Interesul pentru etnografie i folclor la iluminitii romni din Banat

71

porului. Demonstraia perpetuitii unor strvechi ritualuri romane pn la romnii contemporani era un argument al continuitii romnilor de la vechii romani, o continuitate etnic, evident o exagerare a teoriei romanitii din epoc: aceste datini ce se pstreaz de romni attea sute de ani, ntre attea valuri, ntre attea nevoi i strmutri snt mai mari i mult mai temeinice mrturii despre adeverirea urzirii romnilor de la vechii romani. Concepia tiinific despre folclor, ilustrat i de ideea repertoriului comparatist, asociaz principiilor raionaliste i o dimensiunea istoric, dintr-o perspectiv modern, aa cum propunea istoria iluminist, apropiat de ceea ce denumim astzi istoria civilizaiei. Demersul teoretic de nserare a obiceiurilor n dinamica istoric a unui popor anun viitoarea concepie istoric romantic, aa cum o ilustra Blcescu, de exemplu. n acest sens, Bojinc scria c pentru deplina nelegere a unui stat, ri sau societi, nencungiurat de lips este a ti i a cunoate datinile cu care acelea vieuiesc. ntr-o asemenea concepie obiceiurile apar ca trsturi distinctive ale civilizaiei unui popor, ca un element de conservare a specificului acestuia n devenirea istoric. Este perioada n care crturarii iluminiti descoper poporul, att din punct de vedere social-politic, ct i al valorilor spirituale pe care le conserv i le produce, al vitalitii i originalitii acestor valori. De aceea se grbesc s le consemneze, dovedind o alt atitudine fa de creaia popular. n spiritul concepiei naiune popor, generaia aeza la temelia naiunii poporul, care ptrunde de acum, cu toat greutatea numrului i a importanei sale, n realitatea istoric, oblignd ideologia s ia n considerare noua for. Consecinele social-politice i cele n planul militantismului naional vor aprea mai trziu. Deocamdat putem enuna, ntemeiai i pe alte scrieri ale iluminismului bnean, c interesul pentru spiritualitatea popular premerge celui social-politic. Obiceiurile nregistrate de Bojinc aparin ntregului spaiu cultural romnesc, exprim unitatea spiritual a poporului romn, determinndu-l pe bnean s scrie: f singur asemnarea ntre cele ce vei citi n aceast carte cu cele ce se afl prin locurile unde vieuieti. Atitudinea lui Bojinc fa de creaia popular ilustreaz mutaiile ce au avut loc n mentalitatea romneasc, n evoluia acesteia de la Lumini la Romantism, un orizont mai larg, o atitudine estetic nvecinat concepiei herderiene de Volksgeist, pe care o proiecteaz n teoria despre folclor ca expresie a individualitii naionale: desftare vei prtini din Antici [Anticile romanilor N.B.] aflnd urzirea, izvorul i cauza multor ndatinri ce vezi astzi a lcui n mijlocul naiei tale. La Damaschin Bojinc apare i o atitudine estetic fa de folclor, determinat de diversificarea preocuprilor crturreti, de istorismul care a ptruns n beletristic, de un gust literar ce ilustreaz un nivel cultural. Ba nu numai din istorie scria Bojinc vei nelege, ci, ce este mai mult, nici o roman, adic o cas fabuloas i povestitoare, ce se ese numai spre petrecerea desfttoare (s.n. N.B.), nu o vei putea cuprinde deplin, pentru c n romane, acum vine vorba despre un zeu sau zee cum iar despre tmpl sau capiste, despre oraclu care toate din Antici se pot nva. Iar ce se atinge de nelegerea poeziei, adic a versurilor, aceasta nicidecum fr cunotina Anticilor nu o vei pricepe de unde se poate face ncheiere, ct lips are naia romneasc de Anticile strmoilor si romani, de vrea i poftete a face sporire . La sentimentul satisfaciei estetice ( petrecere desft-

72

Nicolae Bocan

toare), Bojinc a adugat sentimentul mndriei naionale, acela de a se origina, n sens spiritual, dintr-o civilizaie care a stat n fruntea lumii: desftare vei prtini din Antici aflnd, urzirea, izvorul i cauza multor ndatinri ce vezi astzi a lcui n mijlocul naiei tale.14 Atitudinea lui Bojinc fa de creaia popular ilustreaz transformrile ce au avut loc n mentalul colectiv, n evoluia lui spre Romantism. In raport cu Vasilie Popp, care l-a precedat, Bojinc are un orizont mai larg, domeniile abordate snt mai diverse, mai apropiate de complexitatea spiritului popular. Tot mai evident, creaiile anonime ale spiritului colectiv au devenit o component a contiinei de sine a poporului, expresia specificului naional. Finalul Anticilor, ncoronnd aceast concepie, este definitoriu pentru noua orientare de care vorbeam i prin care se apropie cel mai mult de atmosfera i spiritul romantismului: datinile ce le in romnii i pn astzi deosebit de alte neamuri i pre care le zic unii credin deart, mcar c acestea snt cele mai vii mrturii adeveritoare cum c romnii snt nendoii strnepoi ai romanilor Temeiul pstrrei a unor asmine datini motenite de la romani nainte de alte veacuri este tot acel care au fost i al pstrrii limbei naionale, mcar c au fost Naia romneasc asuprit de mai multe feliuri de neamuri varvare. Pentru c tiu c nimic este mai dulce i mai sfnt romnului adevrat dect a-i pzi limba i legea i pentru ce? Pentru c i iubete naionalitatea.15 Este exprimarea unei atitudini romantice, izvort din sentimentul mndriei naionale, este expresia sentimentalismului, specific sensibilitii romantice. El coexist cu raionalismul, ntr-o unitate specific preromantismului, prezent n Europa preromantic, chiar dac sensibilitatea respectiv nu a gsit, nc, cele mai adecvate forme de exprimare. Ideile lui Bojinc despre naional i naionalitate n cadrul lor atitudinea fa de manifestrile spiritului popular - stau sub semnul curentului herderian, care s-a bucurat de o larg audien printre naionalitile imperiului.16 Bojinc le-a cunoscut direct, din manifestrile similare ale popoarelor vecine, cci fenomenul descoperirii folclorului despre care a vorbit Paul Cornea a fost specific acestei regiuni la nceputul secolului al XIX-lea. n afar de implicaiile ideologice, preocuprile etnografice au i o valoarea tiinific. Burada, Lambrior i Marian au preluat o serie de motive de la Bojinc17. Specialitii au remarcat c bneanul a dat, mai mult dect alii, semnalul unei direcii care va stpni pn trziu, n a doua jumtate a secolului al XIX-lea, interpretarea folclocului romnesc n Transilvania. Noua atitudine fa de etnografie i folclor, ca expresie a specificului naional, apare i mai clar formulat la Eftimie Murgu, pentru care portul, felul de via, religia, obiceiurile, dansurile, menionatele caractere naionale ale romnilor reprezint tot attea facsimile ale celor romane18. Crturarul bnean a depit, ns, crezul iluminist n materie de folclor, afirmnd o atitudine estetic tranant n favoarea creaiei populare, interpretat ca expresie a specificului naional: Nu
14 Ion Breazu, Folclorul revistelor Familia i eztoarea, Sibiu, 1964, p. VIII 15 Damaschin Bojinc, Scrieri, Timioara, 1978, p. XL 16 Ibidem, p. XLI 17 Holm Sundhaussen, Der Einfluss der Herderschen Ideen auf die Nationsbildung den Vlkern der Habsburger Monarchie, Mnchen, 1973, face o excelent analiz a receptrii ideilor herderiene la popoarele din monarhia austriac, mai puin la romni 18 Eftimie Murgu, Scrieri, Bucureti, 1969, p. 257-258

Interesul pentru etnografie i folclor la iluminitii romni din Banat

73

puine caracteristici ale unei naiuni ni le ofer muzica, simplele cntri naionale exprim specificul gustului naional natural.19 n anexa lucrrii sale Murgu a publicat o serie de cntece populare, cu o notaie muzical modern, un alt element inedit i o prioritate a manifestrilor culturale bnene. Sub influena acestei direcii s-a dezvoltat o micare pentru tezaurizarea i valorizarea folclorului, nu lipsit de afiniti cu preocupri similare din mediul srbesc (Vuk/Karadgii) sau german (Fraii Schott). Generaia preromantic a descoperit virtuile estetice i semnificaiile naionale ale creaiei populare, pregtind, din acest punct de vedere, estetica romantic, pentru care folclorul era la temelia creaiei literare originale. Generaia preromantic bnean a contribuit la descoperirea naionalitii i la definirea conceptului cultural de naionalitate. n mod deosebit, crturarii din faza trzie a Luminilor au teoretizat pe marginea factorilor de individualizare i particularizare a naiunii. Pentru acetia cea mai important caracteristic a naiunii era originea roman. Eftimie Murgu scria despre necesitatea cunoaterii naiunii, care ncepe de la obria naiunii, iar obria naiunii formeaz temelia edificiului de cunoatere. Principiul metodologic formulat, comun deja n gndirea Luminilor, o sintez ntre raionalism i istorism, era o expresie a metodei analitice iluministe de ntoarcere la originar. Generaia preromantic, prin Bojinc i Murgu ndeosebi, a reluat tema originilor ntr-un spirit polemic, asociat ideii naionale. Ca argumente ale romanitii, acetia au invocat numele, limba, obiceiurile i datinile, ca mijloace de individualizare i particularizare a naiunii. Preocuparea pentru delimitarea factorilor de identificare a naiunii a condus la definirea specificului naional, teoretizat de generaia preromantic n spiritul ideilor herderiene. Este incontestabil scris Murgu n acest sens c printre caracteristicile naionalitii se socotesc, n primul rnd, descendena i psiritul naional, specific oricrei naiuni.20 El a definit spiritul naional ca trstura esenial a naionalitii, cea mai puternic, ce traversa timpul ca o veritabil ereditate: Aceast caracteristic a fiecrei naiuni scria el s-ar numi poate caracterul naional sau spiritul naional. Acest urma inseparabil, care singur cu caracteristicile naionale specifice lui formeaz naionalitatea. Este divinitatea protectoare, implacabil, care rezist att de viguros unei transformri integrale a naiunii21, care se transplanteaz nentrerupt printr-o anumit ereditate. Intr-o posibil ierarhie a factorilor care au definit un profil psihic distinct al naiunii, limba a deinut primul loc. In spirit herderian, Eftimie Murgu a scris n acest sens: ar trebui ca atenia noastr s fie cu precdere ndreptat asupra limbii, originii acesteia cci limb i naiune snt legate ntr-olalt n modul cel mai intim, ca atare formarea naiunii poate fi favorizat numai prin formarea limbii22. Anticipnd viitoarea generaie romantic, Murgu a restabilit virtuile limbii populare mult mai curat dect limba mutilat bisericeasc, ca expresie a spiritului creator al poporului, ipostaz a specificului naional: Limba romneasc scria Murgu, urmndu-l pe Herder gonit de foarte mult timp, triete numai n vorbirea poporului. Strduina unora de a o extermina cu totul a fost zadarnic.23
19 Ibidem, p. 267 20 Ibidem, p. 298 21 Ibidem, p. 299 22 Ibidem, p. 371 23 Ibidem.

74

Nicolae Bocan

La Eftimie Murgu specificul naional se individualiza ntr-o serie de caractere naionale, portul, felul de via, religia, obiceiurile, dansurile, tot attea facsimile ale celor romane, definind un gust naional natural exprimat n dansurile i cntecele populare. Aceluiai spirit (specific) naional Murgu i atribuia i numele de romn, ce confer limbii, obiceiurilor si datinilor o lumin strlucitoare, mplinete i ncheie caracterul esenial al naionalitii.24 Interesul iluminismului romnesc din Banat pentru etnografie i folclor a avut o evoluie semnificativ pentru evoluia mentalitii colective romneti de la raionalismul dominant la sentimentalismul epocii romantice, ntemeiat pe sinteza raionalism-istorism i pe ideea individualitii naiunii, ilustrat de spiritul naional. Generaia preromantic bnean a contribuit deciziv la definirea conceptului cultural de naionalitatea, ntre componentele cruia etnografia i folclorul au fost domeniile eseniale ntrevzute pentru identificarea i individualizarea naiunii.

24 Ibidem.

Iepuraul de Pati i cteva consideraii despre calendarul

cretin

tefan Borbly
Universitatea Babe-Bolyai
Asocierea Iepuraului i a obiceiului de a picta ou nroite cu srbtorile pascale nu poate fi explica pe cale direct, nici prin referine la practicile curente ale cretinismului timpuriu, nici prin derivarea lor din recuzita marii srbtori iudaice. Fcnd parte, alturi de avuot (6 Sivan) i Sukkoth (15 Tishri), din categoria srbtorilor de pelerinaj, prescrise de ctre Deuteronom, cnd fiecare evreu trebuie s mearg n locul pe care El [Domnul Dumnezeu] l va alege (Deut. 16:16), Pessahul evreiesc, care ncepe pe 15 Nisan i dureaz apte zile, are la baz o semnificaie arhaic agricol, legat de ntmpinarea primverii, celebrnd, totodat, ieirea poporului evreu din robia din Egipt (Exodul), sub conducerea lui Moise. Dubla semnificaie agrar, respectiv istoric se menine i la celelalte dou srbtori, avuotul celebrnd primirea tablelor legii pe Muntele Sinai i srbtoarea seceriului, pe cnd Sukkoth, sau Srbtoarea Corturilor comemoreaz cei 40 de ani petrecui n deert (Exodul), fiind, totodat, i o srbtoare a recoltelor de toamn. Cele trei srbtori sunt legate ntre ele prin logic agricol, ceea ce duce la strvechi semnificaii legate de fertilitate: ncepnd cu a doua zi de Pessah, 16 Nisan, se calculeaz srbtoarea seceriului (avuot), care trebuie s cad la apte sptmni de la ofranda omer-ului, snopul de orz care se duce n ziua de 16 Nisan la templu. Dei corespunde lunilor mai iunie, luna Sivan are certe particulariti daimonice, ntruct urmeaz Tammuz, adic luna ocultrii lui Dumuzi-Tammuz din mitologia mesopotamian, prilejuit de vetejirea thanatic a vegetaiei de ctre soarele torid de var; cu acest prilej se depoziteaz prima recolt n magazii sau hambare, ceea ce confer n mod retroactiv omer-ului de 16 Nisan semnificaia magic a transmiterii forei de fertilizare peste ncercarea dificil pe care o reprezint extincia. E interesant, sub acest aspect, observaia pe care o face Dicionarul enciclopedic de iudaism: De-a lungul timpului, cele apte sptmni ale Omerului au cptat o conotaie de tristee i de semidoliu: oamenii nu mbrac haine noi i nu se tund n acest interval.1 Acestor restricii li se adaug interdicii specifice: nu se oficiaz cstorii i nu se organizeaz serbri publice2. Motivele acestei atitudini rmn obscure i au dat natere la multe discuii mai precizeaz Dicionarul amintit -, fiind ns evident
1 Dicionar enciclopedic de iudaism. Traducere: Viviane Prager, C. Litman, icu Goldstein. Coordonare: Viviane Prager. Schi a istoriei poporului evreu. Traducere: C. Litman., Ed. Hasefer, Bucureti, 2001, p. 581 2 Ibid., p. 581

76

tefan Borbly

faptul, din perspectiva istoriei religiilor, c interdiciile dintre Pessah i avuot sunt legate de o conotare thanatic a ciclului vegetal: dup primul seceri, vegetaia intr n moarte, fiind nevoie de o garanie energetic pstrat n templu omer-ul ca s existe certitudinea c ea va renate. Semnificaia thanatic, interdictiv a perioadei post-pascale mai este important i din perspectiva disimetriei fa de cretinism, care srbtorete, de Pati, nvierea lui Iisus, prilej de ridicare a tuturor interdiciilor de post anterioare. S-a altoit oare sacrificiul christic pe scenariul unui strvechi rit de fertilitate, marcnd momentul ocultrii unui arhaic daimon al vegetaiei, plecat n cealalt lume pentru a renate mai trziu cu fore sporite? Dup toate probabilitile, nu vom putea da niciodat un rspuns satisfctor la o asemenea ntrebare, muli considernd-o de-a dreptul o blasfemie. Unele trimiteri n sensul artat de noi nu lipsesc, totui. Iat ce scrie n acest sens Jean-Paul Roux, n Regele, mituri i simboluri, asociind scenariul sacrificului christic unui scenariu de expulzare a apului ispitor: n Duminica Floriilor, el [Iisus] fusese rege temporar. Avea s fie rege de carnaval. Se cunotea de mult vreme acest personaj care era tratat ca un monarh nainte de a fi ucis.3 Personal, n-a face analogia cu carnavalul sau cu Saturnaliile pentru a deslui scenariul arhaic al sacrificiului christic, aa cum procedeaz autorul francez, mcar pentru faptul c poziionarea n calendar a diferitelor evenimente de acest fel nu se suprapune, neverificnd similitudinea, fiind foarte departe de sugerarea unei eventuale filiaii. apul ispitor este cunoscut n Vechiul Testament, n Leviticul 16, dar cu o total alt semnificaie, animalul expulzat, alungat fiind consacrat lui Azazel, demon al deerturilor (despre care tim foarte puine lucruri). A porni, ns, de la deja amintita scen a Schimbrii la fa, precedat de trimiterea discipolilor la Srbtoarea Corturilor, fiindc simetria dintre faptele lui Iisus de Sukkoth i cele de Pessah sunt evidente, pe linia unei continuiti thanatice: de Sukkoth el i anun discipolii c va muri, iar de Pessah moare, liantul ascuns fiind asigurat de ritmicitatea ciclului vegetal (ambele srbtori fiind thanatice, legate de sfritul ciclului vegetal), nu de evenimentele imediate legate de faptele Mntuitorului. Patele evreiesc, Pessah, este srbtoarea azimelor (Hag ha-maot), derivat din obligaia de a scoate orice dospeal din cas i de a mnca aluat nedospit (pasca, comercializat i n zilele noastre), pentru a comemora graba cu care evreii au prsit Egiptul n Exodul, neavnd timp ca aluatul pregtit pentru pine s se dospeasc. Cellalt obicei este korban Pessah, sau jertfa pascal a mielului: Exodul 12: 21-28 povestete c, nainte de plecare, Moise i-a ndemnat pe evrei s sacrifice cte un miel de familie, ungnd cu sngele lui pragul de sus al locuinei i cei doi stlpi ai uii, pentru a le fi recunoscute i ferite casele atunci cnd Dumnezeu va trece rzbuntor pe deasupra lor, pedepsindu-i pe egipteni: Cnd Domnul va trece s loveasc Egiptul i va vedea sngele pe pragul de sus i pe cei doi stlpi ai uii, Domnul va trece pe lng u i nu va ngdui nimicitorului s intre n casele voastre s v loveasc. (Ex. 12:23) Ritualul e transmis mai departe n timp i transformat n tradiie obligatorie (S pstrai lucrul acesta ca o rnduial pentru voi i pentru fiii votri n veac ibid., 12:24) despre iepura sau ou nu se amintete, ns, nici un cuvinel.
3 Jean-Paul Roux: Regele. Mituri i simboluri. Traducere i note de Andrei Niculescu. Ed. Meridiane, Bucureti, 1998, p. 267

Iepuraul de Pati

77

Asocierea explicit s-a produs destul de trziu, n secolul al VIII-lea al erei cretine, ea fiind, i azi, ndeajuns de contestat. n lucrarea De temporum ratione, elaborat n anul 725 de ctre Venerabilul Bede, preot din Northumbria i autor al faimoasei Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, se vorbete despre o zei germanic a fertilitii i a Soarelui-Rsare, Ostara (Oestre, Eastre), care guverna luna primverii, Aprilie, numit Ostermonat la germani; cu acest prilej se organizau festivaluri vesele de celebrare a naturii renscute, marcate, printre altele, i de cutuma schimbului ritualic de ou, ca simboluri germinative. Un obicei din zilele noastre, derivat de aici, ar fi acela al mpodobirii pomilor cu ou colorate, care se ntlnete la noi n preajma Patilor n diferite regiuni etnografice, inclusiv n Bucovina. Animalul care nsoea zeia era Iepuraul, fiin chtonian, fiindc tria sub pmnt, n vizuin; pe de alt parte, asocierea lui cu primvara exploziv se explic prin prolificitatea sa proverbial, naterea n serie de pui vii fiind considerat de bun augur pentru soliditatea ciclului vegetal. Jacob Grimm (Deutsche Mythologie, 1882) este de prere c ostar, ca verb, nsemna a te mica n direcia Soarelui care se nal, ceea ce l ndreptete s vorbeasc despre Ostara (sau Eostra) ca despre o zei german a fertilitii, neconfirmat ns n treact fie spus... - de Edda, unde rolul acesta i revine redutabilei Freyja, al crei car este tras de ctre dou pisici deci nici o legtur aparent cu iepuraul. Charles J. Billson4 are unele dubii n privina atestrii Ostarei de ctre Bede, ns, pe baza analizei comparate a ocurenei iepurelui ca animal psihopomp n diferite arii folclorice europene, ajunge la concluzia c ar putea fi vorba de un animal cu o simbolistic resurecionar destul de veche, chiar preistoric, fr s produc date certe, care s confirme o asemenea atestare. De la Ostara se ajunge, ns, foarte uor la Oster, numele german al srbtorilor pascale, tot aa cum de la Eastre la Eastern, pentru a gsi corespondentul englez. Eastern rabbit ar fi, n acest sens, iepuraul zeiei Eastre, ceea ce indic un sincretism evident; calea pe care se ajunge aici e, ns, mai dificil de parcurs, fiindc nu exist nici un document explicit care s confirme relaia simbolic dintre Ostara i iepure. E limpede c asocierea s-a produs pe vreo filier anume, derivat din simbolistica ritualic a fertilitii, dar nu tim nc unde i n ce fel. Dicionarele precizeaz, n general, c Iepurele este, n multe culturi, animal lunar, fapt confirmat de comportamentul su psihopomp: el face legtura dintre dou trmuri, nate n lumea de dincolo (sub pmnt, n vizuin), ceea ce nseamn c fecunditatea sa e determinat de apartenena la lumea chtonian. n mitologia aztecilor se consemneaz existena unui panteon format din 400 de zei-iepuri, Centzon Totochtin, condui de ctre Doi-Iepuri (Ometotchtli), care guverneaz chefurile, fertilitatea exploziv i beiile, analogia vag cu Dionysos impunndu-se aproape obligatoriu. n Zodiacul Chinezesc, iepurele d numele unuia dintre ani (n succesiunea obolan, bou, tigru, iepure, dragon, arpe, cal, oaie sau capr, maimu, coco, cine, porc5), i tuteleaz Anul Nou lunar, mitologiile de proximitate, ale Japoniei i ale Koreei confirmnd ncadrarea sa n categoria animalelor selenare. ns aceste ncadrri
4 The Easter Hare, in Folklore, vol. 3, no 4 (December 1892) 5 n anul 2009 ne aflm n anul boului (26 ian. 2009 14 febr. 2010). Chinezii calculeaz anul dup aa-zisul Calendar Xia, inaugurat de ctre dinastia omonim, unde data Anului Nou este raportat la a doua lun plin de dup solstiiul de iarn, ceea ce explic att decalajele fa de calendarul gregorian occidental, ct i faptul c anul nu ncepe ntotdeauna n aceeai zi.

78

tefan Borbly

explic doar analogii, nu i filiaii; pe de alt parte, o relaie direct cu credinele evreilor este exclus, Iepurele fiind listat aici printre animalele impure, al cror consum este interzis. Trebuie s mergem, aadar, mai departe, n cutarea altor desluiri, detectabile, pe ct posibil, n religiile cu care cretinismul a venit n contact, sau de care a fost influenat. Asocierea iepurelui cu luna este confirmat de ctre Jean Chevalier i Alain Gheerbrant, n Dicionarul de simboluri: dei Iepurelui nu i se acord un capitol special, el este identificat cu petele lunii, dup credinele unor popoare din Asia, Africa i America de Nord, i inclus ntr-un ciclu selenar. Jean-Paul Clbert6 scrie c n Egipt, Iepurele de cmp era asociat lui Osiris, pentru c, asemenea zeului, era un iniiat murind i renscnd precum fazele lunii, sugestie pe care Manfred Lurker, n Diviniti i simboluri vechi egiptene7 o primete cu scepticism, ca fiind insuficient demonstrat. ns tot el amintete de amuletele n form de iepure pe care le purtau egiptenii ca purttoare de noroc, celebr e i azi, fiind foarte rspndit, laba de iepure, pe care am motenit-o din practicile magice ale negrilor americani - , ca i faptul c Iepurele este animalul sacru al zeiei Unut, venerat n Egiptul de Sus sub forma arhaic a arpelui, sau a arpelui cu cap de iepure, de unde diadema pe care o poart zeia, pe care este reprezentat tot un iepure. innd cont de arhaicitatea zeiei, asocierea iepurelui cu resurecia psihopomp se precizeaz; n acest sens, de pild, Gheorghe Muu, n Zei, eroi, personaje8, leag apariia iepurelui chiop (adic: cu picior asimetric, nsemnat, unul mort i unul viu) de figura lui Statu-PalmBarb-Cot, ca demon al vegetaiei, discutnd i un aspect care ne poate interesa colateral aici, i anume faptul c piticul apare, n unele consemnri, ca fiind atrnat, prins ntr-un copac, imagine care trimite spre posibile asocieri cu complexul osirian. Cea mai mare dificultate, n privina Ostarei, ne vine din direcia etimologiei, la care putem recurge i pentru a ncerca s aflm cine anume este aceast zei misterioas, a crei identitate, de pild, Mannhardt nici nu o recunoate. Printr-o form intermediar, Astarte, Eastre, Ostara sau Oestre trimit iremediabil nspre Ishtar, marea zei mesopotamian a fertilitii, pe care o avem, ntr-o form mascat, epicizat, i n Cartea Esterei din Vechiul Testament, mpreun cu un unchi numit Mordechai, n numele cruia se recunoate cu uurin Marduk, din Enuma elish i alte texte sacre sau poeme. Dificultile par, din acest punct ncolo, insurmontabile, fiindc nu exist indicii c Iepurele ar fi fost asociat, n vreun fel sau altul, cu funcia resurecionar a zeiei i cu tribulaiile sale psihopompe. Iconografia zeiei, foarte variat, cuprinde, de regul, cornul lunar, steaua cu opt raze, arpele ncolcit, boul i cei doi lei care i trag carul sacru n alte imagini, Ishtar clrete leul sau este poziionat n aa fel, nct acesta s i se afle sub picioare -, dar nicieri nu apare iepurele, dei este cunoscut faptul c zeia guverna ambele faze ale lunii, cea ascensional i cea descensional, asociindu-i, totodat, numeroase atribute care derivau dintr-un rol psihopomp bine evideniat, ilustrat, printre altele, i de cstoria sacr cu Dumuzi-Tammuz, so i frate, divinitate eminamente resurecionar, plecat, odat cu apariia Soarelui torid de var, n lumea ntunecat de dincolo.
6 Bestiar fabulos. Dicionar de simboluri animaliere. Traducere din limba francez de Rodica Maria Valter i Radu Valter. Ed. Artemis i Cavallioti, Bucureti, 1995, p. 152 7 Dicionar. Traducere de Adela Motoc. Ed. Saeculum I.O, Bucureti, 1997. 8 Ed. tiinific, Bucureti, 1971, pp. 130-152

Iepuraul de Pati

79

ntr-un mod oarecum surprinztor, ns, gsim o reprezentare a Iepurelui n cortegiul strvechii zeie sumeriene Ki-Ninhursag, fiica zeiei acvatice originare Nammu (reprezentat, adeseori, ca abis oceanic primordial, decorat cu erpi): KiNinhursag era mama a tot ce se nate, mama pmntului nsui, a solului i a pmntului pietros, i a tuturor plantelor i recoltelor pe care acestea le zmislesc9. Ea era, totodat, mama tuturor animalelor slbatice sau domestice i protectoarea naterilor, una dintre reprezentrile ele cele mai frecvente fiind asemntoare unei litere U cu deschiderea ntoars n jos, simboliznd pntecul, spaiul placentar, dar prin extensie orice renatere pe care o presupune trecerea printr-o poart. Una dintre imaginile sale cele mai frecvente este aceea de Vac Suprem, care asigur, prin laptele ei, fora vital a tot ceea ce exist; n consecin, laptele turmelor sale era socotit butur divin, consumat de ctre regi, motiv pentru care el se depozita adesea n sanctuare, fiind distribuit de acolo n condiii ritualice solemne. Mare Zei a Naturii fiind, Ki-Ninhursag guverna ambele secvene vegetale, pe cea primvratic, emergent, i pe cea tomnatic, thanatic, din cauza faptului c trupul ei le aprea credincioilor, deopotriv, ca surs de fertilitate exuberant i ca depozitar al energiei vitale ocultate din momentul n care frunzele se scuturau sau erau vidate de sev vital din cauza soarelui de var dogoritor. Ambivalena era ilustrat de iconografia care i este dedicat, n care apar, adesea, imagini ale nativitii, cu copii care-i erau oferii pentru a le ntreine viaa, n proximitatea cte unui copac al vieii care va intra, ulterior, i n iconografia specific a Inannei-Ishtar, Cea Verde dar i pronunate reprezentri serpentiforme, care trimit nspre o asociere cu lumea de dincolo i spre sensuri psihopompe. Indiciul la care ne-am referit apare pe o pecete cilindric, reprodus de ctre Anne Baring i Jules Cashford la pagina 191 a volumului sintetic The Myth of the Goddess. Evolution of an Image (v. fig. 1)

Figura 1

Imaginea se poate mpri imaginar la mijloc, pe vertical, cu o linie care ar trece prin mijlocul perechii mbriate, fiindc partea stng este dedicat vieii,
9 Anne Baring Jules Cashford: The Myth of the Goddess. Evolution of an Image. Arkana, Penguin Books, 1993, p. 190

80

tefan Borbly

reprzentarea cea mai pregnant fiind aceea a psrii resurecionare, iar partea dreapt morii, imaginea dominant fiind aceea a arpelui ncolcit, care iese din lumea de dincolo. Misterul nativitii, precedat de acela al sexului, unete, n acest fel ambele teritorii, sugernd o natere din moarte, complex relevant pentru majoritatea cultelor de fertilitate. Partea de jos a imaginii suprafeele haurate cu linii oblice, paralele sugereaz pmnt spart, deselenit, cantitatea cea mai nsemnat aprnd sub picioarele zeiei care binecuvnteaz actul sexual e ca i cum ea s-ar nla direct din pmnt, fiind singura care nu are picioare vizibile i, n mod aproape obligatoriu, am spune, sub arpele care se ncolcete, ieind de sub pmnt. Iepurele apare pe verticala zoomorf din spatele zeiei, ca animal teriomorf, aflat n poziia cea mai de jos a coloanei, adic cel mai aproape de pmnt, corespondena sa cu pasrea fiind, din punct de vedere simbolic, explicit accentuat. Sperm s fie un iepure, ntruct coada e destul de bizar; poziia sa, de animal asociat cu pmntul n dubla sa reprezentare, de epifanie i de ocultare a vegetaiei, confirm sugestiile simbolice generale, de fiin venerat pentru calitile sale psihopompe. Cu toate acestea, nici una dintre imaginile de care dispunem nu confirm vreo legtur dintre Ishtar i ou, dei sugestiile cosmogonice, inerente unei comparatistici orientale, pot fi avute n vedere pentru stabilirea unor analogii. Pentru a ncerca s nelegem simbolistica fertilizatoare a oulor de Pati, trebuie s avem n vedere, ns, distincia pe care Jean Chevalier i Alain Gheerbrant, n Dicionarul de simboluri10 o opereaz ntre oul cosmogonic i oul resurecionar, cel dinti, foarte cunoscut pe un spaiu mito-cultural foarte larg, ce cuprinde India, Egiptul i inuturile celtice, dispunnd de o bibliografie copleitoare. Pentru tema noastr ne intereseaz, ns, oul resurecionar: n morminte din Rusia i Suedia scriu cei doi autori au fost decoperite ou de argil bine conservate, care se ngropau mpreun cu cadavrul pentru a-i oferi acestuia garania renaterii sale, a revenirii pe suprafaa pmntului. La decopertarea unor morminte din Beoia inut din care se trage i Hesiod -, au fost aduse la suprafa i statui ale lui Dionysos innd n mn un ou, cu o semnificaie evident resurecionar, confirmat, indirect, i de interdicia orficilor de a consuma ou, de team c, procednd n acest fel, ei ar reintra, dup moarte, n ciclul rencarnrilor. S ne aducem aminte de un detaliu ritualic pe care l-am amintit deja, i anume acela de a mpodobi crengile pomilor cu ou, pentru a celebra, n acest fel, frumoasa explozie floral a primverii. n alte locuri, coninutul olor sparte este presrat pe ogor, pentru a stimula, prin magie de contact, fora germinativ a semnturilor. n consecin, fie c zeia Ostara a existat sau nu, e aproape sigur c asocierea vegetaiei primvratice cu oul i cu Iepuraul face parte dintr-un complex magic strvechi, specific cultelor de fertilitate, jonciunea cu cretinismul fcndu-se mai trziu, ceea ce a dus la resemantizarea multor accesorii, potrivite n aa fel nct s corespund unei simbolistici resurecionare christice. * Dei este un subiect aparent marginal n raport cu preocuprile noastre imediate
10 Dictionnaire des symboles. Mythes, rves, coutumes, gestes, formes, figures, couleurs, nombres. Robert Laffont/Jupiter, Paris, 1989, cap. Oeuf

Iepuraul de Pati

81

de aici, nu am putea trece mai departe fr s amintim ocurenele Iepurelui ntr-un alt complex cultural major, i anume n acela al tricksterului. Atunci cnd, spre mijlocul veacului trecut, Paul Radin publica miturile asociate cu tricksterul aparinnd indienilor nord-americani i, n special, mitologia picaresc a indienilor Winnebago, al crei protagonist este Iepurele11 (nu singur, fiindc n alte tradiii el este concurat de coyot sau de viespe), el a atras atenia asupra dublei reprezentri a tricksterului ca erou ntemeietor i ca erou cultural, acionnd ntr-un perimetru post-cosmogonic, n care lucrurile i fiinele au fost deja create, fr ca rolul lor n armonia cosmic s se fi precizat odat pentru totdeauna. Progenitur, de regul, a unei nateri atipice Iepurele apare pe lume, am putea spune, prin imaculat concepie, fr ca mama lui s fi cunoscut brbatul, ca s nu mai vorbim de faptul c el se nate, simbolic, din moarte, fiindc mama lui dispare n mod inexplicabil n chiar clipa venirii sale pe lume -, tricksterul gsete o lume haotic, necristalizat, la a crei rostuire civilizaional contribuie, jucnd de multe ori rolul eroului etiologic. l mai caracterizeaz amoralismul ucide stihial, disproporionat, aproape tot ce atinge i conotaiile sexuale evidente: Iepurele, de pild, declaneaz lichidul menstrual al bunicii sale, cu care se i culc, rvnete la femei frumoase, pierznd un privilegiu magic tocmai din cauza incontinenei erotice, n timp ce ali tricksteri au un falus supradimensionat, pe care uneori sunt nevoii s l poarte ntr-un bagaj aparte, crat cu greutate pe spate. Dup cartea lui Radin, al crei pionierat n domeniu nu l contest nimeni, insatisfacia venind, de regul, doar din direcia hermeneuticii sale simpliste, domeniul a strnit interesul multor cercettori, stnd i la baza liminalitii pe care o teoretizeaz Victor Turner. ntr-un foarte solid volum colectiv, Mythical Trickster Figures, editat de ctre William J. Hynes i William G. Doty12 - unul dintre participani este Mac Linscott Ricketts, exegetul lui Mircea Eliade! mai muli autori amintesc de frecvena cu care Iepurele apare n reprezentrile tricksterului din spaiul cultural african. Astfel, Christopher Vecsey l identific la triburile din Africa Occidental, alturi de broasc estoas i de viespe13, n timp de T. O. Beidelman la triburile Kaguru din Estul Africii, unde Iepurele apare n contrast cu hiena: cea din urm malefic, imprevizibil, rea, n contrast cu cel dinti, care se vede nevoit, de mult ori, s corecteze greelile svrite de ctre hien14 E puin probabil c o asemenea contextualizare a Iepurelui contribuie n mod direct altfel dect ntr-o accepiune analogic la tema Iepuraului de Pati, care ne intereseaz, ns o coresponden funcional nu poate fi trecut cu vederea, ea fiind relevat de ctre Karl Kernyi n textul care nsoete cartea lui Paul Radin (autorul celei de a doua postfee fiind Jung, indiciu limpede al impactului tematic major pe care l-a avut volumul). Kernyi este atras tocmai de atributele falice hipertrofiate ale tricksterului Wakdjunkaga, n limbajul indienilor Winnebago i de capacitatea acestuia de a i detaa falusul, purtndu-l separat de corp, n mn sau n spate. ntr11 Paul Radin: The Trickster. A Study in American Mythology. With commentaries by Karl Kernyi and C.G. Jung. Published by The Philosophical Library Inc. New York, 1956. V. Cap. 2: The Winnebago Hare Cycle i interpretarea ndeajuns de sumar... care urmeaz. 12 Contours, Contexts, and Criticisms. The University of Alabama Press. Tuscaloosa & London, 1997 13 The Exception Who Proves The Rules: Ananse and the Akan Trickster, op. cit., p. 107 14 The Moral Inagination of the Kaguru: Some Thoughts on Tricksters, Translation and Comparative Analysis, pp. 174-192

82

tefan Borbly

un mit se vorbete chiar de uurina cu care un Wakdjunkaga i trimite falusul peste ape, pentru a o fecunda pe fiica unui ef de trib, sugestia hierogamic, prin asociere cu alte rituri anuale de fertilizare din perimetrul european, neputnd fi evitat. Analogia greac pe care Kernyi o stabilete este aceea cu farsele itinerante phlyax care preced, n timp comedia atic, dar subzist, dup toate indiciile, i dup cristalizarea ca gen a spectacolului comic. Phlyakes, protagonitii unor asemenea scenete improvizate, de mare impact la public, se deplasau din loc n loc (n general: din intersecie de drumuri n intersecie, fiindc un asemenea spaiu era guvernat de ctre Hermes, fiind marcat cu o grmad de pietre, hermaia), purtnd n mn un falus sculptat, pe care-l scpau apoi pe jos, aducndu-l n contact seminal cu pmntul, care n acest fel era fertilizat. Indicii de coresponden direct sunt puine, nici unul dintre tricksterii nord-americani sau africani nu despic n mod explicit ogorul, pentru a elibera vegetaia adunat n lumea de dincolo, chtonian, ns potena sexual extrem, nesioas indic un complex de fertilitate, ca de altfel i marea cantitate de excremente pe care aceti Wakdjunkaga o las n urm sau o manipuleaz. * Revenim, acum, la calendarul cretin primitiv i la interferenele pe care acest calendar le stabilete cu programarea n timp a celorlaltor srbtori romane din primul veac al erei noastre, i-n principal cu calendarul religiilor de mistere. De fiecare dat cnd discutm difuziunea cretinismului n primele dou veacuri de dup Christos, trebuie s avem n vedere faptul c el a fost o religie non-licit n Imperiul Roman pn la Edictul de toleran de la Mediolanum (Milano) din anul 313, dat de ctre Constantin i Licinius. Sub aspect strategic, o nou religie, aflat ntr-o asemenea situaie juridic anatemizant, are dou anse de a se impune. Prima este aceea a asumrii curajoase, deschise, aproape nesbuite a alteritii, cu toate consecinele care decurg de aici: vii cu liturghia ta, cu srbtorile tale proprii la care, din cauza identitii juridice precare, nu este bine s participi, fiindc poi fi pedepsit i caui s te impui prin exemplaritatea participanilor la rit, prin puterea lor de a statua o diferen. A doua strategie este s profii de srbtorile deja existente din jurul tu, s te mulezi pe un calendar ritualic uzual, i s caui s l resemantizezi parial sau total, pentru a impune o identitate liturgic proprie. Simbolurile cretine primitive disimulate (crux dissimulata etc.), respectiv intereferenele calendaristice cu srbtori pgne deja existente n Imperiul Roman indic faptul c cretinii au ales aceast a doua cale: s-au mulat pe un calendar ritual foarte viu n practicile cultuale romane, au parazitat srbtori pgne deja existente (termenul nu este ctui de puin peiorativ, ci strict tehnic) i au izbutit n cele din urm s le nlocuiasc, schimbndu-le cu totul coninutul. Lon Homo (De la Rome paenne la Rome chrtienne, Robert Laffont, Paris, 1950) a fcut un scurt inventar al acestor suprapuneri tactice, precedat de o prim cronologie, referitoare la prezena n Roma a lui Petru i Paul. Dup toate aparenele, Petru sosete n capitala imperiului n jurul anului 42, propovduiete Evanghelia oral n comunitatea cretin de aici i prinde tulburrile din cartierul evreiesc, plecnd (din pruden, sau prin expulzare, nu se tie) n anul 49; n 50 l gsim la Ierusalim, unde prezideaz sinodul apostolilor, la care se decide c se poate adera la comunitatea cretin i fr ca, nainte, cineva s fie supus circumciziei, adic s

Iepuraul de Pati

83

devin evreu. n privina plecrii sale intempestive din Roma, e de menionat un detaliu: mpratul Claudius, unchiul i succesorul lui Caligula, organizeaz la Roma, n anul 47, Srbtorile centenare pe care Petru le-a prins -, dar, dei n general tolerant fa de credine, se dovedete a fi ndeajuns de oscilant cnd vine vorba de libertatea de a le practica. Astfel, el interzice druidismul, n anul 41 le interzice evreilor din Roma i din imperiu dreptul de a se ntruni, iar n anul 49, n urma revoltelor din cartierul evreiesc din Roma, i expulzeaz pe evrei din Capital, sub incidena edictului cznd i evreii cretini. Prin urmare, e aproape sigur c Petru a plecat n urma acestei expulzri; nu se tie cnd revine la Roma, dar moare aici crucificat n anul 64, n timpul persecuiei declanate de ctre Nero. n 57 Paul scrie Epistola ctre Romani. Comunitatea cretin din Roma se consolideaz n jurul a doi evrei convertii, Aquilas i Priscilla, n casa crora locuise Petru. Paul este prins la Cesareea n anul 57, deasupra capului su plannd acuza subminrii i desconsiderrii religiei mozaice; fiind cetean roman ceea ce Petru nu era -, se prevaleaz de dreptul strmutrii procesului la Roma, pentru a fi judecat de ctre mprat, unde ajunge n anul 59. Motivul juridic e urmtorul: dac un cetean roman incriminat considera c circumstanele judecrii sale puteau fi incorecte, prtinitoare, el putea cere n virtutea ceteniei ca procesul su s fie strmutat n faa mpratului, Paul recurgnd la aceast cerere din teama c autoritile religioase evreieti ar fi n mod premeditat prtinitoare n ceea ce l privete. Paul moare tot n 64 (sau n 65?), decapitat pe un drum din afara Capitalei, aflat la mic distan de zidurile mprejumuitoare. Lista srbtorilor suprapuse, ntocmit de ctre Lon Homo, ncepe, cum e i firesc, cu marea srbtoare a lui Mithra, Natalis Solis Invicti, de la 25 decembrie, cnd cretinii srbtoresc Crciunul. n 22 februarie, se celebra la Roma Srbtoarea Familiei: devine, n accepiune cretin, srbtoarea marii familii cretine, a Crnii Sf. Petru, Natali Petri de Cathedra. La 25 aprilie se srbtorea Robigalia, dedicat prevenirii ruginei recoltei: devine Litania Major, celebrat printr-o procesiune fastuoas. Solstiiul de var de la 24 iunie devine Srbtoarea Sf. Ioan, celebrat prin focuri aprinse pe dealuri i prin dansuri, Ludi Apollinares, din 5-13 iulie, marcat prin ofrande voluntare, Srbtoarea Colectelor (cnd, de asemenea, se fceau danii pentru cei sraci) i lista ar putea continua. Oricum, toate acestea sugereaz o ambiguizare tactic urmrit cu premeditare, ns confiscarea calendarului pgn de ctre calendarul cretin (din nou: folosesc termenul ntr-o accepiune strict tehnic, deloc peiorativ) are un sens mai puin unilateral dect i se atribuie ndeobte. E incontestabil c adepii noii religii s-au folosit de un calendar preexistent, pgn, pentru a-i impune calendarul propriu, liturgic; pe de alt parte, la fel de adevrat este i faptul c, promovnd n mod activ sincretismul, prin preluarea datelor unor srbtori pgne marcante, ei sugerau n subsidiar i o continuitate de sintax ntre misterul cretin pe care l practicau i vechile culte de vegetaie peste care martiriul christic se suprapunea. nelesul unei asemenea suprapuneri l-a sugerat, n repetate rnduri, James George Frazer, n Creanga de aur, atunci cnd a discutat similitudinile temporale dintre nmormntarea iernii din preajma echinoxului de primvar i martiriul pascal al lui Iisus. Ironim amintete Frazer spune c Bethlehem, locul tradiional al naterii Domnului, era umbrit de o dumbrav aparinnd Domnului sirian, mult mai vechi, Adonis, i acolo unde pruncul Iisus vrsa lacrimi fusese jelit iubitul lui

84

tefan Borbly

Venus.15 Cnd ne gndim conchide el - ct de frecvent i cu ct ndemnare a reuit Biserica s mplnte germenii noii credine n anticul teren al pgnismului, vom putea presupune c celebrarea de Pati a morii i nvierii lui Hristos a fost altoit pe o celebrare similar a morii i renvierii lui Adonis...16 Alfred Loisy (Misteriile pgne i misteriul cretin, I, cap. Kybele i Attis17) identific anumite similitudini cu serbrile prilejuite de cultul anual al lui Attis i Cybele, care aveau loc la echinoxul de primvar, ntre 15 i 27 martie. Attis fiind la origine un zeu al vegetaiei, elul lor principal era ori fusese evocarea zeului mort, n vederea renaterii vegetaiei. Zeul pierise la sfritul verii precedente, ns, din perspectiv liturgic, moartea lui era adus mai aproape de data nvierii ateptate, reprezentarea mistic a acestei mori situndu-se imediat naintea reprezentrii nvierii.18 Frazer a demonstrat deja, n Creanga de aur, c n majoritatea serbrilor funerare de primvar, prilejuite de moartea anului vechi, nvierea este imediat asociat acestei extincii, aa c nu mai insistm asupra ei; ceea ce e semnificativ, ns, n precizarea lui Loisy c zeul pierise la sfritul verii precedente e faptul c o asemenea similitudine am mai gsit aa cum am mai precizat n capitolul I n cronologia evanghelic a morii lui Iisus: acesta i anun moartea cu prilejul Sukkoth-ului, srbtoare de toamn a strngerii recoltei, ea mplinindu-se abia n primvara care urmeaz, atunci cnd i se adaug imediat i semnificaia complementar a nvierii. Serbrile romane care comemorau moartea i nvierea lui Attis aveau loc scrie Alfred Loisy19, a crui demonstraie o urmm n principal n rndurile care urmeaz ntre 15 i 27 martie, cu prilejul echinoxului de primvar. n prima zi a srbtorii, la 15 martie, indicat n calendarul roman sub numele de Canna intrat, intrarea trestiei cannophorii aduceau n cetate, de pe malurile rului Almo, mnunchiuri de trestie (n cinstea locului unde a fost abandonat Attis la natere, fiind ulterior luat sub protecie de ctre zeia Cybele), ceremonia fiind marcat i de sacrificiul unui taur de ase ani pentru cmpiile munilor, adic pentru belugul ateptat al recoltei. Intrarea trestiei i sacrificiul taurului aveau drept sens scrie Loisy moartea lui Attis, n ciuda faptului c trestia era un indiciu topografic al naterii; explicaia din Misteriile pgne i misterul cretin este doar aproximat, fiindc ne putem imagina o natere a unei fiine psihopompe, care ieea din moarte: n consecin, trestia avea un dublu sens, de loc al epifaniei psihopompe i de garanie energetic a naterii. La apte zile dup intrarea trestiei avea loc srbtoarea intrrii arborelui (arbor intrat, 22 martie), prilej cu care dendrophorii purttorii de arbori aduceau n cetate un pin retezat. Se credea scrie Loisy c, pe timpul iernii, n trestie sau n pin se concentrau forele vii ale naturii, spiritul vegetaiei20: pinul era mpodobit cu panglici i cu flori de viorele, ca indiciu al morii lui Attis, cea mai spectaculoas srbtoare petrecndu-se dou zile mai trziu, n data de 24 martie, cnd avea loc ziua sngelui, pentru a marca momentul n care Attis s-a castrat. Ziua sngeroas pare s fi fost o ceremonie de doliu desfurat cu mare zarv. Preoii i candida15 J.G. Frazer: Creanga de aur. Traducere de Octavian Nistor. Note de Gabriela Duda. Ed. Minerva, Bucureti, BPT, 1980, vol. 3, pp. 110-111 16 Ibid., p. 110 17 Traducere de Dan Stanciu. Ed. Symposion, Bucureti, 1996, pp. 101-148 18 Op. cit., p. 103 19 Ibid., p. 103 sq. 20 Ibid., p. 106

Iepuraul de Pati

85

ii la iniierea sacerdotal se ntrtau mpreun pn cnd ajungeau la paroxismul nebuniei. [...] n zgomotul de fluiere, cymbale i tamburine, oamenii aceia se lsau prad unor micri frenetice, se biciuiau pn la snge i i crestau braele cu cuite, furia lor fcndu-i, ntr-o mai mic sau mai mare msur, s nu simt loviturile pe care i le aplicau. [...] i dansul nebunesc i continua vacarmul infernal pn cnd unul dintre acei turbai, aidoma unui nou Attis, slujindu-se de un cuit de piatr, instrument sacru, motenit din vremuri primitive, i amputa cu iueal membrul viril. Acum el era preot, era aproape zeu. [...] Rmiele rezultate din operaie erau aduse ofrand zeiei...21, creia i era dedicat ziua de 27 martie, lavatio, cnd statuia zeiei era dus ceremonios pn la ru, mbiat i mpodobit cu panglici i flori, fiind readus n cetate cu mare pomp, dei spune Sf. Augustin cntecele care se intonau cu acest prilej erau licenioase. ntre timp, ns, n data de 23 martie se celebra Hilaria, ziua veseliei i a rsului, cnd se considera c Attis nvie. Loisy citeaz n acest sens un rit descris de ctre Firmicus Maternus, care consemneaz cele ntmplate n felul urmtor: Toat lumea plnge [jelindu-l pe Attis mort]; deodat este adus o lumin, iar un preot, dup ce i-a miruit pe gur pe toi cei care plngeau, le spune. Curaj, mysti, zeul e nevtmat; i pentru voi se va nate din suferine mntuirea.22 Dac referinele legate de ceremonia lui Attis nu ar fi evidente n text, ai spune c martorul a asistat la o liturghie cretin; acolo, ca i n ceremoniile funerare ale lui Attis, zeul rmne mort timp de trei zile, dup care nvie, similitudinea ncheindu-se cu obiceiul participanilor la ritul lui Attis de a fi marcai cu fierul rou pe frunte, care se aseamn n multe privine cu signatio, marcarea cretinilor cu cenua pe frunte, cu o crux dissimulata, litera greceasc tau. Loisy mai amintete de o simetrie: cu prilejul Hilariei, participanii la rit se mprteau din vin i din pine, consumnd, n acest fel, trupul nemuritor al zeului: exista, aadar, o veritabil analogie ntre masa mistic a lui Attis i cina lui Christos [...]; prima ar fi putut constitui, tot att de bine ca i cea de-a doua, o comemorare a unei ptimiri23, cu att mai mult, cu ct Firmicus Maternus spune c participanii la ritul funerar al lui Attis erau ncurajai cu sugestia c i pentru voi se va nate din suferine mntuirea (v. citatul de mai sus). Resemantizarea de ctre cretini a ptimirilor lui Attis era, calendaristic, la ndemn pentru a impune o semnificaie nou srbtorilor pascale: crucificarea lui Iisus n ziua de vineri i nvierea sa n cea de duminic. Baza de calcul pentru punerea n calendar a ptimirilor Domnului a reprezentat-o, pentru cretini, Patele evreiesc, care ncepea de 15 Nisan i dura apte zile, prilej cu care avea loc i sacrificiul mielului, deja amintit. Srbtoarea debuta cu masa ritualic, Seder, care avea o simbolistic precis, legat de strvechea ieire intempestiv din Egipt24: acesteia i corespunde cina cea de tain, la care au luat parte, n mod obligatoriu, Iisus i discipolii si. Printre accesoriile ritualice ale mesei figureaz cupa (inclusiv cupa lui Ilie) i pasca frnt n attea buci ci membri sunt la mas: ritualul ulterior al euharistiei pstreaz vestigii ale acestei simbolistici, dar ele se gsesc cu prisosin i n simbolistica cinei cea de tain, luate de ctre Iisus i discipolii si. Computus denumete, n practica instituional a Bisericii, procedura de cal21 22 23 24 Ibid., pp. 111-113 Ibid., p. 125 Ibid., pp. 133-134 Dicionar enciclopedic de iudaism, ed. cit., pp. 711-712

86

tefan Borbly

culare a datei srbtorilor de Pati, care s-a cristalizat destul de trziu, nefiind nici azi unitar, fiindc cretinii ortodoci folosesc calendarul iulian ca baz de referin, ceea ce duce la decalajele cunoscute. Pn la Conciliul de la Nicea (325), fiecare comunitate cretin calcula autonom ziua de Pati, Constantin i sfetnicii si fiind de prere c neclaritile trebuie clarificate prin adoparea unei baze de calcul comune, avnd drept zi de referin Echinoxul de primvar (21 martie). Pn atunci data de referin era ziua lsrii laoparte a pinii nedospite i a drojdiei din tradiia Pesachului evreiesc (15 Nisan): exist documente potrivit crora cretinii ineau legtura cu comunitatea evreiasc din proximitate, ajustndu-i srbtoarea proprie dup uzanele cultuale ale celuilalt rit. n mod tradiional, interdicia de a consuma alimente dospite mai ales pine comemoreaz ieirea din Egipt, dar cutuma pstreaz i urme strvechi de culte de fertilitate, consonante cu ceremoniile focului, care se practic n multe comuniti mediteraneene, pentru a marca moartea anului vechi i renaterea, prin foc sau cenu, a celui nou. Astfel, de pild, preparativele de Pati ale comunitii evreieti indic o foarte scrupuloas curenie n cas, pentru a se nltura toate urmele de drojdie sau de substane care pot induce dospirea, i cu toate acestea tradiia cere ca mici urme din neatenie s fie lsate prin cas, pentru a se putea nfptui, n ajunul zilei de 14 Nisan (n noaptea dintre zilele de 13 i 14 Nisan), ceremonia bedikat hame, care presupune descoperirea n ultim instan a acestor vestigii i arderea lor a doua zi diminea.25. Substratul de sacrificiu, foarte vechi, al obiceiului, este dat de obligaia modern de a folosi lumnare cu prilejul cutrii stigndu-se n prealabil lumina electric i formula aramaic pe care fiecare o rostete a doua zi, din dorina de a se disocia de orice urm de dospeal care se ntmpl s fi rmas, involuntar, n cas. Nemulumirea cretinilor era prilejuit de faptul c ziua de 15 Nisan cdea cteodat naintea echinoxului de primvar, ca i de obligaia de a srbtori Patele ntr-o alt zi dect duminica, n cazurile n care calendarul se ntmpla s indice o asemenea ocuren. n cele din urm s-a luat hotrrea ca srbtoarea s cad ntotdeauna duminica, calculul clasic fcndu-se n acest fel: prima duminic de dup prima lun plin de dup echinoxul de primvar. Se folosete calendarul lunar ecleziastic; pe de alt parte, aa cum aminteam, cretinii rsriteni continu s recurg la calendarul iulian n calcularea datei de Pati, de unde inerente decalaje. Interferenele cu calendarul resurecionar pgn i legtura evanghelic cu Sukkoth-ul fac plauzibil introducerea ptimirilor christice ntr-un calendar strvechi legat de cultele de fertilitate, resemantizarea fiind evident. Sobri, mesianici, cretinii au interiorizat conotaiile thanatice ale srbtorilor legate de moartea strvechilor spirite ale vegetaiei i au lsat deoparte aspectele orgiastice ale cultelor pgne. Detaliile legate de Miercurea Cenuii sunt, din raiuni structurale, cele mai frapante: ele sugereaz n mod evident un rit fertilizator de substrat, care a fost ulterior resemantizat, adaptat pentru a corespunde ptimirilor pascale. n Sacred Origins of Profound Things26, Charles Panati spune c Miercurea Cenuii, ca prima zi a postului, i are originea ntr-un vechi rit al onciunii cu cenu,
25 Ibid., p. 605. V. i articolul Aluat dospit, cutarea lui, p. 47 sq. 26 New York: Arkana Penguin Books, 1996, cap. 12: Christian Feasts, Ash Wednesday to Palm Sunday, p. 201-205.

Iepuraul de Pati

87

asociat pocinei: Cretinii timpurii veneau la altar pentru a-i desena pe frunte, cu cenu, semnul crucii. n mod extensiv, se poate presupune c cenua nu era folosit n acest scop doar de Miercurea Cenuii sau n zilele care urmau, fiindc Sf. Ioan Chrisostomul precizeaz c zi de zi oamenii etalau semnul de pe fruntea lor ca i cum ar fi un trofeu pe o stel... Oricine poate vedea o mulime de asemenea nsemne ale crucii n case, n piee, n camerele maritale27. Dac inem seama de numele zilei n care se ntmplau toate acestea, desluirile iau o turnur mai profund. Miercuri era Dies Mercurii, zi dedicat lui Mercur, adic zeului care la greci era Hermes psychopompos, pzitor al pragurilor, interseciilor i cluz a sufletelor morilor eidola nspre lumea ntunecat a lui Hades. Alturi de un Herakles juvenil i gracil, celebrat ca Agathos Daimn (daimon bun al vegetaiei i fertilitii), purtnd n mna-i nc nenoduroas un frumos corn al abundenei, Hermes guverna n Grecia veche cutuma transmiterii de la un an la altul a energiei vitale a vegetaiei: asemenea cununii grului din satele noastre, care se mpletea n condiii srbtoreti din ultimul snop lsat pe ogor, pentru a fi dus i depozitat n Biseric, ca boabele sale s fie scuturate ulterior ntre seminele care urmau s fie aruncate n brazd n anul care vine, la stlpul xoanon al lui Hermes din sanctuar erau depozitate mostre de recolt, din credina c n acest fel energia opulent a roadelor culese de pe cmpuri va trece cu bine peste perioada de sterilitate tanatic a iernii, pentru a renate cu fore sporite n primvara care vine. Astfel, la un nivel profund, al semnificaiilor primare, Miercurea Cenuii marca un rit psihopomp, de transmitere magic a fertilitii, Charles Panati menionnd, n acest sens, un detaliu tulburtor: frunzele de palmier care erau arse [pe altar] pentru a face cenua erau, de fapt, resturi de la Duminica Floriilor a anului precedent! Ritualul cerea ca ramurile i frunzele folosite n anul precedent de Duminica Floriilor s fie pstrate timp de un an de zile n Biseric, pentru a fi arse cu prilejul Miercurii Cenuii. n acest fel devine limpede motivul pentru care cretinii timpurii i presrau cenu pe frunte, desenat sub form de cruce (litera greac tau): ei celebrau nu penitena, pocina sau umilina omului n faa atotputerniciei lui Dumnezeu, ci intrarea triumfal a lui Iisus Cristos n Ierusalim, ntmpinat cu ramuri verzi de palmier! Urmrind logica actului, desluirile pot merge, simbolic, chiar mai departe: transsubstaniat prin rstignirea lui Iisus n cenu, bucuria ntmpinrii lui se reconvertete n tristee thanatic; dar nu mai e tristeea cernit a morii fr ieire, a morii sterile, ci tristeea plin de speran a unei resurecii, a unei diviniti care se oculteaz i reapare prin epifanie, ca o cenu care poart n snul ei fora dormind, germinativ a vieii. Prin distanare n timp, metodologia urmrit aici e confirmat de poziionarea Crciunului, a doua mare srbtoare cretin. Aa cum sugeram i n privina srbtorilor agrare tradiionale iudaice (Pessah, avuot, Sukkoth), ele se leag ntre ele, calculul fcndu-se n funcie de datele de referin pe care le ofer srbtoarea anterioar. n primele veacuri cretine, se fcea o distincie ntre data concepiei imaculate a lui Iisus i data efectiv a naterii sale: prima era 25 martie, i corespundea echinoxului de primvar, pe cnd a doua era fixat cu nou luni mai trziu, la 25 decembrie, dat despre care se tie c nu a intrat n uz dect din secolul al IV-lea, n
27 Ibid., p. 206

88

tefan Borbly

perioada de dup Conciliul de la Niceea. Oricum, ceea ce ne intereseaz pe noi e linia de continuitate existent ntre momentul echinoxial de primvar i cel solstiial de iarn: la suprafa avem cronologia evanghelic cu precizarea c naterea lui Iisus e trecut sub tcere de ctre Marcu, cel dinti evanghelist, intrnd n economia Evangheliilor abia prin coreciile ulterioare fcute de ctre Matei, interesat de istoria exemplar, integral a unei fiine deosebite, ceea ce presupunea o biografie complet, de la natere la moarte. Omisiunea episodului umil de la Bethlehem de ctre Marcu a fcut s curg mult cerneal, unii exegei ntrebndu-se dac nu cumva Marcu a conceput altfel Evanghelia de cum au neles-o succesorii si; oricum, corecia ulterioar, svrit tot n secolul al IV-lea, potrivit creia Evanghelia lui Matei apare pe primul loc n seria canonic, estompeaz ntructva omisiunea lui Marcu, ns unele ntrebri continu s subziste, fcnd ca epoca s fie i mai incitant sub aspect hermeneutic dect este. Plin de miez ascuns devine, astfel, seria resurecionar din biografia explicit a lui Iisus: este conceput n preajma echinoxului de primvar, se ntrupeaz efectiv cu prilejul solstiiului de iarn, i anun moartea cu prilejul Srbtorii recoltei de toamn, moare i nvie la o dat foarte apropiat de echinoxul de primvar. Ciclul vegetal este complet, calendarul su funcioneaz n subsidiarul calendarului liturgic pe care-l cunoatem: dac inem cont i de calendarul cultelor vegetale de proximitate (Cybele i Attis, Mithra etc.), paralelismul devine ct se poate de gritor. Coincidena dintre ziua naterii lui Iisus i data marii srbtori a lui Mithra, 25 decembrie (Dies Natalis Solis Invicti) a suscitat demult interesul exegeilor, blocai, parc, n obstinaia de a stipula o opoziie nverunat ntre cele dou religii, cretinismul i mithraismul, dei sugestiile ar putea merge i ntr-o alt direcie, a suprapunerii tactice a srbtorii cretine peste cea mithraic, urmat de o resemantizare. Campionul opoziiei rmne Franz Cumont, extrem de raionalist n Misteriile lui Mithra, carte considerat referenial, laolalt cu corpul documentelor epigrafice referitoare la mithraism, pe care i-o datorm tot lui Cumont. n Misteriile lui Mithra, el scrie: Lupta dintre cele dou religii potrivnice a fost cu att mai ncrncenat cu ct caracterul lor era mai asemntor. Adepii celor dou formau comuniti secrete, strns unite, ai cror membri i ddeau numele de Frai. Riturile pe care le practicau evideniaz multe analogii. Sectanii zeului persan, ca i cretinii, se purificau prin botez; primeau, printr-un fel de confirmare, puterea necesar pentru a se lupta cu duhurile rele; i ateptau de la Cina Domnului mntuirea trupului i a sufletului. Asemenea cretinilor, i ei aveau ziua de duminic sfnt i srbtoreau naterea Soarelui pe 25 decembrie, aceeai zi n care a fost srbtorit Crciunul, ncepnd cu secolul al patrulea. Ambele religii propovduiau un sistem etic categoric, priveau ascetismul ca fiind merituos i numrau printre virtuile lor cardinale abstinena i continena, renunarea i controlul de sine. Concepiile lor despre lume i despre destinul omului erau asemntoare. Ambele recunoteau existena unui Rai locuit de ctre cei fericii, situat n regiunile superioare, i a unui Iad populat de ctre demoni, situat n mruntaiele pmntului. Ambele aezau Potopul la nceputul istoriei; ambele considerau ca surs a tradiiilor lor o revelaie iniial; ambele, n fine, credeau n nemurirea sufletului, ntr-o judecat de pe urm i ntr-o nviere a morilor, ce urmeaz unei conflagraii finale a universului.28
28 Franz Cumont: Misteriile lui Mithra. Traducere i ngrijire de ediie: Alexandru Anghel. Ed. Herald,

Iepuraul de Pati

89

Cu toate acestea, nu sincroniile l preocup pe Cumont n discutarea comparat a celor dou rituri, ci discrepanele, impuse, pe alocuri, cu o obstinaie metodologic inflexibil, purist. Singurul domeniu n care putem stabili n detaliu msura n care cretinismul a imitat mithraismul este cel al artei. Sculptura mithraic, care s-a dezvoltat prima, a furnizat vechilor sculptori cretini un mare numr de modele, pe care acetia le-au adoptat sau le-au adaptat.29 Dintre acestea, Cumont menioneaz figura lui Moise lovind cu toiagul piatra de pe Horeb, care este anterioar cretinismului, sau de data aceasta mai aproape de adevr ndemnul lui Iisus de a construi Biserica pe piatra pe care o reprezint Petru (Kefas), care amintete de mitul naterii lui Mithra din piatr, lcaul su de cult spelaeum, mithraeum fiind o grot foarte elaborat spat n stnc: oricum, mai sofisticat dect tind s-o acrediteze muli exegei, preocupai de aspectele exterioare ale unui presupus cult grosier. Mithraeum-uri s-au gsit n numr mare, aproape pe tot ntinsul Europei, existnd inventare foarte scrupuloase, care indic o stereotipie arhitectural interioar dictat, aproape sigur, de rigorile cultului, de la care femeile erau excluse (unul dintre motivele pentru care religia nu s-a universalizat n detrimentul cretinismului). Aa cum menioneaz exegeii, n fiecare mithraeum intrau cel mult o sut de persoane, de unde o consecin foarte interesant: fiind obligai s amenajeze noi locuri de cult, adepii lui Mithra contribuiau n mod firesc la rspndirea cultului, al crui ezoterism nu fcea dect s-i mreasc fora de atracie printre neofii, fascinai, ntre altele, i de rigoarea iniiatic, cu 7 grade, pe care ritul o practica (Corb, Ocult, Soldat, Leu, Persan, Cel-Care-Alearg-Alturi-de-Soare [heliodrom] i Printe dup mrturia trzie, dar foarte scrupuloas, a Sfntului Hieronymus30). Apartenena lui Mithra unui strvechi rit agrar este ilustrat de mnunchiul de spice cu care se termin, n multe reprezentri, coada taurului pe care-l ucide fr voia sa, la porunca Soarelui nemuritor (invictus), poziia lui Mithra fa de el fiind destul de controversat: uciderea fr chef a taurului indic submisie, pe cnd, n logica mitic general, superioritatea lui Mithra este evident. Raporturile dintre Sol i Mithra pun scrie Mircea Eliade o problem nc nerezolvat: pe de o parte, dei este inferior lui Mithra, Sol i poruncete s sacrifice taurul; pe de alt parte, Mithra este numit n inscripii Sol invictus. Anumite scene l nfieaz pe Sol ngenunchiat n faa lui Mithra, altele i arat pe cei doi strngndu-i mna. Oricum ar fi, Mithra i Sol i pecetluiesc prietenia printr-un osp la care i mpart carnea taurului31, mas care se celebra, cu prilejul fiecrei liturghii, i n interiorul mithraeum-ului, consubstanializarea care se produce prin ngurgitare avnd multe similitudini cu euharistia cretin. Uciderea taurului ar putea da cu titlu de supoziie, fiindc certitudinile sunt imposibil de formulat sensul ntregului rit de sacrificiu. Din punct de vedere morfologic precizeaz Mircea Eliade acest omor creator se explic mai bine ntr-o religie de tip agrar dect ntr-un cult iniiatic.32 Un prim indiciu l-ar putea oferi
Bucureti, 2007, pp. 193-194 29 Ibid., p. 198 30 Apud Alfred Loisy, op. cit., pp. 211-212 31 Mircea Eliade: Istoria credinelor i ideilor religioase. Traducere de Cezar Baltag. Vol. II: De la Gautama Buddha pn la triumful cretinismului. Ed. tiinific i Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 1986, p. 315 32 Ibid., p. 314

90

tefan Borbly

prezena treimii din cultul lui Mithra, despre care nu avem nici un motiv s nu presupunem c se reproducea i n scenariul liturghiei propriu-zise: n majoritatea reprezentrilor, Mithra este nsoit de doi actani, Cautes i Cautopates, dintre care unul inea o tor cu flacra n sus, iar cellalt n jos, indicnd puterea subteran, psihopomp, respectiv emergent a energiei vitale. Celelalte indicii reprezentaionale obligatorii sunt cinele care se repede la taur n momentul uciderii sale, arpele care i se urc pe grumaz i scorpionul care muc testicolele taurului, ndeajuns de inexplicabile, dac nu avem n vedere translaia sideral a reprezentrii, interpretarea icoanei centrale a mithraismului ntotdeauna aceeai, cum spuneam ca imagine zodiacal. Franz Cumont a lansat, n aceast privin, un scepticism inexplicabil, care a sugrumat din fa multe interpretri alternative. ...grupul taurocton scrie el era explicat n diferite feluri cu ajutorul simbolismului astronomic, care era mai mult ingenios dect raional. Totui, aceste interpretri siderale nu erau altceva dect diversiuni intelectuale gndite pentru a-i distra pe neofii nainte de a primi revelaia doctrinelor ezoterice ce alctuiau vechea legend iranian a lui Mithra.33 S fie, oare, numai att? Puin probabil, cu att mai mult, cu ct simbolistica animalelor de proximitate era respectat cu sfinenie n reprezentrile tauroctone ale lui Mithra, alctuind o pentagram incitant, fiindc n afar de scorpion, arpe i cine, din ansamblu mai fceau parte taurul i Mithra nsui, pentru a indica o poziie stelar specific. Michael P. Speidel (Mithras Orion. Greek Hero and Roman Army God34) a calculat precis raporturile celeste pe care le stabilesc ntre ele simbolurile recurente din ansamblul lui Mithra taurocton, ajungnd la concluzia c poziia stelelor reproduce constelaia solstiial de var la greci, n care Orion apare n poziie de Soare al nopii (stea foarte strlucitoare), contrapondere psihopomp a Soarelui orbitor din timpul zilei. n consecin am conchide noi -, srbtoarea solstiial de iarn este inversul poziiei astrale din timpul verii, motiv care explic multe ambiguiti legate de figura lui Sol din ciclul mithraic, fiindc, de fapt, exist doi sori n mitul mithraic: unul slab i unul puternic, cel din urm nscndu-se prin moartea celui dinti. Nu trebuie uitat faptul c Dies Natalis Solis Invicti coincidea, la romani, cu An Geronalia, sau Divalia, o srbtoare solstiial de iarn care marca nlocuirea Soarelui vechi, btrn i obosit, cu Soarele nou, puternic. Aceasta este naterea peste care s-a suprapus Crciunul cretinilor, care, n privina opiunii pentru decembrie i solstiiul de iarn, s-a vzut pus ntr-o situaie la fel de dificil ca atunci cnd s-a vzut nevoit s evite srbtorile extatice, orgiastice legate de moartea i renaterea lui Attis. ncepnd cu 17 decembrie, la Roma i n imperiu se celebrau Saturnaliile: orgiastice, thanatice, licenioase; ele precedau An Geronalia, naterea Soarelui nou, copil, marcnd destrucia celui btrn, obosit. De altfel, steaua cluzitoare pe care o vd magii la naterea lui Iisus este Orionul. Prin urmare, n loc de a separa cele dou religii, punndu-le n poziii antagonice, ntreptrunderile dintre ele ar putea fi nuanate, cu o precizare pe care nu trebuie s o uitm: mithraismul era o religie licit n Imperiul Roman, iar cretinismul nu; n consecin, religia lui Mithra putea foarte bine s funcioneze ca portant circum33 Franz Cumont, ed. cit., pp. 137-138 34 E.J. Brill, Leiden, 1980

Iepuraul de Pati

91

stanial pentru cealalt religie, pn cnd apele se vor separa i mithraismul se va estompa. Un ultim argument al parazitismului benefic este de ordin arhitectural. Cumont reproduce, n Misteriile lui Mithra, planul spaial a dou mithraeum-uri, unul de la Heddernheim, n Germania (ed. cit., p. 65) i unul de la Ostia, din afara Romei (p. 77), aproape identice n tietur longitudinal. Amprentele foarte vechi pot fi mai uor depistate la construcia german, dect la cea italian, care respect, ns, canonul: la intrare este un pronaos, apoi nava principal, cu dou rnduri de bnci, de o parte i de alta a aleii principale, ntre care se afla, tim bine din mrturii, un an prin care curgea sngele taurului sacrificat, din care se mprteau participanii la liturghie. Mithraeum-ul precizeaz Loisy35 - era o capel de dimensiuni reduse; iar dispunerea neobinuit a naosului demonstreaz faptul c respectiva capel era o sal de mese, de unde putem trage concluzia c ritul principal ndeplinit acolo consta ntr-un osp sacru, la care luau parte iniiaii. Acetia frngeau pine i beau vin, substitut al sngelui taurului ucis: analogia [cu euharistia cretin] e remarcabil scrie Loisy -, fiindc pinea i butura sacre reprezentau substana taurului, a taurului mistic, a taurului divin care era Mithra.36 n prelungirea naosului, planul mithraeum-ului de la Heddernheim indic in spaiu rezervat oficianilor, separat de naos printr-o difereniere de nlime, eventual cu cteva trepte, n faa crora se afl, expus ntr-o absid, imaginea principal a cultului, icoana lui Mithra ucignd taurul. Similitudinea e, ntr-adevr, frapant: dac nu tii funcia construciei n faa creia te afli, poi jura, fr teama de a grei prea mult, c este planul unei biserici cretine...

35 Op. cit., p. 207 36 Loisy, op. cit., p. 244

On Anthropology at Home. Indigenous Perspectives

Alina Branda
Universitatea Babe-Bolyai
Brief Introduction. The first part of this paper is a critical approach of a few local, native scientific productions (of the 19-th, early 20-th centuries) in folklore/ethnography, sociology and physical anthropology. I am trying to present them diachronically and to analyze the relation in between them and certain ideologies (focusing on the activity around the Cluj, Romania, Archive of Folklore, between 1930-1989, as a case study). I do also intend to stress the discontinuous history of these domains in Romania. The second part of the paper is a critical approach of the domain of Anthropology of Eastern Europe as a western construct, briefly analyzing the most interesting and involved moments it profiles (at this level, assessing mainly anthropologies of socialism and subsequently, post-socialism). The third main part of my paper tries to see how and why an at-home social / cultural anthropology appears after 1990 and is created/accepted as such by several universities in Eastern Europe (I use the Romanian case as a detailed example). It is, I think, compulsory to clarify also the relation between this new type of research and the cultural/social research traditions (local, indigenous ethnographies and folklore, and also, in a few cases, sociological approaches), how this anthropology at home and its performers view and confront to the traditional researches. I am going to articulate all these questions and to offer updated answers to them, putting them in 2009 context, considering also the role of exchange programs and new educational policies profiled in a big part of Europe nowadays. East Looks East. Introspective Approaches. Anthropology in Romania in Various Forms. As there are about 15 years of practicing various forms of cultural/social anthropology at home in Romania and other Eastern European countries, systematical approaches with respect to its role, functions, goals in these societies are still necessary to be articulated. The post 90 internal theoretical debates tried more to place cultural /social anthropology on a map of socio-human sciences, all so much affected by decades of totalitarianism. It was a natural demand and need. From the beginning, cultural /social anthropology had a distinctive place in the puzzle of these sciences. Apart from a few interwar period attempts, either to popu-

94

Alina Branda

larize cultural anthropology as such and to introduce it in Universities (see, in this respect Nicolae Petrescus case 1 and the usage of a few anthropological concepts and methods when performing the so called science on /of Nation2), cultural/social anthropology was practically not internalized and notorious in Romanian academic and scientific milieus. On a basis of a good prestige and publicity in the interwar period, the domain of physical anthropology was the only one introducing to a larger audience the name of the science of Anthropology. Both Francisc Rainer in Bucharest and Iuliu Moldovan in Cluj, the best known specialists and founders of scientific schools and traditions made use of anthropology, usually without any determinants to describe their approaches (clearly circumscribed in what a westerner would have called physical anthropology). Due to that, anthropology was launched, promoted and known in Romania, mostly in the form of physical anthropology. I dare to say that the above mentioned moments represented the only early signs of promoting specific, adapted forms of anthropological research of different kinds, in the interwar Romania. In brief: 1. Nicolae Petrescus failed project, due to academic and personal disputes, to certain university and cultural policies and to a very much promoted and politically sustained position of Sociology as a tutelary science: the Science of/on Nation (Dimitrie Gusti, the founder of the so called Monographic School from Bucharest had been very much involved in all these). 2. The promotion for a while of a few concepts and methodological tools that could have been labeled as social/cultural anthropological: holistic perspective, functionalist interpretations, participant observation etc, in researches done on native issues (especially Romanian rural areas), in the frame of the above mentioned Monographic School, also known as the Sociological School from Bucharest. It had, anyway, a national oriented type of approach and policy. In 1948, after 23 years, the activity of the Monographic School is brutally interrupted by the communist regime. Specialists involved in different scientific projects were obliged to take shelter in Research Institutes around the new Romanian Academy, many others died in political prisons. 3. Being put in another category, anthropology (as physical anthropology) had, fortunately, a better chance. Declared a science of nature, it was allowed to be practiced as such in the totalitarian period: Despite ideological pressures, the new, postwar generations of anthropologists (in fact, Rainers ex-students) continued to work. They noticed that biological structure and development of human populations could be better understood if associated with social /cultural data. As a consequence, a few social scientists were included in anthropological teams 3 These are, I think, enough details to prove how discontinuous and full of unexpected, unwanted barriers was the history of these sciences in Romania. The fact that they did not consume naturally and linearly stages of accumulation and had a
1 See Nicolae Petrescu, Primitivii, Casa coalelor, Bucureti, 1944. 2 See in this respect, Dimitrie Gusti, Cunoatere si aciune in serviciul naiunii, Bucuresti, 1939 and Sociologia Militans, Institutul de tiine Sociale, Bucureti, 1946. 3 Gheorghi Gean, Enlarging the Classical Paradigm. Romanian Experience in Doing Anthropology at Home, text presented in the framework of the 5/th EASA Conference, Frankfurt, 1998, p. 7.

On Anthropology at Home. Indigenous Perspectives

95

peculiar evolution when compared to western developments of them was absolutely clear. East Looks East. Introspective Approaches. Folklore, Ethnology. I had started to be interested in the very peculiar history of social sciences in Romania and generally, in Eastern Europe, a few years ago, as PhD candidate, my doctoral thesis being mainly on ethnographic, ethnological research tradition in Romania. To be more specific, I was more interested to understand how these sciences (and social sciences, in general) had been committed to certain ideologies, beginning with 19-th century and in the 2o-th century as well: Mainly, I focused on the ways in which the relation in between them and national ideology had been developed from 19-th century till the second World War and then, the ways of damaging their image in the totalitarian period. A normal evolution of these sciences had been impossible at that time, due to ideological control: separate departments of Sociology had not functioned independently in Romanian Universities for some decades, the idea of social work was inexistent, so many top interwar specialists convicted to political prison, certain bibliography had been forbidden. I would say that this re-evaluation and analysis of these aspects have been, and still are, absolutely necessary in Romania and broadly, in East European context, as all social sciences are in the process of legitimating themselves, of defining their meanings and goals in new social and cultural contexts. If we refer to approaches produced in Eastern Europe by native researchers, it is, I think necessary to include in discussion folkloric/ethnographic/ethnological works These researches were initiated in the 19-th century. The main goal of them was to demonstrate the existence of distinct, specific cultural units in this area. It is a task that makes sense if we evaluate the historical context of that time: The fact that so many, distinct populations of this part of Europe were incorporated in multinational empires: Habsburg, Ottoman, Tzarist4. Generally speaking, cultural elites of these distinct populations/ peoples were committed to the ideals of national emancipation. This is the case of folklorists/ethnographers as well. The fact that they were literally involved in this process is well known. After the first world war, when the process of constituting nationstates in this part of Europe was more or less accomplished (the multinational Empires disappearing), the folklorists/ethnographers continued to have the same ideals as before. In the interwar period, their researches assessed basically issues related to nation/nationalism, trying to consolidate what the end of the world war offered to peoples they represented.
4 See in this respect, Longina Jagubowska, Writing about Eastern Europe. Perspectives from Ethnography and Anthropology, in Henk Driesen, (ed), The Politics of Ethnographic Reading and Writing. Confrontation of Western and Indigenous View, Saarbruecken/Fort Lpauderdale; Breitenbach, 1993.

96

Alina Branda

The discourse and the methodology they used, were more or less the same in each of the East European countries (it was the case of Polish, Hungarian, Serb, Romanian ones). All these discourses were constructed the same way, of course debating specific, national topics. 5 In the communist period, these discourses perpetuated to a certain extent the same issues (as the national ideology was used by authorities to control and manipulate the societies). As I mentioned previously, the discourses of any social sciences and the folklore/ethnographic approach could not have a normal evolution in the totalitarian period: due to the above mentioned manipulation, to the ideological control, to specialists isolation and so on. With respect to East/West relations as being represented in the local, native scientific representations and practices one can conclude: Concerning the beginning of the 20 -th century and especially in the interwar period, West plays an important role as it offers general theoretical, conceptual, methodological tools for specialists of these sciences (all of them were actually educated in Western Universities). Their effort is mainly oriented in the direction of applying recent, synchronized methodologies and of using western conceptual accumulations on local, native cultural categories. It is an attempt to adapt these accumulations, to adjust and to subscribe them to the mainstream ideology, the National One. Gustis School is perhaps the most illustrative case. Regarding the totalitarian period, in the local, native, scientific representations, West can not be officially, directly invoked, but is still a hidden presence. In the following subchapter, I am going to illustrate all these, focusing on the activity around the Cluj Archive of Folklore as a case study. The Cluj Archive of Folklore. A Case Study. Historical Data. The Archive of Folklore was founded in 1930, in the enthusiastic context that characterized the post First World War Romania. For 18 years, 1930-1948, the activity of its members consisted of an indirect investigation on 860 localities, as a contribution to the Romanian Linguistic Atlas. The work was done on the basis of 14 questionnaires, applied in representative rural communities. The intention was to approach these localities in a monographic way and to contribute, through it, to a general Atlas of Romanian Folklore, to The Encyclopedia of Romanian Traditional Culture and to the Romanian Corpus of Folklore. Other projects of that period concerned and targeted a general Bibliography of Romanian Ethnography and Folklore, the publishing of a Scientific Newsletter, a Yearbook of Folklore Archive, a contribution to the European Ethnological Bibliog5 See in this respect, Longina Jagubowska, Writing about Eastern Europe. Perspectives from Ethnography and Anthropology, in Henk Driesen, (ed), The Politics of Ethnographic Reading and Writing. Confrontation of Western and Indigenous View, Saarbruecken/Fort Lpauderdale; Breitenbach, 1993.

On Anthropology at Home. Indigenous Perspectives

97

raphy and the systematization of the existing manuscripts.6 All these broad and enthusiastic projects had been themselves part of a general optimistic context, characterizing Romania in the interwar period. After the 1-st World War, the unification of the three Historical Provinces and the foundation of big Romania represented achievements for Romanian people, involved for centuries in the effort of national emancipation. As I mentioned a few times previously, especially in the 19-th century, Romanian political and cultural elites were deeply committed to the ideals of national emancipation and independence. It was the case of folklorists and ethnographers, too. Through all their scientific work, they tried to demonstrate the existence of a Romanian, very distinct, specific cultural background among neighboring others, an old, well internalized cultural element. It is important to mention that the Romanian case is not singular in this respect. The situation characterized the whole Eastern and partly Central Europe, inhabited by populations (Serbs, Slovakians, Polish people, etc) with a common history of domination by certain Centers of power. Their folklorists and ethnographers were also deeply committed to the ideas of emancipation and independence, their affiliation to national ideology was the same.7 I have analyzed all these aspects in the beginning of my paper, I do not intend to focus on them more. One can say that even after the First World War, when Eastern and Central European NationStates came into being, marking in this way the achievement of national ideals, the ethnographers and folklorists of the area continued to be committed to them. It is the case of Romanian specialists; the projects proposed and developed in between 1930-1948 at the Archive- Institute of Folklore from Cluj had these obvious orientations, even if not exposed directly. In 1948, when the communist regime had been installed in Romania, The Archive of Folklore became part/section of the Institute of Linguistics, History of Literature and Folklore. Ion Muslea, its founder and former director, also former University Professor and Director of University Library was, in new political, ideological context, a humiliated scientific collaborator. His previous efforts were ignored, his activity perceived as dangerous for the new regime. Meanwhile, in 1949, a new Institute of Folklore had been founded in Bucharest, replacing the activity of the two Archives, developed also in the interwar period, by Constantin Briloiu and George Breazul. A section/part of this Institute was opened in Cluj. For closer political, ideological control these new Institutes had been subordinated directly to the Ministry of Culture, not to Romanian Academy. Indeed, Julia Szeg, a prominent member of Romanian Communist Party, was
6 See Ion Muslea, Arhiva de folclor a Academiei romne. Studii, memorii ale intemeierii, rapoarte de activitate, chestionare. EFES, 2003. 7 See Joel Halpern, David Kideckel, Anthropology of Eastern Europe, in Annual Review of Anthropology, 1983.

98

Alina Branda

appointed director of this new Institute from Cluj. The members of her team (Jagamas Jnos, Farag Jzsef, Almsi Istvn) were mainly Transylvanian Hungarians, their research foci being on folklore of the Hungarian speaking communities from Transylvania and Moldavia: Szeklars and Csangos, on Bela Bartks contributions to folklore research. The Hungarian profile of this section of the Institute had been changed beginning with 1957, when a few Romanian researchers were employed part time: Ion Mulea (working also at the Institute of Linguistics, History of Literature and Folklore, where the Archive was institutionally affiliated in 1948), Valer Butur, Dumitru Pop. The efforts to continue to certain extents projects of the interwar period had been rejected, politically controlled, censured (one of the best example in this respect would be the authorities non-acceptance of republishing the Yearbook of Folklore; it is well known the fact that Ion Mulea tried his best to obtain the permission to do it, in 1957). Despite all these unfavorable circumstances (a strict control performed through quite sophisticated, perverse strategies by different institutions of totalitarian State, the researchers found themselves paths to avoid these mechanisms. On the basis of this ability, they could continue and widen the researches carried out previously. Scientific reports from 1958-1960 demonstrated a peculiar interest in a mixed, Romanian Hungarian village, Branitea; the fieldwork had been done there in a very systematic way. The period after 1964 was one of a surface ideological opening, of a formal change in public discourses. The emancipation from Soviet power, a sort of dissidence in the frame of Soviet Block were both associated to Romania and, at least to westerners eyes, things looked as such. The refusal to participate together with countries of Warsaw Treaty in the invasion of Czekoslovakia and a few other new leaders, (Ceauescu) symbolic gestures were interpreted as courageous and unique, both by westerners and Romanian people at that time. In fact, they represented the first brick of the foundation of a horrible autarchy and form of totalitarianism. It is, I believe, interesting to see how these changes in official discourses have had an impact on the researchers scientific orientations and on the ways in which research projects have been done in new contexts. Since 1964, the two research teams (one affiliated to the Institute of Linguistics, History of Literature and Folklore, the other, directly subordinated to the Institute from Bucharest), did not function separately any more, the director of the new, unique Section of Ethnography and Folklore (belonging to Romanian Academy), being Ion Muslea. He was part of the top down, imposed process of rehabilitation of well known intellectuals of the interwar period, treated as undesirable, especially by communist authorities of the 50-ies. One can say that, in terms of research foci, after 1964, projects started already in the interwar period had been continued: the General Bibliography of Ethnography and Folklore, the Corpus of Romanian Folklore. Especially in between 1964-1968, national bibliographic typologies, studies on particular folkloric areas, other topics, launched previously, had been deepened and

On Anthropology at Home. Indigenous Perspectives

99

widened. It is obvious that the supreme attempt was to regain a sort of normality and the standard of it, (in the researchers eyes), was the interwar period. The period of the so called opening, profiled beginning with 1964, proved to be illusory. In 1971, the Archive-Institute from Cluj was incorporated, for a stricter control, into the Centre for Social Sciences of the Academy of Social and Political Sciences. Meanwhile, the Institute from Bucharest became part of the Council for Socialist Culture and Education. This institutional instability, induced by authorities of totalitarian state with certain purposes, created an unfavorable climate for research and determined also a chain of discontinuities in approached issues and projects. Researchers efforts consisted in finding strategies of scientific survival. Now part of the Centre for Social Sciences, The InstituteArchive subsisted together with other small institutes (or better, small teams -colective, in Romanian), in order to keep the imposed terminology: psychology, law, philosophy, folklore- all functioned under the same umbrella of this big Centre for Social Sciences. As a strategy of survival, scholars of the Institute tried to avoid collaboration with members of those teams more exposed to ideological pressure (it was well known, for example, the fact that part of the center team had to participate in campaigns of atheist propaganda, in rural areas). This was the way in which, in between 1974-1989, scientists of the InstituteArchive could continue their work in a totally unfavorable situation. Fieldwork was not supported, even not permitted by authorities, what the researchers did, in this specific period, was to complete the already existing archive materials. The West.and the East. Eastern Europe in Western Anthropological Representations. The main goal of this subchapter is to demonstrate that Eastern Europe functioned, for a quite long period of time, simply as a secondary area of interest for western anthropologists and was definitely not more than that, not more than a source of anthropological issues. There are a few important stages that marked the interest of western anthropologists in East European field: Chronologically, the 1-st phase is the one described by a lack of interest in this part of the world. The Eastern Europe was not, from the very beginning, an area of great interest for cultural/social anthropologists. At least in the colonial period, cultural / social anthropology had as main issue of studies, mostly, societies that fit the pattern: primitive, exotic, illiterate. In his study Anthropology Comes Part Way Home: Community Studies in Europe, John Cole pointed out that this clich was dominant in the anthropological world for quite a long time: anthropology is anthropology only if it is done very much abroad in unpleasant conditions, in societies very different from the anthropologists habitat, very different indeed from the sort of place where he might go on holidays8
8 John Cole, Anthropology Comes Part Way Home. Community Studies in Europe, in Annual Review

100

Alina Branda

Generally speaking, the European societies (including, to a certain extent, the East and South East European ones) were out of this elementary scheme and had not been approached by many specialists of this field. There were other reasons that could explain such a weak interest as well. Eastern and South Eastern Europe had never been an area of colonies. The multitude of peoples inhabiting this area had a different, specific history both from the centers or powers of Western Europe and from the history of colonies They were first incorporated in multinational empires: Habsburgic, Ottoman and Tzarist, being involved in the modern age in the process of national emancipation, of constituting nation- states. Or cultural /social anthropology (a western product) had to focus, mostly, the colonial areas of the West European powers (I do not intend to emphasize here the relation in between cultural/social anthropology and colonialism. This is quite a debated issue, beginning with the 60-ties). Anyway, it is obvious that, at least in the colonial period, Eastern and South Eastern Europe just occasionally interested social/ cultural anthropologists. A second phase, marking definitely a more persistent interest of the specialists in the East European field is consumed during the Cold War, more specifically, in the 70-ies. The assumed interest in this area could be considered both a result of the internal reflection and changes in the domain of cultural/social anthropology (as anthropology came part way home, later admitting also variants of an at home anthropology) and of the fact that this part of Europe was almost entirely incorporated in the Soviet Block, communities here experimenting different sorts of socialisms and totalitarianisms. Eastern Europe could constitute at that time the fundamental difference that anthropologists are traditionally searching for. Their researches are developed in the frame of what is later discussed as anthropology of socialism (with certain issues, understandings, interpretations, goals). A third phase is that one of the researches done after 1990, in the general frame of anthropology of post socialism (a concept launched and theoretically debated in several occasions 9 . The term was fully adopted also by the native cultural anthropologists (one can speak about a new generation of native cultural/social anthropologists), even if the other internal scientific and cultural discourses rather preferred and adopted the term transition. The current stage is, I think, in the process of crystallizing itself, of finding enough revelatory concepts for a self- definition. Is this a period when, finally statements such as Tomas Hofers one, according to which a real dialogue between western anthropologists interested in Eastern Europe and the indigenous researchers was almost nonexistent are simply annulled? Is it now the time when researchers, natives of Eastern Europe are at least contributors of the main anthropological discourses on the region or, broader, on other parts of the world, being them either east or west placed? Is nowadays East (Eastern Europe) more than a good source of anthropologof Anthropology, 6. 9 See Chris Hann, Postsocialism. Ideals, Ideologies and Practices in Eurasia, Routledge, 2002.

On Anthropology at Home. Indigenous Perspectives

101

ical topics? To which extents these constructions East Looks West and West Looks East are equally reciprocal? All of these and perhaps many others are basic interrogations that come up with recent times and changes of perspective. It is difficult if not almost impossible to answer to them with perfect lucidity having critical, enough detached eyes, as the phenomena generating them are still producing. There are actually premises that could orient us to give positive answers to, at least a few of the above enumerated questions, but also reasons determining us to let things develop more and then to articulate something. East Invading West. West Looks East. The Post Cold War Perspective and Social/Cultural Anthropology. The main aim of this subchapter is to elaborate more on the case of Social Sciences in post 1990 Romania, with a special stress on Cultural/Social Anthropology. In the beginning, I pointed out a few representative moments of the discontinuous history of these sciences in Romania, trying to explain briefly the contexts generating it. In 1990 after decades of ideological control or even oppression, they are in the situation of neither having crossed an internal critique regarding their affiliation to the ideology of nation (and several forms of nationalisms), nor fully experiencing modernity. Mysteriously enough, such an internal critique is still not consumed and especially the relation between the national-communist ideology and a part of social scientists approaches would have necessary been exposed to it. On the other hand, opposed to these tendencies, there were university, academic initiatives manifested after 1990, to introduce cultural/social anthropology in their curricula. This idea was part of the policies of certain East European universities to update their programs, to try to make them internationally valid in what concerns social sciences. It also told about the necessity to put some borders in between a new type of cultural/ social research and the traditional one. Broadly, these initiatives reiterate and put in another context the issue of a necessary synchronization of Romanian elite culture and cultural action to Western ones. The topic is very much present in all discourses of what can be named, considering the specificity of the area, modernity in Romania. I would see the obsession, after 1990 of orienting the university curricula in what concern Socio Human sciences to western ones also as a manifestation of this recuperated will. Cultural/Social Anthropology was introduced as such in this enthusiasm, in the middle of 90-ies, either in the form of MA programs (in 1996, University of Cluj offered such a program) or, later as BA-s, around different Faculties- European Studies, Sociology. In the beginning, there were huge difficulties in finding academics that could offer courses for such programs. Just a few native academics could offer, practically, courses in these frames.

102

Alina Branda

The other promoted variant was to invite for a semester, up to a year western anthropologists to lecture on various topics. Then, the other huge problem was the lack of specialized libraries. In the economic post 90 situation, it was almost a utopia to order books from foreign libraries or bookshops. Practically, the chance was to exploit at maximum the opportunities to benefit from grants, to study at different foreign universities for a while, to apply for documentation stages and so on. TEMPUS programs, initiated in the 90-ies became for all of us a goal, being also a pure necessity. There were also other opportunities, but in terms of most desired, visited and accessible programs, this was the most elected one. It functioned as a sort of bridge, at least as Easterners, we looked at it as such. Then, another phenomenon is to be mentioned in this context. Some of the young scholars, who got at least notions of cultural/social anthropology in the local context, either attending courses or even graduating programs in this science, applied, later on for MA and PhDs at different foreign Universities. Central European University, Budapest, US, UK, France Universities and Institutes of Research became destinations for them. Some decided to postpone as much as possible their return home (there are many explanations for their decisions, I do not want to insist more on that), some of them returned. What is important, beyond their decisions, is the fact that they are, native professionals practicing, at least to certain extents, anthropology at home, proposing a critical, relativistic approach of their own social, cultural realities. In a way, this trend to encourage and support young people to study abroad in occidental countries had similarities with that one profiled beginning with 19-th century, intensified in the interwar period. But interesting enough, while those young scholars participated to the foundation of modern Romania as nation state, the recently trained ones necessarily had deconstructivist tendencies, trying to get rid of all layers of mystifications, especially profiled by totalitarian regimes and to offer the access to a profound, still hidden social/cultural reality.10 Back to our general discussion, it is absolutely clear that East/West constructions and anthropological representations are to be defined in other terms, after 1990, than before. It is, I think, honest to say that they are influenced by the post cold war enthusiastic decades. (educational, research policies supporting the bridge are themselves produced in this frame). In practical terms, the period meant for native anthropologists the chance to professionalize in the field, benefiting from the above mentioned opportunities. In western universities, they were systematically encouraged to do fieldwork on their own cultural issues. Then, anthropology at home would be for us a result of both an inner impulse to propose this new type of social/ cultural research and a western suggestion in this
10 See Vintil Mihilescu, What is Anthropology Good for in Times of Transition, in Breaking the Wall. Representing Anthropology and Anthropological Representation in Post Communist Eastern Europe, edited by Viorel Anastasoaie, Knczei Csilla, Magyari-Vincze Enik, Ovidiu Pecican, EFES, Cluj, 2003.

On Anthropology at Home. Indigenous Perspectives

103

respect. (probably it is worth to ask why the western encouragements suggested us to go home for fieldwork, not somewhere else, not necessarily in EAST). The immediate post cold war period is definitely consumed, concepts such as post socialism, transition are not any more the best choices to describe East European communities and also new anthropological issues emerge. With all these accumulations, with the emergence of a community of native anthropologists, mutual, profoundly reciprocal anthropological constructions East /West have at least premises to be produced. Bibliography 1. Cole, John, Anthropology Comes Part Way Home. Community Studies in Europe, in Annual Review of Anthropology, 6, 1977. 2. Gean, Gheorghi, Enlarging the Classical Paradigm. Romanian Experience in Doing Anthropology at Home, text presented in the framework of the 5/th EASA Conference, Frankfurt, 1998. 3. Halpern, Joel, Kideckel, David, Anthropology of Eastern Europe, in Annual Review of Anthropology, 1983. 4. Hann, Chris, Postsocialism. Ideals, Ideologies and Practices in Eurasia, Routledge, London, NY, 2002. 5. Kideckel, David, Intlniri multiple. Antropologi Occidentali n Europa de Est, (ed. MagyariVincze Enik, Ouigley Colin, Troc, Gabriel), EFES, 2000. 6. Jakubowska, Longina, Writing about Eastern Europe. Perspectives from Ethnography and Anthropology, in Henk Driesen,(ed), The Politics of Ethnographic Reading and Writing. Confrontation of Western and Indigenous View, Saarbruecken/ Fort Lpauderdale; Breitenbach, 1993. 7. Magyari-Vincze, Enik, Quigley, Collin, Troc, Gabriel (eds), Intlniri multiple. Antropologi Occidentali n Europa de Est, EFES, 2000. 8. Mihilescu, Vintil, What is Anthropology Good for in Times of Transition, in Breaking the Wall. Representing Anthropology and Anthropological Representation in Post Communist Eastern Europe, (eds) Anastsoaie, Viorel Knczei, Csilla, Magyari-Vincze, Enik, Pecican, Ovidiu, EFES, Cluj, 2003. 9. Mulea, Ion, Arhiva de Folclor a Academiei Romne. Studii, memorii ale intemeierii, rapoarte de activitate, chestionare. EFES, 2003. 10. Official reports on the Activity of the Archive of Folklore (1948-1989), copies available at the Archive of Folklore, Cluj.

Gemeinsamkeiten. Eine Freundschaft mit Ion Talo und Rumnien

Rolf Wilhelm Brednich
Georg August-Universitt Gttingen
Festschriften bieten nicht nur Gelegenheit zur Verffentlichung von kleinen wissenschaftlichen Monographien, sondern dienen oft auch zur Publikation von persnlichen Erinnerungen an den Geehrten, Erinnerungen, die man durchaus auch als Beitrge zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte auffassen kann. In diesem Sinne sind die folgenden Zeilen als Versuch zu verstehen, eine ber 40 Jahre whrende freundschaftliche und wissenschaftliche Gemeinsamkeit und Zusammenarbeit mit dem fast gleichaltrigen Jubilar und meine Verbindung mit seinem Land darzustellen. Bei aller Bescheidenheit drfen auch sie den Anspruch erheben, ein Stck rumnischdeutscher Wissenschaftsbeziehungen zu dokumentieren, das der dramatischen Akzente nicht entbehrt, wie gleich zu Anfang dargelegt werden kann. Talo sah sich nmlich im Jahr 1985 gezwungen, in Deutschland politisches Asyl zu beantragen, unter Zurcklassung seiner Familie in Rumnien, der erst nach drei langen Jahren die Ausreise gewhrt wurde. Er erhielt von der Universitt Kln eine Anstellung als wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter, spter war er dort als Privatdozent und apl. Professor ttig. Als Starthilfe fr seine neu aufzubauende Gelehrtenbibliothek trat ich ihm alle whrend meiner verschiedenen Rumnien-Reisen erworbenen Bcher ab. Bald danach Ende 1989 schlug mit der Hinrichtung des Diktators Ceauescu auch fr die Rumnen die Stunde der Freiheit. Trotzdem dauerte es lange, bis Ion mittlerweile deutscher Staatsbrger und apl. Professor fr romanische Sprachen und Literatur an der Universitt Kln die erste Reise in seine alte Heimat unternehmen konnte. Inzwischen ist er in seinem Heimatland voll rehabilitiert, bekam sein enteignetes Haus wieder zugesprochen, und 2008 wurde ein Fernsehfilm ber sein Leben und Werk aufgenommen. Als spte Wiedergutmachung und wohlverdiente Ehrung ist auch die vorliegende Festgabe zu seinem 75. Geburtstag am 22. Juni 2009 anzusehen. Wie sich unsere langjhrige Freundschaft entwickelt hat, ist am Besten durch einen Rckblick auf die 1950er Jahre zu erklren, denn meine persnlichen Berhrungen mit der rumnischen Sprache und Kultur reichen auf meine Studienzeit an der Johannes Gutenberg-Universitt in Mainz in das Jahr 1957 zurck. Ich hatte damals unter der Supervision des Privatdozenten Lutz Rhrich im Studienfach Volkskunde eine Dissertation ber den europischen Volksglauben von den Schicksalsfrauen und die damit verbundenen Volkserzhlungen begonnen. Mit der Untersttzung meines Doktorvaters hatte ich dafr an alle komparatistisch arbeitenden Erzhlforscher und die einschlgigen europischen Forschungszentren und Archive einen dreisprachigen Fragebogen versandt, der u. A. auch seinen Weg nach Cluj fand und vom da-

106

Rolf Wilhelm Brednich

maligen Direktor des Archiva de Folclor, Ion Mulea, einem der akademischen Lehrer von Ion Talo beantwortet wurde. Mit einem Schlag stand ich als damals 23jhriger Student vor einer Flle von Literaturhinweisen und wichtigen FolkloreTexten zur Verbreitung der Vorstellungen von den schicksalsverkndenden ursitoare oder ursitele in der rumnischen und aromunischen Volksberlieferung. Trotz meiner Kenntnisse in Franzsisch und Latein gaben mir diese vielfach mundartlichen Texte groe Rtsel auf. In meiner Not wandte ich mich an den als Lehrbeauftragten fr Rumnisch an unserer Universitt ttigen Dr. Dumitru Amzr. Er half mir bereitwillig bei der bersetzung der Texte, bat mich aber im Gegenzug darum, seine Lehrveranstaltungen zur rumnischen Sprache und Literatur zu belegen, da er als Ditendozent auf die sprlichen Hrergelder angewiesen war. So war ich denn fr mehrere Semester sein Gast in seinen Sprachkursen und konnte am Ende leidlich gut Rumnisch lesen, verstehen und auch ein wenig sprechen. In meiner 1960 fertig gestellten Dissertation nehmen die rumnischen Erzhltraditionen im Rahmen der osteuropischen Vorstellungen vom vorherbestimmten Schicksal in den beiden Teilen des Werkes Volksglaube und zugehrige Erzhlungen einen prominenten Platz ein1. Mein wissenschaftlicher Weg fhrte mich 1963 als Assistent und Konservator an das Deutsche Volksliedarchiv nach Freiburg im Breisgau, das mit seinem Titel Arbeitsstelle fr internationale Volksliedforschung seine Rolle als Zentrum komparatistischer Forschung klar vor Augen stellte. Sein Direktor Erich Seemann schtzte meine Offenheit fr andere Sprachen und Kulturen und ermunterte mich, mir seinem eigenen Beispiel folgend mglichst viele lebende europische Sprachen anzueignen, mit deutlichem Schwergewicht in Ost- und Sdosteuropa. Rumnisch war schon bei meinen ersten Kommentaren zu den Balladen in der groen Edition der Deutschen Volkslieder mit ihren Melodien gefragt. Meinen ersten wissenschaftlichen Aufsatz verfasste ich damals ber die folkloristischen Wurzeln des Romans Les Ursitory des franzsischen Roma-Autors Mato Maximoff, dessen Stamm der Kalderashi den Stoff dazu hchstwahrscheinlich aus Rumnien mitgebracht hatte2. Dem Roman liegt eine Variante der in ganz Osteuropa verbreiteten Schicksalserzhlung von dem an ein Holzscheit gebundenes Leben zugrunde3. Mein erster Kontakt zu Ion Talo datiert in das Jahr 1965. Meine Gttinger Kollegin Helga Stein, die mit ihrer Mutter aus Siebenbrgen nach Deutschland emigriert war, machte mich auf den in Cluj wirkenden Folkloristen aufmerksam und teilte mir mit, dass er aufgrund seiner deutschen Sprachkenntnisse und seines Interesses an komparatistischer Erzhl- und Balladenforschung an einem Deutschlandaufenthalt interessiert sei. So stellte ich die Verbindung zwischen Ion und der Humboldt-Stiftung in Bad Godesberg her und veranlasste, dass ihm die Antragsformulare zugestellt wurden. Auerdem erklrte ich mich der Stiftung gegenber bereit, Ion bei einem Aufenthalt in Freiburg wissenschaftlich zu betreuen. Als einer der ersten Folkloristen aus Osteuropa wurde ihm das zunchst auf ein Jahr bemessene Forschungsstipendium fr eine Monographie ber das Bauopfer in der europischen Volksberliefe1 Rolf Wilhem Brednich: Volkserzhlungen und Volksglaube von den Schicksalsfrauen. 2 Bde. Diss. Mainz 1960. Im Druck erschienen als FFCommunications 184. Helsinki 1964. 2 Rolf Wilhem Brednich: Les sources folkoriques du roman tsigane Les Ursitory de Mato Maximoff. In: tudes Tsiganes 9,3 (Paris 1963) 5-16. 3 Rolf Wilhelm Brednich: Meleager. In: Enzyklopdie des Mrchens 9 (1999) 547-551.

Eine Freundschaft mit Ion Talo und Rumnien

107

rung zuerkannt. Bis alle Formalitten von rumnischer Seite erledigt waren, dauerte es 15 qulende Monate. Im Dezember 1966 war es dann endlich soweit, dass wir Ion zum Antritt seines Stipendiums in Freiburg erwarten durften. Selbstverstndlich lie ich es mir nicht nehmen, ihn am Freiburger Bahnhof in Empfang zu erwarten, aber in dem von ihm angekndigten Zug aus Karlsruhe stieg kein Ion Talo aus. Er htte in Karlsruhe umsteigen mssen, aber es zeigte sich, dass sich der Erwartete auf dem Weg von Stuttgart nach Freiburg zum ersten Mal mit den Tcken des deutschen Bahnverkehrs konfrontiert sah. Der Zug hielt vor Karlsruhe Hauptbahnhof nmlich auch in Karlsruhe-Durlach, und in der Annahme, es handle sich um eine Doppelstadt, stieg Ion dort bereits aus und musste auf den nchsten Anschluss warten. Als er dann schlielich mit Versptung ankam, waren seine ersten Worte an mich, an die ich mich noch deutlich erinnere: Ich bin schlecht umgestiegen. Nun ja, sein Deutsch war noch nicht so flssig, und die ersten zwei Monate seines Aufenthaltes in Freiburg brachte er in seinem Dachzimmer im Volksliedarchiv in selbst gewhlter Isolation damit zu, sein Deutsch auf Hochglanz zu polieren. Er wohnte im Freiburger Vorort Gnterstal und hatte aufgrund seiner gewinnenden Art bald viele Kontakte zur Freiburger folkloristischen Wissenschaftsszene. Auch private Kontakte zu meiner eigenen und zu anderen Familien bahnten sich schnell an. Als wir ihn zum ersten Mal bei uns zu Hause zum Essen zu Gast hatten, fragte meine damalige Frau nach seinen Kindern. Ion antwortete: Ich habe einen Sohn, aber wir wollen noch ein zweites Kind machen (die direkte bersetzung aus dem unverdchtigen Rumnischen fac un copil erwies sich hier als leicht unadquat, ein Lernprozess, durch den viele Wanderer zwischen zwei Kulturen gehen mssen). Das Ende der 1960er Jahre war in Freiburg eine fr die Volkskunde uerst ereignisreiche und wichtige Periode. Mit der Berufung von Lutz Rhrich auf den neu geschaffenen volkskundlichen Lehrstuhl ging die Grndung eines Volkskunde-Instituts in der nahe gelegenen Maximilianstrae einher, es gab Lehrveranstaltungen zu besuchen, die erste Generation von Studierenden stellte sich ein und bevlkerte bald mehr und mehr auch unser Archiv mit seiner ausgezeichneten Bibliothek. Es gab Kolloquien, Feldforschungsprojekte und Exkursionen, an denen wir Ion ganz selbstverstndlich beteiligten. Im Herbst 1967 luden wir Ion zur Teilnahme am Deutschen Volkskundekongress nach Wrzburg ein, der mit einem Empfang im bayerischen Bierzelt endete. Dort bot ich Ion das brderliche Du an, was er nur zgernd annahm, denn er hatte - da er jedermann siezte - bei allen deutschen Verben bisher nur die dritte Person Plural gelernt und musste jetzt die zweite Person Singular nachlernen (die nach seiner Ansicht schwieriger zu erlernen war). Im Winter 1967/68 lernte Ion auf Exkursionen in den Schwarzwald die schwbisch-alemannische Fastnacht kennen und konnte Vergleiche anstellen mit den Maskenbruchen seines eigenen Landes. Auch die Humboldt-Stiftung war sorglich darum bemht, ihn mit der deutschen Kultur vertraut zu machen und lud ihn zusammen mit den anderen Neulingen unter den Stipendiaten zu einer groen Deutschland-Tour mit dem Hhepunkt eines Besuchs in der geteilten ehemaligen Reichshauptstadt Berlin ein. Von dieser Reise kam Ion begeistert nach Freiburg zurck. Bei alle dem machte Ion mit seinem opus magnum gute Fortschritte und konnte der heiligen Stiftung (wie sie von den Stipendiaten genannt wurde) ber seine Forschungsergebnisse so erfolgreich berichten, dass ihm zu unserer aller Freude ein Verlngerungsjahr gewhrt wurde. Am Ende des zweiten Jahres waren wir gute

108

Rolf Wilhelm Brednich

Freunde, und aus Ion war ein Verehrer der freiheitlich-demokratischen Grundordnung der westlichen Welt geworden, der seiner eigenen Sozialisation unter dem Diktat einer Partei mehr und mehr kritisch gegenber stand. Bevor Ion Deutschland verlie, hatten wir manche Plne fr unsere zuknftige Zusammenarbeit geschmiedet: fr gemeinsame Editionen und Feldforschungen und weitere gegenseitige Besuche. Die Humboldt-Stiftung bot ihrem erfolgreichen rumnischen Stipendiaten mehrfach Gelegenheit zur Rckkehr nach Deutschland und zur Teilnahme an ihren AlumniZusammenknften. Bei einer dieser Reisen kam es auf dem Frankfurter Flughafen zu einer dieser Begegnungen zwischen uns beiden, die man gewhnlich mit dem Stichwort small world beschreibt. Ion war gerade aus Rumnien angereist, whrend ich im Begriff stand, zu einem Gastaufenthalt an der Universitt Bari nach Italien zu fliegen. Das unerwartete und ebenso ungewhnliche Zusammentreffen fand horribile dictu auf einer Herrentoilette statt! Die nchste Gelegenheit zu einer mehr akademischen Zusammmenkunft bot der dritte Nachkriegskongress der in Kiel neu gegrndeten International Society of Folk Narrative Research (ISFNR) 1969 in Bucureti. Ich reiste bereits einige Wochen vorher mit dem Zug ber Wien und Budapest an, und nun war es an mir, in Cluj angekommen schlecht auszusteigen, nmlich auf der Schienen- anstatt auf der Bahnsteigseite (wie die meisten einheimischen Passagiere es verbotenerweise taten!), so dass Ion mich im ersten Augenblick nicht finden konnte. In Cluj war ich bei seiner Familie im Neubaugebiet von Gheorgheni zu Gast und freute mich ber meine Wiederbegegnung mit der rumnischen Sprache, die inzwischen bei mir etwas rostig geworden war. Ich nahm alle neuen Eindrcke begierig in mir auf: das wohl organisierte und personell reich ausgestattete Archiva de Folclor, die Universitt mit ihrem unvergesslichen Gartenrestaurant, die Vielzahl von Buchhandlungen, das milde Klima, die freundlichen Menschen, viele der lteren davon selbst in der Stadt in traditioneller lndlicher Kleidung Dann war die Zeit fr eine erste Feldexkursion gekommen. Im Anschluss an eine frhe Begegnung mit Rudolf Kriss und seinen Mnchner Forschungen und Sammlungen zur religisen Volkskultur hatte ich mich u. A. mit bayerischen Wallfahrtsbruchen und den zugehrigen Devotionalien beschftigt und war an der in das Jahr 1699 zurck gehenden Fernwallfahrt zu der Weinenden Madonna im Mnchskloster von Nicula (nrdlich von Cluj) interessiert, die just zu dieser Zeit an Mari Himmelfahrt am 15. August - mit der Ankunft der Pilger am Gnadenort vor ihrem Hhepunkt stand. Wallfahrtsforschung war in Rumnien kein Thema fr die Folkloristik, da religionswissenschaftliche Themen ideologisch unerwnscht waren. Ion hatte trotzdem keine Bedenken, mir diese Erfahrung zu vermitteln. Er hatte aus Deutschland einen weien VW-Kfer nach Rumnien mitgebracht, der gerade einen nchtlichen Unfall mit einigen Schden berstanden hatte. Dieser wieder hergestellte Kfer brachte uns unbeschadet nach Nicula, von wo die Pilgerscharen gerade den Aufstieg zur Gnadensttte auf dem Berg in Angriff nahmen. Wir reihten uns ein und bekamen dabei einen - so nicht geplanten - Eindruck von den Beschwernissen einer Pilgerreise. Tagelange Regenflle hatten nmlich den gesamten Aufstiegsweg in Schlamm verwandelt, die Pilger (und auch wir!) gingen bei diesem klitschigen Anstieg reihenweise zu Boden, so dass alle Menschen mehr oder weniger mit Schlamm und Dreck bespritzt oben ankamen, was der Ergriffenheit der Glubigen bei der Ankunft am Gnadenbild auf dem Hochaltar keinen Abbruch tat. Sie reihten sich

Eine Freundschaft mit Ion Talo und Rumnien

109

geduldig in die Reihe der bereits Wartenden ein, um ein mitgebrachtes Tuch o. . mit der Glasscheibe vor der weinenden Madonna in oft leidenschaftlich anmutenden Kontakt zu bringen: eine unauslschliche Erinnerung! (Erst spter habe ich erfahren, dass das Original des Gnadenbildes bereits seit langem seinen Weg in die Universittskirche von Cluj gefunden hatte und dass die Glubigen in Nicula nur eine Kopie der Ikone verehrten). Wenige Tage spter stand dann die groe Rundreise bevor, die uns durch weite Teile des nrdlichen und stlichen Rumniens fhren und zwei Wochen spter am Kongressort Bucureti enden sollte. Wir starteten an einem Wochenende in Richtung Nord-Moldau. Auf dem Weg dorthin fhrte Ion mich zu Tpferwerksttten, Hauswebereien und Frbereien, ich bewunderte zahlreiche von Wasser getriebene Mhlen und Pochwerke, ich sah Schmiede am Amboss, Frauen spinnen, sticken und weben, die gesamte Volkskultur einer Region quasi im Stadium vor der Industrialisierung. Das nrdliche Rumnien erlebte ich damals sowie bei spteren Besuchen fast wie eine Reise in ein einzigartiges lebendiges Freilichtmuseum. Der folgende Tag mit dem Besuch der fnf Moldau-Klster und ihren phantastischen Auenfresken zhlt in meinem Leben zu den eindrucksvollsten Reiseerlebnissen berhaupt. Am nrdlichsten Punkt unserer Reise angelangt, gab der Vergaser unseres braven Kfers an einem schnen Sommerabend in einem winzigen Dorf seinen Geist auf. Trotzdem gab es Abhilfe, denn unsere Suche fhrte uns zu einem findigen Mechaniker, dem es gelang, das defekte Teil an unserem Vergaser gegen einen Ersatz aus einem russischen Motorrad auszutauschen. (In Deutschland, so meinte er, stnde darauf wahrscheinlich die Todesstrafe). Am nchsten Tag hatten wir das Glck, in der Bukowina in zwei Drfern Zeugen von zwei ebenso farbenprchtigen wie unvergesslichen Ereignissen zu werden, die wir glcklicherweise auch im Farbbild festgehalten haben. (Abb.1-5) Zunchst begegnete uns ein Beerdigungszug mit dem geschmckten pomul auf dem Sarg und einer in die rtliche Tracht gekleideten Dorfgemeinschaft, und wir wurden eingeladen, am Totenmahl im Freien teilzunehmen und den eindrucksvollen Totenklagen zu lauschen. Ein paar Drfer weiter wartete ein eher frhliches Ereignis auf uns, ein Dorftanz auf dem Dorfplatz mit dem Blasorchester auf einem hohen Podest im Baum und den Tnzerinnen und Tnzern in einheimischer Tracht bei modernen Paartnzen und beim feurigen Reigentanz (hora). Weiter ging unsere Reise in Richtung Sdosten, wo wir in Buzu am gleichnamigen Fluss frische Steckerl-Fische angelten und in Gura Teghii bei der Gromutter eines Freundes von Ion im Bauernhaus bernachteten. Wir genossen die vortreffliche Gastfreundschaft der alten Witwe und aen unser Abendbrot aus irdenen Schsseln, die sonst als Wandschmuck dienen. Von dort fhrte unser Weg weit nach Sden durch die Dobruschda zum Schwarzen Meer und zum Strand von Ovidiu wenige Kilometer nrdlich von Constana, wo wir fr einige Urlaubstage unser Zelt aufschlugen und uns in der Sonne aalten. Bald nahmen wir wahr, dass unter den Gsten des Campingplatzes eine seltsame Unruhe herrschte, es gab kleine Menschenansammlungen hier und dort, es wurde mehr geflstert als geredet. Dann wurde uns klar: Es war der 20. August, der Vorabend jenes Tages im Jahr 1968, als durch die Besetzung durch die Truppen des Warschauer Paktes der Prager Frhling in der Tschechoslowakei zu Ende gegangen war, und die Mehrzahl der Schwarzmeertouristen waren Tschechen oder Slowaken. Am nchsten Morgen rckte das rumnische Militr an

110

Rolf Wilhelm Brednich

und umstellte den Platz, whrend die Tschechen und Slowaken unter dem Schwenken von Fhnchen in ihren Landesfarben einen Schweigemarsch abhielten. Es blieb zwar alles friedlich, aber die Atmosphre an jenem Morgen war bis zum Zerreien gespannt. Danach wurde es Zeit fr die Reise in die Landeshauptstadt, die uns unter glhender Sommersonne empfing. Ion war noch nie mit seinem Wagen in Bucureti gewesen und entsprechend unsicher. Prompt bog er an einer groen Kreuzung mitten in der Metropole in falscher Richtung in eine Einbahnstrae ein und wurde von einem Polizisten, der damals noch die Verkehrsampel ersetzte, zurckgepfiffen. Ion schickte mich aus, um unser Versehen zu entschuldigen, aber der Polizist lie sich nicht tuschen und verlangte kategorisch nach dem oferul cu cama alb. Weil er aus Cluj war, kam er mit einer Verwarnung davon. Und dann begann der 5. Kongress der ISFNR mit einem Empfang im Institutul de Folclor, in dessen Vestibl alle Mitarbeiterinnen und Mitarbeiter des Hauses Spalier standen. Ich begann mit der Begrung auf der Damenseite, da ich die erste dort stehende Kollegin kannte, und beugte mich zum Handkuss. Da gab mir Ion einen Schubs von hinten und meinte, nun msste ich die gesamte Damenfront auf die gleiche Weise beehren, was ich nolens volens tat. Das hfliche srut mna gegenber Damen ist fr den Besucher des Landes zunchst eine berraschung, wird ihm aber schnell zur lieben Gewohnheit, zeigte es mir doch, dass 20 Jahre Sozialismus die gesellschaftlichen Konventionen noch nicht auslschen konnten, und sie gelten nicht nur im Paris des Ostens. (Dass damals die alten Klassengegenstze noch nicht vollkommen nivelliert waren, wurde mir bei einer von Helga Stein vermittelten Begegnung mit einer Bukarester Adelsfamilie deutlich, die in einem hochherrschaftlichen Haus nicht wohnte, nein residierte, und die Konversation war in Franzsisch!). Von dem Kongress selbst ist mir noch erinnerlich, dass die sowjetische Delegation nach einem Vortrag von Lutz Rhrich ber den politischen Witz aus Protest auszog und von dem Kongressprsidenten Mihai Pop nur mit Mhe zur Rckkehr bewogen werden konnte. Rhrich hatte es gewagt, einen Witz ber den (im vorausgegangenen Jahr tdlich verunglckten) Kosmonauten Jurij A. Gagarin zu erzhlen4. Ion hielt einen Vortrag ber Mrchenmotive in den rumnischen Colinden, und ich trug ber Flugbltter als Quellen der Erzhlforschung vor. Es war offenbar der erste ISFNR-Vortrag mit Lichtbildern, entsprechend schwierig erwies es sich, im ehrwrdigen Kongressgebude einen funktionsfhigen Diaprojektor aufzutreiben. Kurt Ranke war der Diskussionsleiter in meiner Sektion und beglckwnschte mich zum Vortrag. Man war noch jung und freute sich ber das Lob von der lteren Generation. Spter habe ich auf Einladung Rankes an dem Artikel Bildquellen in der Enzyklopdie des Mrchens mitgearbeitet und den Artikel Flugblatt geschrieben. Das den Kongress abschlieende festliche Dinner war exklusiv und teuer, so dass wir mit einer Gruppe der jngeren Teilnehmer/innen aus der Assistentengeneration (wir schreiben das Jahr 1969!) beschlossen, vor den Toren der Stadt in einem sehr schn gelegenen Gartenrestaurant ein alternatives Dinner abzuhalten, welches
4 Anfrage an Radio rivan: Stimmt es, dass unser verdienter Kosmonaut Jurij Gagarin nach seiner Rckkehr aus dem All mit einem VW-Kfer honoriert wurde? Antwort: Im Prinzip ja. Es handelt sich allerdings nicht um den Kosmonauten Jurij Gagarin, sondern um unseren Genossen Jevgenij Gagarin in Sibirien, und es handelt sich auch nicht um einen VW, sondern um ein Fahrrad. Dieses wurde dem Genossen nicht geschenkt, sondern gestohlen.

Eine Freundschaft mit Ion Talo und Rumnien

111

so erfolgreich war, dass viele Gste der offiziellen Veranstaltung anschlieend zu uns berwechselten. An den Kongress schloss sich ein spektakulres Folk Festival an, bei dem Hunderte von rumnischen Folkloregruppen aus allen Landesteilen auf dem glhenden Asphalt von Bucureti paradierten. Auf der Rckfahrt nach Cluj, bei der uns Ildik Kriza (Budapest) begleitete, erkundeten wir Siebenbrgen mit seinen eindrucksvollen Kirchenburgen und strandeten am Ende infolge einer leckenden lwanne am leidgeprften VW auf dem Campingplatz in Sibiu-Hermannstadt. Aber Ion gelang es, ber Nacht soviel Motorl zu organisieren, dass wir den Rckweg unter Hinterlassung einer langen lspur schlielich bis Cluj schafften. Alles in allem war es eine unvergessliche Reise! Ich hatte unter der beglckenden Reiseleitung meines Freundes Ion mit der Moldau, der Dobrudscha, Muntenien und Siebenbrgen vier aus der Sicht der Volkskultur beraus wichtige rumnische Landschaften kennen gelernt und durfte unauslschliche Eindrcke nach Hause zurcknehmen. Ich verfgte ber ein ausgedehntes Feldtagebuch mit vielen Notizen und Skizzen und brachte eine bedeutende Anzahl von Farbdiapositiven ber zahlreiche Aspekte der rumnischen Volkskultur zurck. Ion und ich waren damals noch recht junge Wissenschaftler, und diese intensiven Felderfahrungen haben uns beide stark geprgt. Vor meiner Rckreise nach Deutschland schmiedeten Ion und ich noch Plne fr gemeinsame Editionen. Als erstes hatten wir uns vorgenommen, die 1845 von den Brdern Arthur und Albert Schott in Stuttgart herausgegebene Sammlung Walachischer Mrchen aus dem rumnischen Banat, erweitert um die 1857-1859 in der Zeitschrift Hausbltter verffentlichten Nachtrge, neu vorzulegen. Dazu hatte uns der Kriterion Verlag in Bucureti einen Vertrag angeboten, den wir unterzeichneten. So blieben wir in den beiden folgenden Jahren aufs Engste miteinander in Kontakt und konnten uns 1971 ber das Erscheinen unseres ersten Gemeinschaftswerkes freuen5. Die Edition hatte mir eine ansehnliche Summe an rumnischen Leis als Honorar eingebracht. Als ich 1972 in Freiburg meine Habilitation hinter mich gebracht hatte, benutzte ich meinen vorlesungsfreien Sommer fr eine neue Reise in meine zweite Heimat Rumnien, diesmal im eigenen Wagen mit Zwischenstationen bei befreundeten Kollegen in Ljubljana, Zagreb und in einem siebenbrgisch-schsischen Pfarrhaus in Mhlbach (Sebe Alba). Die Babe-Bolyai-Universitt in Cluj hatte mir auf Vermittlung von Ion freundlicherweise ein Stipendium zur Teilnahme an einem Sommerkurs gewhrt, so dass ich vier Wochen lang Gelegenheit hatte, meine rumnischen Sprachkenntnisse aufzufrischen. Ich wohnte mit den anderen Teilnehmern und Teilnehmerinnen zusammen in einem neuen Studentenwohnheim, sah Ion aber fast tglich. Er war mit seiner Frau Florica jetzt in ein eigenes Haus bergesiedelt und hatte mittlerweile einen kleinen Sohn namens Florin (geb.1964, der meiner Tochter Anke viele Jahre lang zu ihrem Geburtstag am 1. Mrz ein mrior nach Freiburg gesandt hat). Neben den Sprachkursen bot der Ferienkurs zahlreiche andere Attraktionen: Fast jeden Tag einen Vortrag eines Universittsgelehrten zu Themen aus der
5 Arthur und Albert Schott: Rumnische Volkserzhlungen aus dem Banat. Mrchen, Schwnke, Sagen, hrsg. von R.W. Brednich und I. Talo: Bukarest 1971 (21973, 31975). Cf. R.W. Brednich: Schott, Albert. In: Enzyklopdie des Mrchens 12 (2007) 182-183; ders.: Schott, Arthur. In: Ibid. 183-186.

112

Rolf Wilhelm Brednich

rumnischen Geschichte, Literatur und Kultur, dazu wohl organisierte Exkursionen zu touristischen Zielen. Der unbestrittene Hhepunkt des Kurses war die Teilnahme an dem jhrlich in den Bergen der Moldau an der Nordgrenze Rumniens auf einer Freilichtbhne in Sire stattfindenden groen Folklore-Festivals mit Tanz- und Musikgruppen aus nahezu allen rumnischen Landesteilen und Ethnien. Das Ereignis wurde mit einer Rede von Mihai Pop erffnet, dem damaligen Volkskunde-Ordinarius und Direktor des Volkskunde-Instituts in Bucureti, womit die damals im Sozialismus herrschende Einheit von Wissenschaft und angewandter Folkore dem Besucher aus einem westlichen Land berraschend deutlich vor Augen gefhrt wurde. Auch der Besuch des frhlichen Friedhofs (Cimitirul Vesel) des Volksknstlers Ioan Stan Ptra in Spna6 hinterlie einen bleibenden Eindruck. In Cluj gab die Kurs-Direktorin zum Abschluss des Sommerkurses einen Empfang der Universitt mit anschlieendem festlichen Diner, bei dem ich neben Frau Mosescu Platz nehmen und die Dankesrede halten durfte. Danach gab es fr mich noch gengend Zeit fr eigene Felduntersuchungen. Hanni Markel, damals Mitarbeiterin am Volkskundeinstitut in Cluj, begleitete mich im Zusammenhang mit meinem Interesse an religisem Wandschmuck in einige Drfer westlich von Cluj, wo ich in den Husern von Angehrigen einer christlichen Erweckungsbewegung zu meiner berraschung zahlreiche Chromolithographien mitteleuropischer Herkunft antraf. Es ergab sich, dass zwischen Ungarn und Rumnien migrierende Zigeunergruppen in dieser Region als Bilderhndler ttig waren und den Bedarf dieser Sekte zu decken imstande waren. Mit Ion Talo unternahm ich eine weitere Reise, diesmal in die Munii Apuseni, wo wir u. A. an einer anderen regionalen Wallfahrt teilnahmen, weiter in das Banat, wo ich zahlreiche Interieurs von Bauernstuben besichtigen und zwei farbenprchtige Webteppiche erstehen konnte, die noch heute unser Haus in Wellington zieren. Zurck in Cluj, stand ich vor der Aufgabe, mein kleines Vermgen in Lei sinnvoll anzulegen. Ich entschloss mich zum Kauf von aller erreichbaren volkskundlichen Literatur und von Schallpatten mit rumnischer Volksmusik. Zusammen mit den zahlreichen Gegenstnden aus Keramik, Textil und Holz aus lokaler volksknstlerischer Produktion ergab dies eine Ladung, die meinen Passat bis an die Obergrenze der Kapazitt auslasten sollte. Die Zllner am Grenzbergang bei Oradea staunten nicht schlecht ber diese Schtze, lieen mich aber dennoch ungehindert passieren, als ich ihnen bedeutete, dass ich diese Dinge als Unterrichtsgegenstnde fr die Universitt bentigte. Tatschlich habe ich die Freiburger Volkskundestudenten, wann immer es mglich war, in Vorlesungen und Seminaren am meinen Rumnien-Erfahrungen teilnehmen lassen. Die Zusammenarbeit mit Ion kam danach nicht zum Erliegen. Er hatte 1973 den ersten Band seiner groen Monographie ber den Meterul Manole7 verffentlicht und war frei fr ein neues Kooperationsprojekt. Wir unternahmen in Partnerschaft die Neuausgabe der lange vergriffenen Sammlung rumnischer Volksmrchen aus dem mittleren Harbachtal (Valea mijlocie a Hrtibaciului) von Pauline Schullerus aus dem Jahr 1909. Der Kriterion Verlag brachte die Edition im Jahr 1977 heraus.
6 Andrei-Iustin Hossu: Cimitirul vesel nu este vesel. Baia Mare 2000. 7 Ion Talo: Meterul Manole. Contribuie la studiul unei teme de folclor european 1. Bucureti 1983 (Bd. 2 ebd. 1997).

Eine Freundschaft mit Ion Talo und Rumnien

113

Wir hatten die Textsammlung um ein Lebensbild der Sammlerin erweitert, das auch separat als Aufsatz erschienen ist8. Wiederum war ich dadurch in den Besitz von einigen Lei gelangt, die ich auf meiner nchsten Rumnien-Reise im Jahr 1978 wiederum in Bcherkufe umsetzte. Sie fand im Anschluss an die 10. Jahrestagung der SIEF-Kommission fr Volksdichtung in Esztergom (Ungarn) statt und ich wurde von meinem spteren Nachfolger im Amt des Kommissionsvorsitzenden, Stefaan Top, begleitet. Auch mit diesem Aufenthalt verknpfen sich bleibende Erinnerungen, beispielsweise an einen erfolglosen Fischzug zu einem See bei Cluj. Im gleichen Jahr durfte ich Ions Aufsatz ber die Eingemauerte Frau in dem von mir herausgegebenen Jahrbuch fr Volksliedforschung verffentlichen9. Um 1975 hatte meine Universitt in Freiburg mit der Universitt in Iai erfreulicherweise einen Austauschvertrag geschlossen. Das Institut fr Volkskunde, an dem ich seit 1970 zunchst als Lehrbeauftragter, seit 1975 als Privatdozent und apl. Professor ttig war, war aufgrund meines langjhrigen Interesses an Rumnienorientierter Forschung in diesen Austausch eingeschlossen und war auch als das erste Freiburger Institut ausersehen, das gemeinsam mit rumnischen Kollegen ein gemeinsames Projekt durchfhren sollte. Von rumnischer Seite war ein Professor der Literaturwissenschaft der Universitt Iasi als Projektkoordinator vorgesehen, auerdem hatte sich der als freier Forscher und Journalist in Rumnien ttige Claus Stephani fr die Zusammenarbeit erboten. Auf seinen Vorschlag hin wurde als Ziel fr ein volkskundliches Feldprojekt die Gemeinde Oberwischau (Vieu de Sus) im Kreis Maramure, ausgewhlt, wo Deutsch noch als Mundart und zweite Sprache gesprochen wurde. Dort sollten von einer kleinen Gruppe von postgraduierten Freiburger Studierenden unter der Leitung von R. W. Brednich und L. Rhrich die mndliche berlieferung und materielle Kultur des Zipser Bevlkerunganteils in Oberwischau erkundet werden. Die Zipser waren Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts aus Oberungarn eingewandert und bildeten innerhalb der Gemeinde eine eigenstndige Gruppe und wohnten in der sog. Zipserei. Im Sommer 1976 machten wir uns mit einem Kleinbus und viel Optimismus ber sterreich und Ungarn auf den Weg nach Rumnien. Die Begrung vor Ort durch die Dorfltesten Zipser und Claus Stephani htte freundlicher nicht sein knnen. Sie machten uns bei einem Rundgang durch die Zipserei mit unserem berschaubaren Forschungsfeld bekannt, das fr die nchsten beiden Wochen unser Bettigungsgebiet sein sollte. Anschlieend wurden die Studierenden jeweils zu Paaren mit bestimmten Aufgaben auf diejenigen Familien verteilt, die Quartiere bereitgestellt hatten. Bereits am Abend fanden die ersten Vorgesprche statt, es ging u. A. um Lebensgeschichten, Alltagserzhlungen, berufliche Erfahrungen, Kinderlied und Kinderspiel, Wohnkultur, Feste und Bruche. Doch noch vor dem Beginn der Nachtruhe schlug wie eine Bombe die Nachricht bei uns ein, wir htten noch in der gleichen Nacht den Ort zu verlassen. Es sei
8 Pauline Schullerus: Volksmrchen aus dem mittleren Harbachtal. Neuausgabe besorgt. von R.W. Brednich und I. Talo. Bukarest 1977; 21981. Cf. R.W.Brednich/I. Talo: Pauline Schullerus. In: Anuarul Muzeului etnografic al Transilvanei 1976, 297-320; Brigitte Bnisch-Brednich: Schullerus, Pauline. In: Enzyklopdie des Mrchens 12 (2007) 240-242; id.: Zwischen Laienforschung und Professionalisierung. Frauen in der frheren ostdeutschen Volkskunde. In: A. Eichner u.a. Hrsg.: Fachfrauen Frauen im Fach. Frankfurt a. M. 1995, 61-82, hier 69-71. 9 Ion Talo: Die eingemauerte Frau. Neuere Forschungsarbeiten ber die sdosteuropische Bauopfersage. In: Jahrbuch fr Volksliedforschung 34 (1989) 105-116.

114

Rolf Wilhelm Brednich

von der Universitt Iai versumt worden, die rumnische Geheimpolizei ber unsere Ttigkeit zu informieren. Als Ersatzprogramm wurde uns ein Besuch der Universitt Iai angeboten. Verstndlicherweise waren wir alle wie vom Schlag getroffen. Erst spter haben wir erfahren, was der tiefer liegende Grund fr diesen Rausschmiss war: Die Furcht, unsere Freiburger Gruppe knnte die Oberwischauer Bevlkerung dazu aufhetzen, Rumnien zu verlassen, und die Zipser knnten sich mglicherweise dem Massenexodus der Siebenbrger Sachsen und der Banater Schwaben anschlieen. Wir waren damals als Gruppe selbstbewusst genug, das Angebot auszuschlagen, d. h. wir blieben noch ber Nacht an Ort und Stelle und benutzten am Tag darauf das uns verbliebene Geld fr eine kleine Rundreise durch die moldauische Klosterregion, dessen bemalte Klosterkirchen ihren Eindruck auf unsere Studierenden nicht verfehlten. Insgesamt aber war unsere Stimmung auf dem Tiefpunkt, so dass wir uns entschlossen, unter den Augen der Geheimpolizei den Rckweg anzutreten. Er fhrte uns ber Cluj, wo wir noch ein kurzes Zusammentreffen mit Ion Talo hatten. ber das am politischen Widerstand der Rumnen gescheiterte Feldprojekt haben wir spter vor dem wissenschaftlichen Beirat des Instituts fr ostdeutsche Volkskunde Freiburg berichtet. Noch spter haben wir zu unserer Bestrzung erfahren, dass genau jener Professor aus Iai, der die Partnerschaft mit der Universitt Freiburg in die Wege geleitet und uns in Vieu de Sus empfangen hatte, derjenige war, der die Securitate auf uns gehetzt hatte. Aus Schonung wollen wir den Namen desjenigen, der eine solche schizophrene Haltung an den Tag gelegt hat, besser verschweigen. Eine Erklrung oder gar Entschuldigung fr diesen auergewhnlichen Fall der Landesverweisung haben wir nie erhalten. Es soll aber durchaus noch erwhnt werden, dass es der Beharrlichkeit von Claus Stephani zu verdanken ist, dass nach unserem gescheiterten Versuch dennoch auch ohne die Mithilfe aus Freiburg die Volksberlieferungen der Zipser spter ausgiebig erforscht und in mehreren Bnden publiziert worden sind10. Mein persnliches Verhltnis zu Rumnien aber keinesfalls zu Ion Talo!11 war durch dieses traumatische Erlebnis fr lange Zeit getrbt, und ich bin auch nach der politischen Wende nie wieder dort gewesen, zumal mein alter Freund wie einleitend dargestellt seinem Land des Rcken kehren musste. Mein Forschungsschwerpunkt verlagerte sich spter auf den Westen Kanadas, wo es bei den weitgehend unerforschten mennonitischen und vor allem den hutterischen Tufergemeinden in Saskatchewan viel Neues und Interessantes zu entdecken und zu bergen gab. Die Hutterer sind auf ihren osteuropischen Wanderwegen im 17./18. Jahrhundert auch durch Rumnien hindurchgegangen, und zu meiner berraschung konnte ich in ihrer Sprache Erinnerungen an ihren Aufenthalt in Transsilvanien feststellen12. Meine in Rumnien gemachten Erfahrungen in volkskundlicher Empirie kamen mir auch in Kanada sehr zustatten und halfen mir dabei, ein gutes Verhltnis zu den besuchten Menschen herzustellen13.
10 Claus Stephani: Volkserzhlungen der Zipser in Nordrumnien. Marburg 1983; id.: Zipser Mra und Kasska. Marburg 1989; id.: Zipser Kinderwelt in Nordrumnien. Marburg 1989. Vorausgegangen war sein Buch Erfragte Wege: Zipser Texte aus der Sdbukowina, Kreis Suceava. Bukarest 1975. 11 Rolf Wilhelm Brednich: Ion Talo. In: Enzyklopdie des Mrchens 13 (2007) 181-182. 12 Rolf Wilhelm Brednich/Jrgen Dittmar: Osteuropisches Erbe in der Volkskultur der Hutterer in Nordamerika. In: Jahrbuch fr ostdeutsche Volkskunde 24 (1981) 194-219. 13 Rolf Wilhelm Brednich: Die Hutterer. Eine alternative Kultur in der modernen Welt. Freiburg/Basel/ Wien 1998, 42-59.

Eine Freundschaft mit Ion Talo und Rumnien

115

Diese Festschrift gibt jetzt mir die willkommene Gelegenheit, zumindest durch diesen Beitrag in ein Land zurckzukehren, dem ich viel verdanke und dem ich mich nach wie vor verbunden fhle.

116

Rolf Wilhelm Brednich Abb. 1 Pomul bei einer Beerdigung in Vrful Dealului, NordMoldau August 1969

Abb. 2 Trauergemeinde bei einer Beerdigung in Vrful Dealului, Nord-Moldau August 1969

Eine Freundschaft mit Ion Talo und Rumnien

117

Abb. 3 Sonntglicher Dorftanz in Volov, Nord-Moldau, August 1969

Fotos von Rolf Wilhelm Brednich

118

Rolf Wilhelm Brednich

Abb. 4 Rundtanz (hora) der Mdchen beim Dorftanz in Volov, NordMoldau, August 1969

Eine Freundschaft mit Ion Talo und Rumnien

119

Abb. 5 Rundtanz (hora) der Burschen beim Dorftanz in Volov, NordMoldau, August 1969

Contributi allo studio della poesia popolare di area romanza1

Alberto Mario Cirese
Emerito di Antropologia culturale, Universit La Sapienza, Roma 1. I rapporti italo-rumeni nella filologia demologica2
La poesia romena di tradizione orale non certamente ignota agli studi italiani: basterebbero a provarlo i due lavori che pi abitualmente si rammentano in proposito, e cio lantologia di Canti popolari romeni, curata nel 1932 da Luigi Salvini, e la traduzione dellopera di Ovidio Densusianu, La vita pastorale nella poesia popolare romena, comparsa nel 1936. N ci si ferma qui: la lista degli scritti italiani, o in italiano, sulla poesia romena di tradizione orale di parecchio pi lunga, e s anche venuta infittendo in questo dopoguerra. Tuttavia sarebbe difficile affermare che le nostre conoscenze e le nostre ricerche siano davvero adeguate alla ricchezza del patrimonio orale tradizionale romeno, alla abbondanza di studi che esso sollecita in patria, allinteresse che per noi presentano sia certe caratteristiche intrinseche dei testi, sia talune modalit con cui essi vengono raccolti e studiati. Ben se ne avvede chi abbia occasione di visitare lIstituto di Etnografia e Folclore di Bucarest e di prendere un sia pur fuggevole contatto con suo monumentale patrimonio di registrazioni etnofoniche, gi solidamente fondato al tempo dei rulli cerati (e di Costantin Brailoiu, di cui m caro ricordare qui glincontri parigini del 1952), e poi enormemente arricchito nellultimo ventennio. Altrettanto bene se ne avvede chi abbia possibilit o ragioni di seguire i ricchi, regolari e frequenti fascicoli della Revista de Etnografie i Folclor e la continua comparsa di studi e saggi sullargomento cos in volumi come in riviste di linguistica o di filologia, in atti accademici, nelle pubblicazioni periodiche dei numerosi e ben organizzati musei etnografici ecc. Ben se ne avvede infine chi abbia modo di constatare quanta parte di questi lavori sia dedicata allo studio delle modalit formali (letterarie e musicali) con cui i testi popolari sono costruiti, e come queste indagini forniscano ai raffronti e alle comparazioni con i testi italiani (e con quelli di tutta larea romanza occidentale) sollecitazioni assai pi vivaci, moderne e scientificamente valide di quelle che venivano tradizionalmente offerte dalle considerazioni grossamente contenutistiche. Di tutto ci non siamo troppo informati (neppure ad opera dei lavori pi recenti comparsi tra noi), o in ogni caso lo siamo assai meno di quanto sarebbe richiesto
1 Sono lieto di partecipare anchio, come posso, ai festeggiamenti per il professor Ion Talo, anche se ormai posso assai poco. A lui i mieipi sentiti auguri. Alberto Mario Cirese. 2 Scritto originariamente apparso su Il Veltro, vol. XIII, n.1-2, febbraio-aprile 1969, pp. 265272 (numero dedicato a Le relazioni tra lItalia e la Romania). Parzialmente ristampato con il titolo Canti rumeni e stornelli italiani, in A.M. Cirese, Ragioni Metriche. Versificazione e tradizioni orali, Sellerio, Palermo 1988, pp. 175-182.

122

Alberto Mario Cirese

cos dal progresso generale degli studi come dal livello che i rapporti scientifici italoromeni hanno raggiunto in altri settori. Pu darsi che queste considerazioni appaiano (o siano) troppo negative; ma il principio gramsciano del pessimismo dellintelligenza e dellottimismo della volont resta un canone validissimo, soprattutto in occasioni come quella che ha sollecitato il presente scritto, e che di far progredire le relazioni culturali e scientifiche italoromene (e non di celebrarle per la via delle auto-gratificazioni). Lintenzione ottimistica delle presenti note appunto quella di contribuire, sia pure in misura modestissima, a far s che nel campo della filologia demologica quelle relazioni si sollevino decisamente al di sopra della episodicit frammentaria che sinora le ha in buona parte caratterizzate. Una delle strade e in verit una strada classica per superare ogni frammentariet episodica certamente quella del ripensamento critico delle vicende: nel caso specifico, il riesame delle ragioni, dei modi e delle fasi dei rapporti italo-romeni nel campo della poesia di tradizione orale (o pi in genere dei fatti folklorici), ovviamente nei loro legami con le situazioni storico-culturali pi vaste in cui si inseriscono. Una vera storia degli studi, insomma, da cui ricavare pi precise conoscenze reciproche, pi consapevole cognizione del frutto e dei limiti dellopera sin qui svolta, ed infine pi rigorose prospettive di sviluppo. Unaltra strada poi quella dellesame di documenti, fatti o temi specifici che mostri i frutti (non solo particolari) che si possono ricavare dai confronti tra i due patrimoni orali tradizionali. Qui appunto vorrei recare un piccolo contributo ad ambedue i tipi di lavoro, senza altra pretesa che quella di sollecitare imprese pi consistenti e pi competenti della mia.

***
Se mai dovr scriversi, la storia dei rapporti italo-romeni nel campo della filologia demologica dovr registrare tra i suoi episodi iniziali i contatti e gli incontri tra Vasile Alecsandri, Giovenale Vegezzi Ruscalla e Costantino Nigra negli anni dal 1855 al 1858. Fra le primissime informazioni italiane sulla poesia popolare romena si colloca infatti (assieme agli accenni di Carlo Tenca ) la notizia che ne forn Vegezzi Ruscalla con un articolo che fu pubblicato sulla Rivista Europea Torino nel 1858 (vol. XII, a. VI, pp. 293-299: Italia e Romania: Canzone popolare romena inedita. Lettera al cav. Costantino Nigra), ma che per qualche segno parrebbe scritto uno o due anni prima.3 Si noter subito che questo inizio (nella misura in cui tale) si verifica con notevole ritardo rispetto agli interessi linguistici italiani per il romeno, gi divenuti abbastanza consistenti: basti qui ricordare che il famoso saggio di Carlo Cattaneo era comparso nel 1837 ed era stato ristampato nel 1846, anno in cui Graziadio Ascoli esordiva nel campo scientifico proprio con uno scritto sui rapporti tra il friulano ed il romeno. Ma si noter anche (e del resto lo scritto di Vegezzi Ruscalla lo attesta esplicitamente) che questo inizio dei rapporti nel campo della filologia demologica segue
3 La versione integrale dello scritto di Vegezzi Ruscalla disponibile in rete allindirizzo http://amcromania.blogspot.com

Contributi allo studio della poesia popolare di area romanza

123

abbastanza sollecitamente la prima disponibilit europea di canti popolari romeni, e cio la pubblicazione di Ballades et chants populaires de la Roumanie di Vasile Alecsandri avvenuta a Parigi nel 1855. N va trascurato il fatto (pur esso evidente nello scritto di Vegezzi Ruscalla ) che proprio in quegli anni le vicende politiche dei Principati di Moldavia e Valacchia acquistavano peso europeo con la Guerra di Crimea e il Congresso di Parigi, e che il Piemonte si trovava ad aver parte diretta nelle decisioni internazionali in proposito. Si aggiunga poi che in quegli anni, in Italia, si dedicava alla poesia popolare una vivace attenzione risorgimentale ancora sinceramente influenzata dallamore per tutti i popoli oppressi (i Greci di Charles Fauriel, i Corsi, gli Illirici e i Greci di Niccol Tommaseo, ecc. ), e ancora non interamente corrosa dal pur incipiente vizio idillico e retorico-conservatore. E non va neppure dimenticato, infine, che proprio allora cominciava a dare decisiva opera agli studi di poesia popolare il genero di Vegezzi Ruscalla, e cio Costantino Nigra, filologo e linguista, poeta e diplomatico, per vari aspetti simile a Vasile Alecsandri, pur se tanto pi solidamente indirizzato a indagini dichiaratamente scientifiche. Larticolo di Vegezzi Ruscalla vede la luce in questo clima, e lo esprime con immediatezza. Lo scritto, dichiara lautore, un regalo a Nigra in quanto genero e in quanto cultore di poesia popolare; e poi spiega:
Il regalo consiste in una canzone popolare romena inedita che io debbo allamicizia dellegregio moldavo Basilio Alecsandri, il quale ha gi in gran parte per la sua idolatrata Romenia compiuta limpresa a cui tu ti sei sobbarcato pel nostro Piemonte; cio a dire che ha gi pubblicato in due serie ben trentuna canzoni popolari, delle quali ventiquattro furono da lui stesso maestrevolmente tradotte in francese e pubblicate a Parigi nel 1855.

Cos lo spirito filo-romeno di Vegezzi Ruscalla (che gi in precedenza aveva dedicato due note a Vasile Alecsandri e alle sue composizioni poetiche, e che tante altre volte tratter di cose romene) trova modo di manifestarsi larghissimamente: fino ad interpretare addirittura come una allegoria dei sentimenti della nazione romena verso quella italiana un testo che in s contiene soltanto il motivo della separazione di due sorelle. Scrive infatti lautore:
Questa (canzone) che ti presento ha per noi una grande importanza, giacch, sotto il velo dellallegoria, ragiona della consanguineit deglitaliani e dei romeni e vaticina la loro riunione. In tal modo la tradizione agli inalfabeti pastori delle terre che stanno tra il Danubio e il Pruth tenne luogo di quelle cognizioni storiche che il ceto letterato attinse in larga copia nei libri .

Ed ecco il testo della canzone (di cui rispetto la grafia) con la versione letteralissima che essa reca a fronte (tralascio, per ragioni di spazio, la versione libera e le varie note lessicali):

124

Alberto Mario Cirese Fronda verde di mughetto Ebbi una sorellina Amante, cantatrice Nata sotto al fuoco del sole Ahi di me! Ahi di lei! Dallinfanzia mia I miei occhi pi non incontrarono i suoi Tempo greve ne ha oppresse, Ma sia pure checch sia Noi sorelle sempre saremo, Ch in noi ricordo e desiderio non mai tace Sangue acqua non si fa Due anime sorelle Sono come raggi ardenti Che dal sole liete si spiccano E per nugoli densi passano E nellaer si separano E poi di bel nuovo si ritrovano

Frunda verde lacrimiora Am avut o soriora Jbitore, cantatre Nascuta la foc de sre Vai de mine! vai de ea! Din copilaria mea Ochi cu dnsa nam mai dat Tmpul greu ne apasat Dar de a f i ori ce ar f Noi soriore tot vom fi Ca n noi dorul nu mai tace Sanghel ap nu se face Doa inimi sorire Sint ca radele ardetre Ce din sore vesel plec Si prin neguri dese trec Sin vesduh se ratacesc Sapoi ear se intalnesc

Qualcuno ha affermato, ignoro in base a quali elementi, che il componimento che Vegezzi Ruscalla giudic popolare sarebbe invece opera dello stesso Alecsandri. A me risulta soltanto che nella raccolta Poezii populare ale Romnilor che Alecsandri pubblic nel 1866 (e che io leggo nella ristampa del 1966) contenuto un componimento intitolato Surorile il quale, particolari a parte, risulta perfettamente identico e per giunta reca una nota che dice: D-l Vegezzi Ruscalla din Turin a scris o disertare foarte interesanta asupra acestei poezii intro epistola adresata cavalerului C. Nigra, actualul ambasador italian la Paris, i intitulata Italia e Romenia (p. 428). Della popolarit effettiva o artefatta del componimento giudicheranno, assai meglio di quanto non possa fare io, i competenti romeni (sono note le critiche, ora in qualche misura ridimensionate, che vennero mosse ai criteri di edizione dellAlecsandri); quanto a me mi limito a segnalare che Vegezzi Ruscalla, per riscontro tematico con il componimento gi riferito, pubblica e traduce quattro versi che dichiara estratti da un altro canto romeno (che per ragioni del tutto estrinseche non ho potuto ricercare nella raccolta dellAlecsandri): Glas de sora, glas de frate Trec hotare departate Si saduna, se impreuna Ca do radele de luna Voce di sorella, voce di fratello Traversano regioni separate E si adunano e si congiungono Come due raggi di luna

Giunto cos al termine della sua lettera, Vegezzi Ruscalla conclude esplicitando le motivazioni affettive della solidariet neo-latina e risorgimentale che anim i mi-

Contributi allo studio della poesia popolare di area romanza

125

gliori del tempo e di cui lo stesso candore dellinterpretazione allegorica (o dellattribuzione agli inalfabeti pastori di una composizione tanto allegorica) esprime al vivo la sincera spontaneit:
Noi, chio sappia, non abbiamo canti popolari che rammentino la fraternit delle due nazioni. Nelle vicende barbariche che distrussero il romano impero perdemmo il ricordo di que nostri che Traiano condusse a ripopolare la Dacia. Ora che la guerra del 1855, a cui prese cos gloriosa parte il Piemonte, ebbe per risultamento di chiederci nel Congresso che deve regolare i destini dei Principati Valacco e Moldavo; che questingerenza politica ne condusse ad occuparci de loro interessi e del loro avvenire, debito per glItaliani di farsi a studiarne la storia, la lingua, la letteratura e le aspirazioni, e di tutto intendere onde rinnovare e ristringere i legami di sangue che a loro ci annodano .

Mette conto di rammentare come analoghi sentimenti si dichiarassero anche sullaltro versante delle relazioni italo-romene, proprio in quegli stessi anni. Ce lo mostra una pagina delle memorie di viaggio e di missioni diplomatiche di Vasile Alecsandri che io ho conosciuto per gentile segnalazione del prof. Dumitru Pop dellUniversit di Cluj e che per sua richiesta stata resa in eccellente italiano dalla Signora Viorica Lascu della stessa Universit. Pur se altrimenti noto, merita qui di essere riletto il passo in cui Alecsandri, dopo aver raccontato della sua visita al Marchese di Villamarina, rappresentante piemontese a Parigi, riferisce il suo incontro con Costantino Nigra, primo segretario della Legazione e genero del filoromeno Vegezzi Ruscalla :
Dal primo sguardo diventammo amici e cominciammo a confessarci le nostre speranze, i nostri desideri, come se ci fossimo conosciuti da ventanni. Nigra ed io avevamo gli stessi gusti, lo stesso amore per la poesia popolare. Come me, anchegli ha fatto una raccolta di canti del popolo italiano, come me, egli ha abbandonato le sue occupazioni per seguire la causa della sua patria, e come me egli brama di veder la fine della lotta per potersi poi ritirare in seno alla sua famiglia, nel silenzio del suo studio, nel dominio fiorito e affascinante della letteratura .

La indubbia sincerit affettiva e intellettuale di questi incontri italo-romeni pi o meno direttamente legati al tea della poesia popolare potrebbe permettere solleciti e fecondi sviluppi sul terreno effettivo degli studi, tanto pi che Nigra e Alecsandri si occupavano ambedue di canti narrativi e ballate. Si resta invece delusi. Non entro nelle cose romene, e mi limito a segnare, per una eventuale smentita, limpressione che Nigra, in quanto studioso del canto narrativo, abbia avuto scarsissimo peso cos per Alecsandri come per le ricerche romene successive. Quanto alle cose italiane invece certo che n lopera di Alecsandri n, pi in genere, le ballate romene rientrano nel quadro degli studi di Nigra: si cercano invano scritti romeni o sul mondo romeno nellelenco delle opere citate aggiunto alla recente ristampa dei sui Canti popolari del Piemonte; e nel corpo dellopera personalmente sono in grado di ram-

126

Alberto Mario Cirese

mentare due soli riferimenti a cose romene: la menzione della Romania nella lista dei paesi in cui attestata la presenza del tema delle due piante che crescono e sabbracciano sulle tombe separate di due amanti (p. XXVIII), e laffermazione che gli stornelli italiani non possono essere posti in relazione con componimenti romeni (p. XXIV). Non escludo che cercando meglio si trovi dellaltro; escludo per che si possa revocare in dubbio lassoluta marginalit del mondo romeno nellopera di Nigra: questa marginalit, come ovvio, nasce anche dalla tesi di fondo di Nigra circa la connessione tra il canto epico-lirico italiano e il sostrato celtico. Tuttavia gli studi posteriori sullargomento non faranno neppur essi troppo posto alle ballate romene (pur se con talune eccezioni, come ad es. quella di Ramiro Ortiz). Sarebbe compito della ricerca storica di cui dicevo accertarne le ragioni.

***
Qualche maggiore presenza dei documenti romeni si ebbe invece, sempre nella seconda met dellOttocento, a proposito di quel particolare tipo di canto lirico monostrofico che detto stornello : si ipotizz (o si contest lipotesi) che la invocazione ai fiori (Fior di limone, Fiorin di grano ecc.) con cui si parono appunto molti stornelli fosse da collegare storicamente con linvocazione Frunz verde, Foaie verde, Floricic verde ecc., con cui si parono tanti canti romeni. Non ricercher qui chi abbia per primo operato il confronto (forse Tenca, o Timotei Cipariu nei suoi Elemente de poetic, metric i versificaiune del 1860), n seguir la vicenda della questione di cui si occuparano pi o meno occasionalmente ed ampiamente Cipariu, Alecsandri, Urechia, Picot, Hasdeu, Imbriani, Schuchardt, Nigra, DAncona: alcuni (tra cui Vittorio Imbriani e Alessandro DAncona) per affermare la esistenza di quella relazione, talvolta postulando anche una discutibilissima origine antico-romana; altri invece per negarla (e tra questi sono Hugo Schuchardt, che si conforta di unopinione di B.P. Hasdeu, e Costantino Nigra). Le argomentazioni, in un senso o nellaltro, furono sostanzialmente contenutistiche e non pare abbiano tenuto gran conto dei fatti metrici, che viceversa hanno notevole importanza nei confronti di questi stereotipi. In effetti non si pu non registrare che tanto Fior di... (o simili), quanto Frunz verde... (o simili) costituiscono dei segmenti metrici ben caratterizzati (versi compiuti ) e conclusi da nomi di piante (o equivalenti) che hanno la funzione metrica di proposta di rima , cui un verso successivo d regolarmente una risposta Cos, ad esempio, questo stornello toscano sorto a caso tra mille analoghi Fior di cipresso, Accnditi candela su quel masso Fa luce allamor mio che passa adesso La parola cipresso non altro che la proposta di rima cui risponde la parola adesso del terzo verso. Nello stesso modo i due versi iniziali della canzone romena riferita da Vegezzi Ruscalla (ma gli esempi potrebbero moltiplicarsi):

Contributi allo studio della poesia popolare di area romanza Frund verde lacrimior Am avut o sorior

127

presentano in soriora la risposta di rima alla proposta lacrimiora . Da questo punto di vista gli stereotipi con elemento terminale variabile Fior di... e Frunz verde... costituiscono un espediente di costruzione metrica fortemente analogo anche per il fatto che la variabile dello stereotipo (il nome della pianta o equivalente) di volta in volta fissata in funzione (prevalentemente omofonica e solo secondariamente contenutistica) dei versi che seguono: cipresso e lacrimiora dipendono rispettivamente da adesso e soriora , e non viceversa. Se qui potessimo spingere lanalisi pi a fondo apparirebbero anche talune differenze di cui si dovrebbe valutare attentamente il peso. Linvocazione fior di... degli stornelli italiani in genere un verso pi breve degli altri, e per questa via denuncia pi immediatamente il suo carattere di espediente metrico mirante a dare compiutezza omofonica al componimento con il minimo sforzo di fantasia e di composizione ( assai pi facile impiegare lo stereotipo fior di..., applicandovi il termine opportuno agevolmente offerto dalla lista delle piante o equivalenti, che non costruire un endecasillabo con un senso compiuto). In Romania invece questa caratteristica di espediente appare meno nettamente in quanto frunza verde... della stessa misura degli altri versi, e perci costituisce una economia minore che non il fior di... italiano. Ci sarebbe inoltre da considerare la diversit radicale tra lo stornello (tre versi con rima tra primo e terzo e consonanza atona tra il secondo e gli altri due), e i componimenti romeni che hanno invece landamento di catene di distici (o tristici ecc.) rimati. Sembra dunque che la questione delle possibili relazioni tra fior di... e frunz verde... possa esser ripresa su questo diverso piano, rigorosamente metrico: senza ricorrere sprovvedutamente a origini antico-latine (di mezzo ci sono altre fasi culturali di raggio europeo, dal Medioevo al Rinascimento), ed inquadrando invece questa analogia nel complesso di varie altre relazioni metriche che legano la poesia di tradizione orale romena a quella italiana, ed ambedue a quella delle origini romanze occidentali, e tutte poi, pi o meno direttamente, alla poesia latina medievale. A mostrare la possibile fecondit di un simile tipo di ricerca valga qui un solo esempio di identit costruttive presentato nella nuda evidenza di alcuni dati. Un testo romeno, che scelgo tra numerosissimi altri di identica organizzazione metrica, dice: Sufl vntul de pe muni, Vine-mi dor de la prini; Sufl vntul de pe brazi, Vine-mi dorul de la frai; Sufl vntul de pe flori, Vine-mi dor de la surori; Sufl vntul, iarba crete, Dorul mndrei m topete.

128

Alberto Mario Cirese

Ed ecco ora un componimento della tradizione orale italiana recente, scelto anchesso fra mille altri consimili: ...Odora pi dun mandorlo e dun pino La bella bocca e il bel parlar divino; Odora pi dun mandorlo e dun pesco La bella bocca e il bel parlare onesto; Odora pi dun mandorlo e dun fiore La bella bocca e il bel parlar damore. Un componimento italiano del sec. XIV a sua volta suona: E sastu che mha fato le malvas mar, Che per celusia m part da si? E sastu che m fato le malvas elos, Che per celusia m part da lus? E sastu che m fato le malvas ur, Che per celusia m ca de cha? Ed ecco un testo galego-portoghese del sec. XII-XIII: Madre, passou per aqui un cavaleiro E leixou-me nemorad e con marteiro... Madre, passou per aqui un filho dalgo, E leixou-m assi penada com eu ando... Madre, passou per aqui quen non passasse, E leixou-m assi penada, mais leixasse... Si potrebbe continuare. Ma c gi quanto basta per mostrare che, al di l delle differenze di contenuto, questi componimenti di epoche e di terre lontane presentano una identica organizzazione metrica che ho ritenuto di poter denominare parallelismo di versus trasformati , dato che consiste nella parallela modificazione (sinonimica o para-sinonimica) della o delle parole in posizione di rima in ciascuna coppia di versi. Gli studi sulle forme parallelistiche della tradizione orale sono largamente sviluppati in Romania, e viceversa appena allinizio in Italia: gioverebbe indubbiamente a noi avvalerci di quanto s gi venuto facendo sul materiale romeno pi o meno simile a quello italiano, mentre le ricerche romene potrebbero giovarsi di una pi diretta conoscenza delle forme romanze occidentali. Non mi nascondo che le osservazioni che sono venuto facendo sono insufficienti anche rispetto al modesto compito preliminare che mi ero proposto. Ma se mai qualcuno si sentisse spinto a integrarle, correggerle, o addirittura contestarle, sarebbe egualmente raggiunto lo scopo: aprire un dialogo pi ravvicinato tra gli studi italiani e quelli romeni attorno alla poesia di tradizione orale.

Contributi allo studio della poesia popolare di area romanza 2. Paralleli stilistici nella poesia popolare di area romanza4

129

1. Jhesu Christe miserere, Fac me digne penitere; Penitere fac me digne, Ne eterno cremar igne; Igne tangar ne eterno, Regno frui fac superno.
2A Amad e meu amigo, Vede la frol do pinho. ... Amigu e meu amado Vede la frol de ramo. 2B Ai flores, ai flores do verde pino, se sabedes novas do meu amigo? ... Ai flores, ai flores do verde ramo, se sabedes novas do meu amado? ... Se sabedes novas do meu amigo, aquel que mentiu do que ps comigo? ... Se sabedes novas do meu amado, aquel que mentiu do que me ha xurado? 3A Quanto ti sta ben quello guarnello Quanto nel campo lo bel padiglione; Tu se pi bianca que latte di mamello, Tu se pi rossa che sangue di dragone; Quando ti fai a quel finestrello Ognuno dice: egli levato il sole. El sol si lieva e la luna si pone, Da la buona sera a quel garzone;
4 Si stampano qui i testi per la comunicazione che lautore present nellambito del corso estivo e degli incontri scientifici organizzati dallUniversit di Bucarest a Sinaia, nellestate del 1966, con il titolo Un problme de forme et de contenu propos de la stylistique de la versification (cf. www. amcirese.it/Z_AMC_2/1966q_sinaia_Binder1.pdf).

130

Alberto Mario Cirese El sol si lieva e la luna si posa, E dlle la buona sera a quella rosa.

3B Me voglio maridar: so maridada; Credeva de star ben: sosassinada; Credeva che lamor fusse un zoghetto, Ma invece l un tormento maladetto; Credeva che lamor fusse un zogar, Ma invece l un tomento da crepar. 3C In alto in alto vo fare un palazzo, In alto in alto sulla bella altura; A ogni finestra vo tendere un laccio A tradimento, per tradir la luna. A tradimento, per tradir ler stelle Perch restai tradito de le belle; A tradimento, per tradir il sole Perch restai tradito dall amore. 4A Am venit dintiu odat i-am lsat mam i tat Am venit de dou ori i-am lsat frai i surori.

4B Toat iarna ateptai Toat iarna adstai. 4C C-oi mnca frunz de fag i-oi iubi ce mi-o fi drag. S mnnc frunz de fag, S iubesc ce mi-o fi drag. 5A I ssa turr e ssu forte Tiro una balla o duas.

Contributi allo studio della poesia popolare di area romanza I ssa turr e ssu forte. Si mrj i mmanus tuas, Faco felize morte. Tiro una balla o duas. Faco felize morte Si mrj i mmanus tuas. 5Aa I ssa turr essu forte Tiro una balla o duas. Faco felize morte Si mrj i mmanus tuas. 5B Dae Santa Marina Faco bist a ssa loza E bbio s ammorada. Dae Santa Marina, Dorada foza e chima. Faco bist a ssa loza. Dorada chim e ffoza. E bbio s ammorada. Chima e ffoza dorada. 5Ba Dae Santa Marina Faco bist a ssa loza E bbio s ammorada. Dorada foza e chima. 5C De sa ventana bbiu A Ppippinu ddormendi. Lassa su goru mmiu, Ama ghi ses amendi. A Ppippinu ddormendi In cttiri ddi oru. Ama ghi ses amendi E lassa gustu goru.

131

132

Alberto Mario Cirese 5Ca De sa ventana bbiu A Ppippinu ddormendi In cttiri ddi oru. Ama ghi ses amendi E lassa gustu goru. 5D In sa mmatt e su spiccu Canta ssu bappagallu. Su goru mmiu ppitticcu, Ci capis a ttraballu. Canta sarrussignolu. Su goru mmiu ppitticcu, Ci capis tui solu. Canta ssu grucculeu. Su goru mmiu ppitticcu, Ci capis tui e ddeu. 6A Tienes tus blancas manos Llenas de anillos; Para mi son prisiones Cadena y grillos. De anillos llenas; Para mi son prisiones Grillos y cadenas. 6B Cupidillo, no gastes Chanzas conmigo, Que si no tengo amores, Los he tenido. Cupidillo, no gastes Conmigo chanzas, Que si no tengo amores Tengo esperanzas.

Ion Talo 75 years old

Ion H. Ciubotaru
Institutul de Filologie Romn A. Philippide, Iai
On 22 June 2009, the ethnologist Ion Talo celebrated his 75th birthday. He does that with an ease worthy of our entire admiration. Not with the feeling that he would be at a moment when he has to draw a line on his activity, having achieved so much during his almost 52 years of scientific activity, but with a hectic preoccupation for finalising many other projects, which he wants to accomplish. The assiduity with which he keeps on knocking about the world may represent a guarantee of the crowning of his work, which he has been building during his life time, with the carefulness and stubbornness of an authentic Transylvanian. From Kln, where he was a professor in Romanic Popular Literatures, he left to research the folklore in the north of Morocco, from there he moved to the Spaniards from the province of Seville, in order to finalise his investigations on the women of Andalusia, of Roman origin. Then he stopped at the University of Cluj-Napoca, where he held, for a few years, a class in The Cultural Anthropology of the Romanic Peoples, so that, in the end, to head towards the world across the ocean, where he was expected by his children and grandchildren, to spend some time together. In the mean while, he participated to international congresses and symposiums, he held conferences on Romanian literature, culture and civilisation, he spent time in libraries or archives, gathering information that completed the research in the studies he works on. His professional track was not smooth. But the destiny was always in his favour, maybe also because he had the capacity to overcome difficult moments with lucidity, without any hesitation or compromise. The caesura, that confusing times from the penultimate decade of the last century, produced in his existence, divided, inevitably, his scientific activity too. A turning point was represented by the year 1985, when, by reasons that it wouldnt be appropriate to analyse here, he decided to go into exile. What is important is that his research in the ethnographic field was not harmed by these events. On the contrary, this research has continued with the emphasis moving, with an enlargement of horizons, from the East-European area to the Romanic world in general. The approach to the folk culture, on a large comparative plan, gave him the opportunity to underline the contribution of the Romanian folklore to a better understanding of some themes and motives from the medieval European literature. The theoretic and methodological experiments, that expressed themselves, at a certain moment, in the ethnological researches of our country too, did not tempt him, not before nor after his departure abroad. From this perspective we can say that Ion Talo can be placed on the line of some scientific directions traced by some great predecessors, continuing their preoccupations for major themes of our folk culture,

134

Ion. H. Ciubotaru

regarded in a European and universal context. The interest of Ion Talo in our folk literature expressed itself at a very early age. After graduating university, which he finalised with remarkable results, he occupied a position of researcher on probation at the Cluj subsidiary of the Romanian Academy. The professor that recommended him was not a folklorist, as we would have expected, but the linguist Romulus Todoran. This fact could be a clue that his orientation towards the folklore does not date back to the time when he was a university student. This orientation appeared later on, most probably under the guidance of Ion Mulea. Other guidance in this domain came, later on, from Lucian Blaga and especially from Ovidiu Brlea, who always appreciated him. He makes his debut as a very good field researcher, activity that he performs with skill, proving a thorough methodological preparation, passion and talent in approaching his interlocutors. These qualities were to be decisive for his latter investigations, concluded in results of a major interest regarding the knowledge of our folklore literature masterpieces, Mioria [The Ewe Lamb] and Meterul Manole [Master Builder Manole]. His first studies devoted to some components of the folklore history also date back to that period. His special interest in the Romanian stories book by Arthur Schott, the beginning of his interest in the Romanian folklore from Banat, the contribution of Simion Mangiuca or the place of Vuk Stefanovici Karadi to this field, are just some of the subjects that are of great importance through the novelty of the themes and the depth of the introspection. His professional qualities, widely recognized, his flawless conduct and his organizational spirit rewarded him, since 1969, with the quality of coordinator of the research group from Cluj, which was gathered meanwhile in the Sector of Ethnology and Folklore of the Academy. What fallowed was a relatively profitable period. He worked a lot and efficiently, the results being materialized both in the completion of individual or collective projects, remarkably composed works, based on an exhaustive knowledge of the sources. Unfortunately, these scientific contributions, of a great importance, continued to wait for their publishers. In the spring of 1980, the ethnologists from Cluj celebrated the half-century foundation of the Folklore Archive of the Romanian Academy. Their tribute to Ion Mulea, the mentor of this genuine cultural institution, did not limit itself to organizing a memorable national scientific session. Due to the initiative of Ion Talo, the event was also marked by the appearance of the first number of The Yearbook of Folklore, later called The Yearbook of the Folklore Archive. This is an excellent publication in the field, which is aimed at reviving the traditions of the magazine with the same name, released by Ion Mulea in 1932 and abusively withdrawn at the end of 1945. Talo said back then that the old and the new yearbook met in the [desire of gathering the contributions of the most valuable researchers from all over the country and of publishing studies regarding all genres and all folklore regions of the country]. (Yearbook, I, p. 3) The scientific activity carried out by the researcher from Cluj is rich and extremely diverse. But what is particularly relevant does not involve the great number or the dimension of the studies that had been published, but the novelty of the

Ion Talo 75 years old

135

problems that they bring into discussion. Or, from this point of view, professor Talo makes himself noticed among his colleagues through some achievements of great importance: the dimension of the monograph, in two volumes, on the building sacrifice and the ballad Meterul Manole [Master Builder Manole], studies that suggest new angles of approach to Mioria [The Ewe Lamb], the synthesis of the magicreligious thinking of the Romanians or the monograph devoted to the ballad Soarele i Luna [The Sun and the Moon], or Fratele i sora [The Brother and the Sister], are as enlightening as possible. Compared to other researchers from the East-European area, engaged in debates regarding the appearance and the circulation of the building rituals and of the corresponding folkloric texts, Ion Talo is the only one, for the moment, that made available for the specialists a complete work. There are two massive volumes, prepared with thoroughness and professionalism, that infirm the theory of the monogenesis of that myth and of its spreading from the Hellenic lands to the rest of the Balkan Peninsula. The work imposed itself, ever since the appearance of the first volume, due to the [wideness of the information and the reliability of the narration], proving that the ballad Meterul Manole [does not represent a south-eastern material in a Romanian shape, but a vernacular nucleus (Thracian-Hellenistic-Roman) in the Romanian framework] (Ovidiu Brlea). Mircea Eliades opinion is also worthy of being mentioned here, which considered the work to be [the most complete monograph regarding this problem, so far] (De la Zamolxis la Genghis-Han, p. 171). However, the old theories of the Greek specialists continue to be reiterated. They bring no new arguments, but only misinterpretations and completely ridiculous affirmations. The Greek folklorist G.A. Megas, for example, argues, among other things, that the versions from the region Moldavia-Muntenia of the Romanian ballad are not different from the text of Alecsandri, professionally spread, and the Christmas carols from Transylvania represent the same text, abbreviated and adapted to the need of singing them to the children. As expected, Megass allegations were seriously fined by Ion Talo, who rectified the errors of the Greek specialist in his statements. Living abroad, Ion Talo did not consider himself as being in the diaspora. He was always guided by the thought, which he also expressed in writing, that [he who feels in a Romanian manner works for the benefit of the Romanian culture, whether he is in his country or abroad]. His study on Romanian Christmas carols and carol singing in the Romanic space, phenomenon analyzed particularly at the Spaniards and the Portuguese, highlights the possible genetic links between the south-eastern carol singing and the Iberian one, confirming Peter Caramans theory relating to the origin of the old Roman customs. Even more convincing regarding what has been mentioned above, is the book that deals with the magic-religious thinking of the Romanians. This is a research dedicated to our popular mythology, supportive to our national identity, embedding all the experience of our nation in the attempt to dominate the natural environment, to find food, health, love, wealth and happiness. It is a book written mainly for foreigners, even if it was also published in the country, [an extraordinary synthesis], as it is named by Professor Claude Lecouteux from Sorbonne, who has translated from German the version published in Grenoble, a book that differentiates itself, above all, through the expression of the Romanian particularity in a universal context.

136

Ion. H. Ciubotaru

These are, very briefly, the coordinates where we can place the personality of the scholar that we celebrate. Researcher with a solid scientific training, animated even today by an ever flowing professional curiosity, Ion Talo is a name of first magnitude in the Romanian ethnology and a trustworthy ambassador of our spirituality across the borders. A remarkable ethnologic research: Cununia frailor i nunta Soarelui [The Splice of the Brothers and the Wedding of the Sun] Decades ago, the well known ethnologist, was leaving for specialization in Germany, having received a scholarship offered by Alexander von Humboldt Foundation. The research project that he was participating with in front of the specialists from Deutsches Volksiledarchiv from Freiburg was very ambitious: a monographic study on the ballads Meterul Manole [Master Builder Manole] and Soarele i Luna [The Sun and the Moon], two of the most impotrant epic creations or the Romanian folkloric repertoire, which he was to explore later on in a large European context. But, in a short while, he was about to notice that the amplitude of the two themes was overcoming, through all the aspects, his initial forcasts. This is why he reevaluated his project, stopping firstly on the rituals regarding the building sacrifice and the literature dedicated to this subject, culminating with the masterpiece Meterul Manole. In this way, he managed to make the most thorough monographic research regarding the above mentioned subject: a work of two massive volumes, which occupies an important place not only in our specialized literature, but also in the SouthEuropean one. The ballad Soarele i Luna was going to get the attention of Talo again, around the middle of the eighth decade of the last century. Meanwhile, his professional preoccupations and administrative attributions, that he previously got engaged in, had visibly increased. Even so, the acquired scientific experience helped him elaborate his second monograph too, in less than a decade. More precisely, around the middle of 1985, his work on the ballad Soarele i Luna was almost completed. But the work was going to be printed later on, because, since 1986, the researcher from Cluj had become professor of Romanic Popular Literatures at the University of Kln. The problems of the Romanian ethnology continued to find place in the priorities of his scientific activities. The theme of incest between brother and sister, which lies at the basis of the monograph, is followed now in the folkloric creation of most peoples of the world. And so, after a lot of years of hard work, the research of Professor Talo is finally outlined. It is a monumental book, counting almost one thousand pages that Enciclopedica printing house from Bucharest has made available for the readers. The title under which it was printed is fallowed by a clarifying subtitle: The forbidden incest in the Romanian and universal folklore. In our folkloric typologies, the ballad Soarele i Luna opens the section dedicated to the fantastic stories. The archaic aspect of the text, where the pagan elements are combined at each step with those of an early Christianity, has drawn the interest of most of our representative scholars. Vasile Alexandri releases the first version of this old song highlighting its special poetic value -, Eminescu adapts this theme

Ion Talo 75 years old

137

in his fairy-tale Vasile, fiul lui Dumnezeu [Vasile, the Son of God], and Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu tries to obtain (through his questionnaires) as much information as possible regarding this fascinating subject. Later on, Lucian Blaga discusses about the relations that can be established between the Romanian ballad and some of the fundamental works of the universal literature, like The Divine Comedy or Faust. Ion Talo deepens this parallel. He does not take into consideration the individuality of each text, but the totality of the existing versions that construct the corpus of the ballad. From this perspective, the trip of the Sun to the world beyond follows the same route as in Dantes poem, having, in both cases, a succession of circles that he crosses. Another idea underlined by Ion Talo is also very interesting. He shows that, during the trip made by the Sun in Heaven and in Hell, the Gates of Heaven are not guarded by Saint Peter, but by Saint Adam, the one that was reading the Pravila [Book of rules]: [to the right ones with justice, to the wrong ones with injustice]. As a result, the Romanian ballad has a very long history, since it preserves the presence of the first man as a gatekeeper to Paradise: [But what was Adam doing? /He was searching for the Book of rules/He stood and read it to them /He took the keys /The key to Heaven /And the key to Hell] (p.713). Or [Eve seeing Adam/Told him:/Adam, Adam, / You take the keys, /Open the gates, /To take the Sun for a walk] (p. 853). In conclusion, Saint Peter is the one that replaces Adam, being invested later in this position. It is not a coincidence that Dan Botta saw in this ballad: [a myth of the sky and of the earth, both of them crossed by the breeze of Eleusis. [] a pagan liturgy and a solemn adoration] (Unduire i moarte [Waft and Death], Iai, 1995, p. 29). The magnificent poet that often wrote about our traditional folk culture with a special comprehension and sensitivity left us the liturgical drama in for acts Soarele i Luna [The Sun and the Moon], that Ion Talo considers being [the most important cultural adaptation of this theme]. (p. 29). In the same order of ideas, we could also mention the opinions of other scholars. Lazr inceanu, D. Caracostea, Petru Caraman, Gheorghe Vrabie or Adrian Fochi are just some of those that wrote about this old epic poem of our people. This balad had a large impact also on G. Clinescu. He considers it to be supperior to the four myths that we established, because [the theme is one of the widest and most profound, from an universal point of view] (p. 23). We cannon end our short review of the personalities that carefully analyzed the above mentioned folkloric text, without bringing into discussion the conclusion of Ion Talo. He studies the ballad Soarele i Luna [The Sun and the Moon] in the galaxy of the masterpieces, with Mioria [The Ewe Lamb], Meterul Manole [Master Builder Manole], and Voica or Cltoria fratelui mort [Th Trip of the Dead Brother]. All four of them form, in the opinion of the etnographer, the archaic temple of the Romanian folk culture. Each of the four pillars of the temple is based on a myth, and the unifying element is the cosmic feeling, easily noticeable in each of the four folkloric creations. Except Mioria, which is exclusevely a product of the Roamnian folklore, the other three balads with theitr lyric or epic verse can be found in the traditional spirituality of other peoples. The common or different elements can be highlighted only through a comparative research, as rigurous as possible. Under this aspect, our

138

Ion. H. Ciubotaru

specialized literature, has at the moment some reprezentative monographic works, created at at the highest standards. To Mioria and Meterul Manole, we can add now this imposing work, wich can be taken as a model both in the country and abroad. Structured in six parts, the book of Ion Talo has the quality of not having left unsolved any of the questions raised by this impressive scientific approach. In the first part, the ballad is placed in an adequate context; next, all the bibliographical sources where this subject is mentioned are being reviewed, whether they are folklore books, theoretical works, adaptations or translations. This is a good opportunity to establish the necessary boundaries when it comes to legend, Romanian carol, lyric song or ballad. The connections with Mioria and Meterul Manole are selfimposed. The mythology works, where this theme appears, or those that belong to the international folklore, complete the panoramic image of the interest towards the theme of incest between brother and sister. Avoiding the sin is possible as a result of the moral strength of the sister. After using all the means of preventing the incest, she makes use of the supreme sacrifice. But, she is saved by the divinity, which turns her into the Moon, placing her in the celestial sphere. In the introductory part, some aspects regarding the terminology are also mentioned. The texts that are brought into discussion indicate the existence of two different areas, limited by the frequency at which the two lines of the investigated theme appear. The first one is Cununia frailor [The Splice of the Brothers] and it can be found in the north-western regions of the country, with some spreading beyond those borders: Ardeal, Banat, Criana, Maramure, Bucovina, the north of Moldavia and a number of Romanian villages from Ukraine and The Republic of Moldavia. The second version, Nunta Soarelui [The Wedding of the Sun], can be found in the south-eastern areas of Romania, including Banat, Oltenia, Muntenia, Dobrogea and the south of Moldavia. Isolated attestations also appear at the Romanians from Yugoslavia, Basarabia, and also in some areas near Odessa, where the two versions of the ballad are contaminated. The frequency of the folkloric texts in the two big areas established by the author is not unitary. The legends appear mostly in Oltenia, Muntenia and Moldavia, while the Romanian carols, as expected, are more spread in the centre, south and north of Transylvania. Regarding the ballads, the lyric or epic - lyric songs, we can say that they appear all over the country, but their number differs from one area to another. The balance is kept only regarding the total number of songs recorded at the level of the entire researched area. Indeed, from the 528 texts that have been published, Cununia frailor is represented by 283 and Nunta Soarelui by 245. We also have to mention that 247 documents, representing almost half of the entire corpus, were printed at that period for the first time. The next two sections of the monograph are reserved for the analysis of the established lyrics. Cununia frailor has a number of nine sub-versions, which Nunta Soarelui presents in detail, highlighting the particularities of each one. Next, the adapted of counterfeit texts are being discussed, and, at the end, the geography of motives is being presented, their frequency and the existence of some rare motives. These last ones receive a great interest, because (the author says) when they are noticed on extended areas and at a big distance ones from the others they can indicate a certain age, contributing even to the classifying of some aspects of the ap-

Ion Talo 75 years old

139

pearance of the text. The second version, namely Nunta Soarelui, is being analyzed in all the situations revealed by the field research: beliefs, legends, ballads, and Romanian carols. The analysis of the fictional texts represents a good reason to establish connection points between those of the south and those of the north of the Danube, but also to notice the aspects that serve for a better understanding of the ballads. A special attention is given to the epic creations in verse. They are being researched from a diachronic perspective, highlighting the representative areas or towns, the role of the singers in the spreading and artistic completion of the versions, the problems raised by the authenticity of the plays from the anthology, the existence of an oicotip in the central parts of Moldavia. The forth part of the volume deals with the origin of the theme. It is one of the most interesting sections of the entire work. Difficult and full of passion at the same time, the debated theme is being approached and conducted by the author with the certainty of an authentic professional. The opinions expressed by his predecessors which considered Cununia frailor to be a derivative of Nunta Soarelui, [through the abandon of some of the constituent elements] are being carefully discussed and disputed with scientific arguments of an outstanding clarity. The common elements, which plead for the unity of the theme, but also the specific motives, presented especially in the version Nunta Soarelui, are subjects of some complex and profound analyses, at the end of which the conclusions are natural and convincing. Preserving an archaic poetics, which we also encounter in Mioria, Meterul Manole, or in The Song of the Dawns from the funeral repertoire, the firs version of the this theme is the one from which the ballad Soarele i Luna started. As a result, says Talo, Cununia frailor does not represent a step back in the evolution of the theme, as some of the researchers believed, but, on the contrary, the fertile ground on which Nunta Soarelui arose. The second version of the ballad elevates by adding more cosmic elements and assigning another destiny to the sister, that of celestial body, meant to contribute to the embellishment of peoples lives (p. 305). It would be appropriate to stop now at the corpus of folkloric documents too, not only for the great value of the texts, but also with the purpose of highlighting the accuracy expressed by all these pages. The precision of the classification, the scrupulosity that appears in the reproduction of the works from the bibliographical sources, the foot notes and the comments that accompany the text, are just some of the things worthy of underlined. We should bring into discussion some aspects regarding the last part of the volume, intended for the criticism. Because this section is also marked by the same requisitions and severity that dominates the work in all its articulations, and also being limited by the space available, we will only add this: written carefully and with great sensitivity, the monograph of Ion Talo regarding the ballad Soarele i Luna represents an exceptional scientific research that finds its place among the most outstanding accomplishments of the Romanian anthropology. Traducere de Delia Flanja

Enciclopedia culturii tradiionale romneti

Ion Cuceu
Universitatea Babe-Bolyai Institutul Arhiva de Folclor a Academiei Romne, Cluj
ntr-o sesiune public a Academiei Romne, din 27 mai 1920, la puin timp dup ce fusese primit ca membru al acestui for de consacrare, Ovid Densusianu clca n picioare orice convenii i reguli i supunea unei critici severe tot ceea ce se fcuse pn atunci n materie de cunoatere a culturii tradiionale, schind, n cteva fraze, un nou program de explorare a domeniului, n care-i reafirma, de fapt, viziunea i concepia teoretico-metodologic, formulate cu un deceniu n urm, n Folklorul. Cum trebuie neles1. ntre anii 1910-1920, marele filolog i folclorist nu a scpat nici un prilej de a critica noua, pe atunci, colecie academic a lui Ion Bianu Din vieaa poporului romn, iar n polemica Eugen Lovinescu-Dumitru Caracostea din 1915, materializat n articolele: Un feti modern: literatura popular2 i Un examen de contiin literar n 19153, cred c a dat dreptate lui Lovinescu i nicidecum viitorului coleg de fotoliu academic i de catedr universitar. Cu toat insistena lui Caracostea asupra metodelor speciale ce se cuveneau aplicate i la noi, cu toate struinele cu privire la necesitatea unei etape de studiere i nelegere n sine a culturii tradiionale, manifest n critica postmaiorescian a slbiciunii contiinei noastre tiinifice i a lipsei de putere de organizare, orientrile celor doi savani nu s-au apropiat niciodat. nvatul filolog i folclorist care optase deschis i cu ndrzneal pentru nnoirea orientrilor n abordarea fenomenelor i faptelor de limb popular i de cultur tradiional i anticipase cu cel puin un deceniu coala etnosociologic a lui Dimitrie Gusti, venea, n primvara lui 1920, cu o seam de propuneri care uimeau att prin deschiderea spre viitor, ct i prin simplitatea i claritatea lor, cernd: 1. misiuni speciale n investigaiile de teren, care nu mai pot fi ncredinate dect unor specialiti bine pregtii pentru asemenea studii; 2. cercetrile de teren s fie direcionate spre regiunile importante pentru studiile de filologie i folclor, ale cror rezultate s marcheze contribuii cu adevrat tiinifice i pentru dialectologie, nu numai pentru folcloristic; 3. un Corpus al materialelor etnografice i folclorice din periodice; 4. o Arhiv de Folklor pe lng Academia Romn, care va permite ntr-o zi
1 Bucureti, Editura Librriei Leon Alcalay, 1910, 22 p. ( Vieaa Nou) 2 n Flacra, 1915, nr. 3, 10, 17 din luna octombrie. 3 Publicat n Drum Drept X(1915), nr. 40-52.

Un vechi proiect de cercetare:

142

Ion Cuceu

s se publice o enciclopedie a folklorului romn, cum i un atlas folkloric, menit s arate repartizarea geografic a unor motive din creaiunile noastre populare; 5. monografii zonale i microzonale, ntr-o serie nou de publicaiuni de folklor ale Academiei Romne; 6. publicarea de studii, mai ales comparative cu privire la folklorul nostru, ceea ce s-a fcut prea puin la noi i nu dup metode riguroase4. Ideile acestea nu erau cu totul noi, unele prelund, critic i constructiv, iniiative ale lui B. P. Hasdeu, cu ndrumarea acestuia spre cunoaterea etnografic a inuturilor matc, cu Etymologicum Magnum Romaniae5, cu realul efort de promovare a studiilor comparative. Dar ideea crerii pe lng Academia Romn a unei arhive-institut, care s permit, cndva n viitor, realizarea marilor lucrri: a corpusului, a enciclopediei i a atlasului, era una n pas cu vremea sa, cu realizrile similare din Europa Apusean i din Scandinavia i devenea relevant tocmai prin accentul pus pe organicitatea proiectului n ansamblul su, prin intuirea exact a funciilor instrumentale ale tipurilor de lucrri pe care le prevedea, i chiar ale Arhivei de Folklor n totalitatea ei. Nu vreau s insist mai mult asupra destinului pe care l-au avut propunerile lui Ovid Densusianu, dar trebuie s amintesc faptul c, la nfiinarea ei, n 1930, Arhiva de Folklor a Academiei Romne, ca urmare a memoriilor naintate de Ion Mulea prin Sextil Pucariu, noua instituie i-a preluat iniiativele programatice, dup cum, n 1925, la lansarea practic a monografiilor gustiene, profesorul de filologie i folclor se vzuse urmat prea ndeaproape, dac nu chiar vduvit de unele idei proprii. De aici, probabil, suspiciunile lui privind originalitatea proiectelor lui Mulea i ale sociologilor. E de neles, deci, cum a privit i primit cu rceal Anuarul Arhivei de Folklor, n 1932, i de ce a scris acel amar pamflet antigustian Sociologia Mendax6, cu doar doi ani nainte de moarte. Publicnd memoriile ntemeierii, studiile cu caracter programatic, chestionarele i rapoartele de activitate ale lui Ion Mulea7, ntr-un volum, mi-am dat seama c, iniial, dezideratul unei enciclopedii a culturii populare tradiionale nu prea a-l fi ispitit pe tnrul director al institutului clujean, ntruct alturi de corpusul folclorului, de monografiile regionale i de atlasul culturii populare, el se simea mai atras de o bibliografie sistematic a folclorului i etnografiei, pe care o i ncepuse, nc din perioada activitii n cadrul Muzeului Etnografic al Ardealului, desigur la sugestia mentorilor si din Societatea Etnografic Romn: Sextil Pucariu, George Vlsan i Vasile Bogrea. Dar, poate i din motive personale, pe care le vom cunoate abia dup o investigare atent a lucrrilor sale de bibliologie, a corespondenei i a contribuiei la edificarea i modernizarea celei mai mari biblioteci universitare din Romnia, n
4 O ampl prezentare a acestor idei n lucrarea noastr Corpusul folclorului romnesc. Deziderate i realiti, n Ion Cuceu, Probleme actuale n studierea culturii tradiionale. Cluj-Napoca, Presa Universitar Clujean, 2000, p. 87-170. 5 Lucrarea epocal a lui Hasdeu constituie, n fapt, prima Enciclopedie a limbii i culturii noastre tradiionale: Etymologicum Magnum Romaniae. Dicionarul Limbei istorice i poporane a romnilor I-IV[Bucureti] Stabilimentul Grafic Socec i Teclu, 1887-1898. 6 Ovid Densusianu, Sociologia mendax. Bucureti, Tip. Modern, 1936, 11p. 7 Vezi Ion Mulea, Arhiva de Folclor a Academiei Romne. Studii, memorii ale ntemeierii, rapoarte de activitate, chestionare. 1930-1948. Ediie critic, note, cronologie, comentarii i bibliografie de Ion Cuceu i Maria Cuceu. Cluj, Editura Fundaiei pentru Studii Europene, 2005.

Enciclopedia culturii tradiionale romneti

143

perioada 1935-1948, acest proiect a fost i primul pus n oper la Arhiva de Folklor a Academiei Romne, care activa n sediul Muzeului Limbei Romne. Corpusul folclorului, monografiile zonale i bibliografia curent erau, pe lng Anuarul Arhivei de Folklor, proiectele tari din programul noii instituii de cercetri. Programul acesta fusese, de altfel, aprobat i ncurajat att de btrnul Ion Bianu, inta nemrturisit a criticilor lui Densusianu, ct i de Sextil Pucariu i de ali membri ai Muzeului Limbei Romne, care doreau ca Arhiva din Cluj s serveasc, n felul su, i celor dou proiecte mari filologice: Dicionarul limbii romne i Atlasul Lingvistic Romn, ambele n curs de elaborare. Pe durata a 18 ani, rapoartele anuale de activitate8 i corespondena oficial nu menioneaz deloc o enciclopedie a folclorului sau a culturii tradiionale romneti, ca obiectiv tiinific major al instituiei, cu toate c Mulea nu pierdea nici un prilej de a procura pentru biblioteca Arhivei i de a recenza cu entuziasm lucrri similare aprute n alte pri9, convins c, i n Romnia, asemenea elaborate tiinifice nu se pot imagina dect n urma instituionalizrii cercetrilor, n cadrul arhivelor-institute, create la un deceniu dup nfptuirea Marii Uniri. Nici la desprirea, att de emoionant i demn, de Densusianu, cel care-i criticase, de altfel, prea sever demersurile, din evocarea-necrolog Ovid Densusianufolclorist10 , Ion Mulea nu pomenea nimic despre proiectul Enciclopediei folklorului romn, cu toate c, n rest, nu-i scpaser nici una din ideile nnoitoare din scrierile celui omagiat, pe care s nu i le fi recunoscut drept influene nemijlocite i n programul instituiei clujene, pe care s nu le fi asumat n propria-i concepie tiinific. Aceast uitare a Enciclopediei denot fie o reinere personal, de contiin profesional, repede ivit n faa anvergurii i temeritii proiectului, fie de-a dreptul o rezerv a conductorului Arhivei clujene n a asuma o sarcin i o misiune ce-i depeau puterile n condiiile n care la noul institut ducea totul n spate, ajutat doar de un secretar, pentru care greu obinea stipendii de la forul tutelar, cnd el nsui se vedea copleit, dup 1935, de uriaa responsabilitate a conducerii Bibliotecii Centrale a Universitii Ferdinand I din Cluj. Desigur, Ion Mulea considera Corpusul, Atlasul folcloric i Enciclopedia culturii populare obiective mult mai ndeprtate dect ancheta indirect pe o imens reea de corespondeni, bibliografia culturii tradiionale i elaborarea de monografii zonale, asupra crora i-a concentrat mai mult atenia i ca director al Arhivei. n urm cu civa ani, cnd am ncheiat i lucrarea restitutiv a ntemeietorului Arhivei de Folklor a Academiei Romne11, adunndu-i la un loc contribuiile etnologice de teren asupra cheilor din Cergu, cele referitoare la ara Oaului i la zona Vii Gurghiului, apreciam c retiprirea monografiilor din vechiul buletin tiinific al Arhivei i editarea celor aflate ntre manuscrise va cpta importan n evaluarea aportului clujean la cunoaterea etnografic direct a culturii tradiionale romneti: Dup anchetele prin corespondeni, acoperind, programatic, toate zonele etnogra8 Ibidem, p. 209-276. 9 Cf. Ion Mulea, Un lexicon al superstiiilor: Handwrterbuch des deutschen Abergleubens, n Societatea de Mine 9 (1932), p. 211 i Idem, Handwrterbuch des deutschen Abergleubens, n Gnd Romnesc 2 (1934), p. 93-94. 10 n Anuarul Arhivei de Folklor V (1939), p. 1-6. 11 Ion Mulea, Cercetri etnologice zonale. Ediie critic, note i un glosar de Ion Cuceu i Maria Cuceu. Studiu introductiv de Ion Cuceu. Cluj-Napoca, EFES, 2004, XXXVIII+535 p.

144

Ion Cuceu

fice ale rii, [cercetrile monografice] urmau s constituie a doua principal surs de adunare de materiale de teren n fondurile documentare. Dup primii nou ani, nsui Mulea constatase, fapt notabil sub raportul teoriei i practicii etnografice, c cercetrile stipendiailor pot atinge performane calitative nebnuite i c rezultatele observaiei directe sunt, din punct de vedere metodologic, superioare celor obinute prin anchete indirecte.12 Cercetrile stipendiailor Arhivei de Folklor a Academiei Romne nu numai c au depit nivelul tiinific al tuturor tipurilor de monografii etnografico-folclorice anterioare, mai ales n privina aprofundrii aspectelor de cultur popular, dar au lrgit mult viziunea teoretico-metodologic asupra domeniului investigat, enciclopediznd n chip remarcabil nsi baza informaional a domeniului, precum i structura fondurilor documentare de la Cluj: 1. acestea sporesc ponderea descrierilor etnografice pe baz de observaie direct i din perspectiva nativului; 2. reconsider i reevalueaz rolul i nsemntatea variantelor; 3. pun accentul nu doar pe identificarea i repertorizarea sistematic a existenei i circulaiei motivelor i temelor ntr-un spaiu geografic determinat, ci mai mult pe contactul etnografului cu realitatea etnocultural, pe dialogul cercettor-subieci anchetai; 4. accentueaz, prima oar n etnologia romneasc, necesitatea viziunii holistice asupra culturii unei comuniti, dnd astfel i mai mult substan enciclopedic demersului investigator empiric; 5. marcheaz apariia jurnalelor de teren, n filele crora textele prelevate alterneaz cu adnotrile etnografului. Preocupat att de struitor de cercetrile monografice zonale, de sistematizarea fondurilor Arhivei i de bibliografie, a uitat oare Mulea celelalte trei mari obiective, Corpusul, Atlasul i Enciclopedia? ntr-o ciorn a unei adrese ctre Consiliul Naional de Cercetri tiinifice, din 1946, prin care solicita nfiinarea unui Institut de Folclor la Cluj, ntre nsrcinrile ce i-ar fi revenit acestuia este menionat i elaborarea Enciclopediei, dar apoi, de ndat anulat, cu aceai cerneal, gest ce repeta, semnificativ i corectura, n dactilogram, a unei cereri mai vechi pentru aprobarea unei Conferine de folclor la Universitatea din Cluj, datnd, probabil, din 1935-1936, de unde eliminase cuvntul enciclpedie n fraza referitoare la obiectivele tiinifice ale disciplinei universitare pentru care solicitase sprijin lui Sextil Pucariu. n fapt, ns, Ion Mulea s-a artat mai adnc preocupat dect oricare alt contemporan de Enciclopedie, tocmai n ceea ce am putea numi procesul de edificare intern a fondurilor documentare ale Arhivei de Folklor, n special prin sistemul fielor cumulative ale catalogului tematic ntocmit pe baza materialelor din primele 788 de manuscrise cu rspunsuri la chestionarele sale, unde se configurau, schiat, veritabile articole-voci ale unui potenial asemenea instrument de lucru, ce d seam de existena i de ariile de difuziune ale credinelor, de varietatea reprezentrilor i practicilor rituale atestate de corespondenii si. Aceste fie cumulative ordonate alfabetic ntr-un fiier sunt adesea nsoite de trimiteri bibliografice abreviate, de meniuni referitoare la rspndirea unor ritualuri i la complexitatea structurilor i
12 Ion Cuceu, Monografiile Arhivei de Folclor a Academiei Romne, n Ion Mulea, op. cit, p. III .

Enciclopedia culturii tradiionale romneti

145

funciilor acestora, la varietatea tematic a faptelor de limb i cultur i la substratul mitic sau magico-religios al comportamentelor cotidiene sau festive. Dezvoltnd i perfecionnd mereu sistemul informaional intern al Arhivei de Folklor a Academiei Romne, Mulea ddea, astfel, curs dezideratului unei abordri sistemice a ntregului domeniu al culturii tradiionale spirituale, aa cum fusese formulat, n 1920, i reluat, n 1924, de Ovid Densusianu, atunci cnd acesta scria: S-ar ajunge, astfel, s se fixeze circulaia motivelor folklorice i, cu timpul, s se dea acel Atlas folkloric, de care am vorbit altdat. Acesta alturi de un Atlas lingvistic care nu ar trebui s ne lipseasc iari ar fi de folos nu numai folkloritilor, ci i filologilor, pentru c sunt fapte lingvistice care apar n alt lumin dac cunoatem substratul lor folkloric lucru ce se uit de obicei de filologi13. Ion Mulea s-a apropiat de aceast nou paradigm a cunoaterii etnologice formulate de Densusianu i a fost atras ca i acesta de ideea unui Repertoriu atotcuprinztor, ca baz documentar unic pentru un Atlas folcloric, pentru Corpusul folclorului i Enciclopedie, deoarece i pentru cercettorul clujean filologia, folklorul, etnografia nu pot fi desprite i numai din colaborarea lor poate iei mai mult lumin n limpezirea unor probleme.14 De fapt, Ion Mulea cunotea aceast idee fundamental i direct de la adevratul ntemeietor al colii etnologice clujene i profesorul su, vizionarul George Vlsan, cu concepia sa att de clar i deschis perspectivelor multidisciplinare.15 Destinul su tiinific, cu mprejurri mai puin fericite pentru el, l-a determinat pe Mulea, dup 1948-1949, s se consacre, n ultima parte a vieii, fondului de informaii etnoculturale din Rspunsurile la chestionarele B. P. Hasdeu, din cele 19 volume de la Biblioteca Academiei Romne, ajunse la Cluj, pentru a fi utilizate de autorii Dicionarului Academiei. Acest fapt, ce a avut ca efect benefic definitiva reapropiere a fondatorului Arhivei din Cluj de proiectul Enciclopediei culturii tradiionale, va duce, cum tim, la constituirea unui modern sistem de tipologizare ce s-a impus prin volumul postum, publicat n 197016, dar mai ales a unui Repertoriu att de cuprinztor de fie, ca instrument de arhiv, de care s-a folosit primul, mpreun cu Ovidiu Brlea, pentru o asemenea lucrare de sintez. Tenace, dar temtor de apsarea timpului i nesigur pe finalitatea demersului, anunnd, pn prin 1955, doar un astfel de instrument de arhiv, deschis i perfectibil, n serviciul cercettorilor clujeni prin extrasele i copiile fcute17, care ar fi urmat s completeze materialele exemplar sistematizate din fondul propriu de manuscrise. Pn s ajung la Tipologie, fondatorul Arhivei de Folclor a Academiei Romne se gndise doar la despoierea acestui preios material. Planul meu iniial era s rezum tot materialul folcloric, copiind, cnd era cazul, unele texte n ntregime pentru ca, atunci cnd manuscrisul va fi dus la Bucureti, s rmn i la Cluj posibiliti
13 Apud. Ion Cuceu, Probleme actuale n studierea culturii tradiionale, p. 130. 14 Ibidem. 15 Vezi G. Vlsan, Studii etnografice, antropogeografice i geopolitice. Editate de Ion Cuceu. Prefa de Andrei Marga. Postfa de Ion Cuceu. Cluj-Napoca, Editura Fundaiei pentru Studii Europene, 2001. (n special studiile: Datoriile noastre etnografice i O tiin nou: Etnografia). 16 Ion Mulea, Ovidiu Brlea, Tipologia folclorului. Din rspunsurile la chestionarele lui B. P. Hasdeu, Bucureti, Editura Minerva, 1970. 17 Ion Mulea, Importana materialului folcloric din Rspunsurile la Chestionarul Hasdeu i problema valorificrii lui, n Ion Mulea, Ovidiu Brlea, op. cit., p. 74.

146

Ion Cuceu

de consultare a importantului fond, mcar n aceast form redus. Intenia mea a fost deci mbogirea materialului Arhivei de Folclor, perfecionarea mijloacelor de documentare i de lucru ale folcloritilor clujeni.18 Mai apoi, evocnd cu timiditate i modestie i eventualitatea unei versiuni publicabile a Repertoriului, Ion Mulea n-a abandonat nicidecum ideea instrumentului de uz intern, fapt evideniat de obiectivul exhaustrii tuturor temelor, motivelor, riturilor i srbtorilor, elementelor de mitologie i celor mai difuze manifestri ale spiritualitii tradiionale romneti. Circumscriindu-i conceptual demersul, n comunicarea inut, n 1955, la Academie, Mulea nu ndrznea s se gndeasc la marele deziderat al Enciclopediei, ci denumea aceast versiune publicabil a lucrrii sale cu termenul simplu dar att de cuprinztor de Repertoriu. Lucrarea astfel proiectat ar fi n primul rnd un indice (de lucruri sau materii, cum gsim la sfritul attor volume de materiale folclorice), dar totui deosebit de cel amintit mai sus al eztoarei sau de cel al Textelor dialectale publicate de Acad. Emil Petrovici. Indicele nostru va putea fi att de amnunit nct va constitui un mijloc de orientare rapid i exact pentru cercettori19 El mai aduga, dup dou exemplificri, n legtur cu ritualurile, c amnuntele date vor fi aa de numeroase, nct foarte adesea l vor dispensa [pe cercettor] s mai consulte manuscrisul original.20 Textele folclorice din Rspunsuri se pare c le copiase integral, pentru a mbogi, astfel, fondurile propriei Arhive. n specificarea exact a caracterului lucrrii, Mulea precizeaz c Repertoriul edificat va fi mai degrab un inventar amnunit al motivelor cuprinse n [rspunsurile la] Chestionarul Hasdeu, un fel de dicionar folcloric romnesc, din care lipsesc doar definiiile, dei unele din ele vor figura n introducerea studiu21. Era clar deja reapropierea de ideea vechiului proiect al lui Ovid Densusianu, dar aportul interpretativ-constructiv al fondatorului Arhivei de Folclor a Academiei Romne ncepea s se vad tot mai limpede, chiar dincolo de modestia formulrilor din comunicarea susinut de fostul membru corespondent n faa noilor academicieni din Secia literar. Cred c Ion Mulea a fost att de convingtor n demonstraia sa, iar asistena att de copleit de grandoarea i modernitatea viziunii cercettorului din Cluj, nct muli dintre oficialii academici vor fi regretat profund umbra aruncat asupra institutului clujean i a creatorului acestuia. Urmare a acestei reafirmri publice se ntrevd, de altfel, perspectivele primei ncercri de reabilitare a savantului: este cooptat n redacia Revistei de Folclor, i se ncredineaz coordonarea Bibliografiei generale a etnografiei i folclorului, devine cercettor, prin cumul, i la Secia din Cluj a Institutului de Folclor din Bucureti, unde Mihai Pop ar fi dorit s-l numeasc ef, se pune problema titularizrii sale ca profesor de folclor la Universitatea Victor Babe, iar el face demersuri pentru reluarea Anuarului Arhivei de Folclor. Ultimele dou promisiuni i sunt, ns, iari refuzate, n cele din urm. Dup attea nfrngeri i decepii, care au lsat urme asupra sntii sale: la finele anilor 40: respingerea publicrii monografiilor ntr-o serie distinct, ncercarea de mutare a Arhivei la Bucureti, eliminarea din rndul membrilor corespondeni ai Academiei Romne, comprimarea din postul de director al Bibliotecii Centrale
18 19 20 21 Ibidem, p. 72. Ibidem, p. 74. Ibidem, p. 75. Ibidem.

Enciclopedia culturii tradiionale romneti

147

Universitare, sistarea apariiei Anuarului i blocarea activitii Arhivei prin 1948, la care se adugau deziluziile din 1956, Mulea a gsit, n ultimii 10 ani de via, incredibile resurse morale i sufleteti de a se dedica, n totalitate, construciei unei moderne baze documentare pentru o serie larg de lucrri de sintez, crend modelul de repertorizare i indexare tipologic ce s-a dovedit att de fecund. n fond, el elaborase, prin Repertoriul su, o prim Enciclopedie a culturii tradiionale, desigur, doar ca instrument de arhiv pentru cercettorii din Cluj, aa cum o prefigurase i n exemplarul Catalog tematic al manuscriselor Arhivei de Folclor a Academiei Romne, considerat de Ovidiu Brlea un model de clasificare i sistematizare a informaiei etnografice i folclorice.22 O nou raz de lumin se ntrevedea n 1957, cnd n Institutul de Lingvistic i Istorie Literar a fost angajat tnrul Ion Talo, alturi de ali cercettori lingviti i istorici literari. A urmat apoi reabilitarea deplin din 1964, cnd Ion Mulea este numit n fruntea Seciei de Etnografie i Folclor a Filialei Cluj a Academiei R.P.R., unde putea relansa cercetrile monografice zonale ncepnd cu cea din Valea Gurghiului, spernd s creeze n jurul su un adevrat Institut. Cu toate c a finalizat numeroase alte lucrri, i n ultimii doi ani s-a dedicat aproape total acestei opere, ajutat i de Maria Mulea i Ion Talo, fr s se poat bucura, ns, de terminarea marii sale lucrri. Elogiindu-i nc o dat interesul pentru excerptarea i fiarea sistematic i amnunit a documentaiei etnologice din fondul clujean de manuscrise, Brlea afirma, c Se poate bnui c [la Ion Mulea], dincolo de meticulozitatea impus de ordonarea materialului depozitat, a primat nevoia de cunoatere (s. n. I. C.), de aici minuiozitatea fiierului tematic pn la nivelul de motiv i element, prin care, alturi de cel regional [catalogul geografic] i general [catalogul inventar], Arhiva de Folclor se asemuia cu o farmacie cu sertarele riguros compartimentate i etichetate. A fost o pierdere pentru Universitatea clujean c nu i-a dat posibilitatea s in un curs de folclor, care ar fi strnit un interes mai viu pentru disciplin.23 n ciuda acestor elogii sincere i a unor profunde intuiii, Ovidiu Brlea nu a reuit s observe deschiderea epocal pe care o aducea etnologul din Cluj n abordarea sistemic a culturii tradiionale romneti prin modestele sale cataloage i repertorii. i n Metoda de cercetare a folclorului i n Istoria folcloristicii romneti, ca i n aceast ultim efigie, accentele cad pe recunoaterea meritelor de organizator, de gospodar meticulos i contiincios, de cercettor robace i disciplinat, fr s-i fi observat adnca ptrundere n domeniu i intuirea caracterului complex i difuz al ntregii culturi tradiionale, ndemnurile puse n practic referitoare la necesitatea abordrilor holistice a fenomenelor. Pornind de la aprecieri sincere ale unei trsturi
22 Metoda ce cercetare a folclorului. Ed. I. Bucureti, Editura pentru Literatur, 1969. Ediia a II-a, Alba Iulia, Rentregirea, 2008. Citez dup aceasta: Fiarea tematic a materialului informativ e mai anevoioas. Sub acest aspect, Arhiva Institutului de Etnografie i Folclor a rmas mult n urma celui imprimat pe documentele tehnice, n contrast cu fiarea exemplar din Arhiva de Folclor [a Academiei Romne] din Cluj. Aici, Ion Mulea a procedat la o fiare minuioas, mergnd pn la problematica de amnunt, care ar corespunde subtipului din genurile folclorice. Pe fia fiecrei probleme de detaliu se afl trimiterile prin numerele de inventar, la toate coleciile care o conin indicndu-se uneori i paginile acelei colecii. n chip similar sunt redactate i fiele materialelor folclorice propriu-zise, o fi indicnd variantele tipului sau subtipului prin acelai sistem de referiri. (p. 120) 23 Ovidiu Brlea, Efigii, [Bucureti], Editura Cartea Romneasc, 1987, p. 181.

148

Ion Cuceu

dominante: aceea de organizator, de gospodar meticulos i contiincios n cele mari, ca i n cele mici, Ovidiu Brlea aduga cu sincer admiraie: S fi cutat mult, att Sextil Pucariu, ct i Ion Bianu, i n-ar fi putut gsi om mai potrivit pentru a ntemeia i apoi a conduce tnra Arhiv de Folklor a Academiei Romne, nfiinate pe lng Muzeul Limbei Romne din capitala Transilvaniei. Brlea nu preget s-i compare druirea i devotamentul constructiv cu acelea ale ctitorului Bibliotecii Academiei Romne, preedinte al naltei instituii de cultur n anii crerii Arhivei de Folklor de la Cluj: Nu e nici o exagerare n comparaia c ceea ce a realizat Ion Bianu prin Biblioteca Academiei a nfptuit i Ion Mulea prin Arhiva de Folclor a naltei instituii culturale. Se vede c amndoi au motenit din meticulozitatea i perseverena naintailor rani trnveni, la Ion Bianu prini, iar la Ion Mulea bunici, sortii a chezui nalte instituii culturale, pornind de la aproape nimic.24 i, totui, consider c Ovidiu Brlea n-a neles i n-a apreciat pe deplin nsemntatea demersului fondator i sistematizator al lui Ion Mulea. i probabil nici nu putea s-l neleag n condiiile propriei sale experiene de dup demisia sa din Institutul de Etnografie i Folclor de la Bucureti, din 1969. El nsui ziditor de arhiv modern, din 1949 pn la acea dat fatal pentru cercetarea etnologic instituionalizat din Romnia, Brlea considera c munca ndrjit i devotat a lui Ion Mulea la elaborarea primei noastre tipologii bibliografice complexe i comprehensive asupra fondului B. P. Hasdeu n-ar reprezenta mai mult dect treapta superioar a contribuiei sale majore de bibliograf. O afirm direct, cu aplomb, ca pe un suprem elogiu, cnd de fapt cele spuse sunt expresia clar a unei priviri cu condescenden, atunci cnd aprecia c: Germenul bibliografic se va infiltra mai adnc n firea lui Ion Mulea, aplecarea spre conspectare i ornduire de material devenindu-i oarecum o a doua natur. Acesteia i se datorete opera capital a vieii sale: Tipologia folclorului din rspunsurile la Chestionarele lui B. P. Hasdeu. Ani de munc migloas i tcut s-au scurs cu extragerea datelor privitoare la folclor n vremea cnd cele 19 volume se aflau la Muzeul Limbii Romne n vederea redactrii Dicionarului inventar al limbii noastre. Acestea i-au prilejuit o incursiune mai adnc n repertoriul romnesc, de unde ispita de a ntocmi un indice general al folclorului adugnd la materialele din 1884-1887 i cele din Arhiva de Folclor din Cluj. Intenia e atestat de fiele lsate i a renunat numai din cauza lipsei de timp necesar pentru atare munc titanic. 25 Aceast ispit de care vorbete Brlea era, de fapt, rezultanta unei intuiii creatoare deosebite, deschiztoare de noi orizonturi n cunoaterea culturii tradiionale romneti, ntruct, aa cum s-a constatat ulterior, prin contribuiile similare datorate lui Ionel Oprian26 i Adrian Fochi27 privitoare la fondul Nicolae Densuianu, dar mai ales ale membrilor colectivului clujean de etnologi s-au fcut civa pai
24 Brlea, Efigii, p. 180-181. 25 Ibidem, p. 183. Din nefericire, cnd a restituit fiele redactate ale Tipologiei, Ovidiu Brlea n-a napoiat Arhivei din Cluj i familiei lui Mulea i textele folclorice excerptate din cele 19 volume ale fondului Hasdeu pe care le-a ncredinat unor cercettori din Bucureti spre a le publica n antologii. 26 Nicolae Densuianu, Vechi cntece i tradiii populare romneti. Texte din rspunsurile la Chestionarul istoric (1893-1897). Text ales i stabilit, studiu introductiv, note, variante, indici i glosar de Ion Oprian. Bucureti, Minerva, 1975. 27 Adrian Fochi, Datini i eresuri populare de la sfritul secolului al XIX-lea: Rspunsurile la chestionarele lui Nicolae Densuianu. Bucureti, Editura Minerva, 1976.

Enciclopedia culturii tradiionale romneti

149

nsemnai spre o nou metodologie de construire i elaborare a lucrrilor de sintez: Corpusul folclorului, Atlasul folcloric, Enciclopedia culturii tradiionale romneti, Tipologiile bibliografice, mongrafiile unor teme sau tipuri de subiecte epice. Dup dispariia neateptat a lui Ion Mulea, n 1966, n Institutul clujean de etnologie i folclor autoedificarea intern a Arhivei a continuat prin eforturile colectivelor de cercetare conduse de succesorii si: Dumitru Pop (1966-1969), Ion Talo (1969-1985) i Ion Cuceu, din 1985 pn azi. Proiectele iniiale ale fondatorului au fost urmrite pe toate planurile activitii, cu scopul transformrii institutului ntr-un centru european de informare i documentare etnologic i de antropologie a culturilor tradiionale. Obiectivele acestei a doua perioade din existena Arhivei sunt remarcabile mai ales n direcia concentrrii, sistematizrii i valorificrii enciclopedice a informaiei inedite de la Cluj, estimat la 750.000 documente, organizate n baze de date sau corpusuri de arhiv, de interes naional. De-a lungul a peste patru decenii de eforturi colective au fost elaborate i valorificate cteva astfel de lucrri. Ion Talo, discipolul att de preuit al lui Ion Mulea, a edificat Baza de date asupra colindatului i colindelor28, a publicat studiile monografice i corpusurile exemplare privind temele Meterul Manole29, dicionarul mitologic Gndirea magico-religioas la romni30, Cununia frailor i Nunta Soarelui31, Lupta voinicului cu leul.32 n fruntea unor colective, Talo edific dou lucrri din viitoarea Enciclopedie: Dicionarul tipologic al cimiliturilor romneti (Ion Talo, Ion Cuceu, Virgiliu Florea), instrument de arhiv nsumnd peste 70.0000 de texte. Dicionarul tezaur al proverbelor romneti, maghiare i sseti, o lucrare ce indexeaz tipologic-tematic 175.000 de texte33 (Ion Talo, Ion Cuceu, Virgiliu Florea, V Gabriella i Hanni Markel). Corpusul credinelor, riturilor i ritualurilor agrare (Ion Cuceu, Maria Cuceu.)34
28 Din 1965, Ion Talo s-a angajat s realizeze o Tipologie a colindelor romneti, pe baza tuturor surselor documentare existente. O imens bibliografie i un sistem riguros de fie analitice, la nivel de motiv vor asigura succesul Catalogului tipologic al colindelor. 29 Ion Talo, Meterul Manole. Contribuie la studiul unei teme de folclor european. [vol.I]. Bucureti,Editura Minerva, 1973 ; Idem, Meterul Manole. Contribuie la studiul unei teme de folclor european. vol.II. Corpusul variantelor romneti. Bucureti, Editura Grai i SufletCultura Naional, 1997. 30 Ion Talo, Gndirea magico-religioas la romni-Dicionar. Bucureti, Editura Enciclopedic, 2001. 31 Ion Talo, Cununia frailor i Nunta Soarelui. Incestul zdrnicit n folclorul romnesc i universal. Bucureti, Editura Enciclopedic, 2004. 32 Ion Talo, Lupta voinicului cu leul. Mit i iniiere n folclorul romnesc. Bucureti, Editura Academiei, 2007. 33 Din acest mare Dicionar, Ion Cuceu a publicat o antologie: Dicionarul proverbelor romneti . 7777 texte din Dicionarul tezaur al paremiologiei romneti. Bucureti-Chiinu, Editura Litera Internaional, 2005. 34 Cei doi autori au publicat pn acum volumele: Vechi obiceiuri agrare romneti I. Tipologie i corpus de texte. Bucureti, Minerva, 1988. Maria Cuceu, Ritualul agrar al cununii la seceri. ClujNapoca, Presa Universitar Clujean, 2004; Ritualuri agrare romneti I. Pluguorul n spaiul romnesc extracarpatic. Studiu introductiv i corpus de texte. Cluj-Napoca EFES, 2007; Ritualuri agrare romneti II .Oraii dup colind n spaiul romnesc intracarpatic. Studiu introductiv i corpus de texte. Cluj-Napoca, EFES, 2008.

150

Ion Cuceu

Corpusul i tipologia basmelor despre animale de Ion Cuceu, Maria Cuceu.35 Corpusul cntecelor de militrie de Ion Cuceu, Ion euleanu, Maria Cuceu, Eugenia Brlea.36 Tipologia melodiilor de cntecu propriu-zis din Transilvania de Lucia Itoc. Catalogul melodiilor populare romneti, maghiare i sseti. Autori: Istvn Almsi, Lucia Itoc, Elena Drgan. Dansuri populare din Transilvania. Tipologie, de Zamfir Dejeu.37 Toate aceste lucrri atest preocuparea statornic de edificare treptat a Enciclopediei culturii tradiionale, n spiritul concepiei fondatorului Arhivei de Folclor a Academiei Romne, urmndu-i exemplul concret de interes fa de cercetarea instituionlizat a culturii noastre populare. Cu certitudine, cele dou dicionare, referitoare la proverbe i la cimilituri, dicionarul mitologic i ritologic pe care l-a publicat, se nscriu, exemplar, n viziunea lui Ion Mulea, ele au fost gndite i coordonate de discipolul su Ion Talo, n deplin consonan cu concepia magistrului su privind rolul Arhivei de Folclor din Cluj n elaborarea marilor sinteze ale culturii tradiionale. Din acelai vechi proiect al fondatorului acestui institut fac parte i celelalte lucrri menionate mai sus, ca demersuri necesare de etap n edificarea unei mari Enciclopedii a culturii tradiionale romneti: cele referitoare la ritualurile agrare, la ritualurile vieii de familie, la basmele despre animale, la cntecele de militrie i propriu-zise, la melodiile i dansurile tradiionale din Transilvania. Mulea i urmaii si nu s-au gndit niciodat la dicionare i lexicoane alctuite mai n grab, dup alte asemenea lucrri, ci la construcii durabile, deschise i perfectibile, mai nti pentru uzul specialitilor, pentru o dezvoltare intern a arhivelor-institut, vzute ca biblioteci moderne ale culturii orale, n care totul s fie rnduit, cum spunea Ovidiu Brlea, ca n sertarele unei farmacii. Se pune, aadar, ntrebarea dac nu s-au fcut suficieni pai pentru ca proiectul Enciclopediei culturii tradiionale s fie scos de sub zodia nefericit a acelei reale i apstoare slbiciuni a construciei noastre tiinifice i lipsei de putere de organizare de care se plngea cndva Caracostea?

35 Sub tipar la Editura Limes, din Cluj. 36 Din acest corpus s-a publicat o cuprinztoare antologie n dou volume Cntecul de ctnie I-II. Cluj-Napoca, Editura Dacia, 1999-2000, iar n prezent se elaboreaz Motiv-indexul acestor teme. 37 Cluj-Napoca, Clusium, 2000.

Wheat and Last Ears Genies or Spirits

Maria Cuceu
Folklore Archive Institute of the Romanian Academy, Cluj

Apparently, the system of beliefs and mythical representations regarding the last ears of wheat fields belongs to the larger theme of harvesting customs and, also, to that related to the agrarian mythologies and cults. It could be eluded by this literary work, one which accurately deals with describing a specific agrarian ritual temporarily placed at the end of harvesting time: the reaping garland. The connections between this rite and the entire mythological system are very strong and deep. As a consequence, starting with Wilhelm Mannhardt, J. G. Frazer and going on till today, all inquiries regarding agrarian mythology are centered on the mythical ideas and representations concerned with the genies or spirits of the wheat field. Moreover, the beliefs about terraform and antropoform spirits of wheat fields and their representations are thought to be some sort of an ethnographical database of harvesting rites, especially of wheat harvesting. W. Mannhardt is the first serious researcher who has investigated those beliefs and superstitions related to the spirits, genies or demons of wheat fields and James G. Frazer, one of a more dedicated work, has analyzed the agrarian mythologies comparatively, focusing on their content and on the diversity of their real forms, as they appeared at different nations. Succeeding important and ethnographically well documented literary works based on a scientific hypothesis (1866 and 18681), W. Mannhardts synthetical studies revealed the essential role of such beliefs and mythical representations held in the configuration and evolution of all ceremonial and ritual practices of wheat harvesting in Germanic areas of Europe2 and others. The great ethnologists theory is anchored in positivism, although it was elaborated in a historical period perceptibly influenced by mythological reminiscences. He unveiled a true mythical and religious agrarian universe, focused on some noumenal beings invented by folkloric thinking and connected to the wheat field, especially to the last sheaf or to the last wheat ears. This revelation was possible due to the rich material gathered by questioning activities, a material published between 1858 and
1 Roggenwolf und Rogenhund. Beitrag zur germanischen Sittenkunde. Danzig, 1866. Korndmonen. Beitrag zur germanischen Sittenkunde. Berlin, 1868. 2 Wald- und Feldkulte. 1 Teil: Der Baumkultus der Germanen und ihrer Nachbarstmme. Berlin, 1875; 2 Teil: Antike Wald- und Feldkulte aus nordeuropischer Uberliefergung. Berlin, 1877. The posthumpus volume: Mythologische Forschungen. Aus dem Nachlasse von Wilhelm Mannhardt. Herausgegeben von Hermann Petzig. Mit Vorrede von Karl Mllenhoff und Wilhelm Scherer. Strassburg, 1884, was thought to be the third one of the important mannhardtien literary work.

152

Maria Cuceu

1865. Mainly preoccupied with the terraform and antropoform mythical representations and with their role in the rites at the end of wheat harvesting, the German ethnologist noted that the phenomenon spread not only in the Northern and Central European areas, but far beyond this space, and the mythical creatures took different forms and an amazing variety of names: the wolf (the dog), the boar (the pig), the goat or the she-goat (the ram or the sheep), the bison or the bull (the ox, the cow), the fox or the she- fox, the horse, the cat, the rooster, the hare etc. or The Mother of the Wheat, The Angel of the Wheat, The Child of the Wheat etc. . These mental forms, which took metaphorical and child threatening expressions even then, did not lack distinct roles in wheat harvesting rites. According to I. Ionic, they were the expression of some bits of local life units, of those isolated groups with a limited political and human horizon. As a result, their diversity and multitude contain the insignificant amount of such representations of terraform genies of vegetation.3 Mannhardt thinks that the old age of these vegetal divinities is impressive. All these insignificant and local mythical representations are much older than the well- known agrarian mythological figures of the ancient Latin- Greek civilization: Dionysus, Demetra, Adonis and others. Many scholars were, probably, annoyed with this apparent change of chronologies. Nevertheless, it represents an unexpected initiation in studying popular mythologies, especially because of the attention given to the folkloric discoveries made by vast investigations that had been spatially developed. The scholars following Mannhardt and Frazer deepened this perspective, gradually underlining the complexity of spiritual phenomena. They imposed an unanimously- now- accepted theory: sometimes, there are pre-Christian elements found in European popular beliefs and practices; some of them are older even than the divinities of the classic Greek-Roman mythology. But, these ancient forms of religious thinking didnt melt entirely into these wider and brighter new representations, but they continued to lead an underground life in popular thinking, mainly in small social groups local customs.4- the same Ion Ionic states The rich material gathered with the help of his set of questions, one rendered profitable by many generations of scholars, permitted Mannhardt to emphasize the connections among mythical beings, illustrating the spirits of the wheat field, on one hand, and, on the other hand, two categories of wheat harvesting rites: leaving the last wheat ears uncut and the procession of the last sheaf of wheat, tied, not only by name, to the local mythical representation. The importance those two categories of rites were given was so justified and the studies on those categories proved particularly rewarding. Starting with the first stage of analyzing this problem, Mannhardt and J. G. Frazer imposed the idea that the moment that the crop is taken away and the land remains empty (as if it were dead) represents its most critical moment. The ploughmans
3 Ion Ionic, Dealu Mohului. Ceremonia agrar a cununii n ara Oltului, Bucureti, Tip. Bucovina, 1943, p. 224. 4 Ibidem, p. 225.

Wheat and Last Ears Genies or Spirits

153

concern and fear that the life and fruit-bearing quality of the land could disappear and the possibility of a future crop with it, underlines the meaning and importance of the practices that form part of the harvesting ritual. The last ears of the land serve as a condenser of this power. Keeping and owning them - reminding of those objects that were hiding the souls of certain mythical creatures such as dragons, giants in fairy tales (see also Frazer, Golden Bough part. VII) - is the clue to the fertility of these lands.5 The two scholars spotted the dialectics of the relation between the sacred and the profane in every ploughmans action, the qualitative meaning of the beginning and the end of land cultivation and also the ritual character of certain acts and gestures performed by the peasants. The twenty- seventh up to the forty- eighth chapters of the important version of Franzers work, translated into Romanian in 1980, describe the anthropomorphous and teriomorphous spirits of the wheat, in detail. Some paragraphs are to be remembered: those mentioning the Mother of the Wheat (Muma Grului) and its derived representations, and, especially, the ones that present the spirits of the wheat (the Rabbit, the Bull, the Aurochs, the Ox, the Cow, the He-Goat, the Goat), with similarities in the Romanian folklore. The great importance of the rites associated with the first and the last ears, so vividly presented by Ion Ionic, has been observed and valued by all foreign agrarian rite examiners who followed Wilhelm Mannhardt and J. G. Frazer. A historical insight is out of place here. Nevertheless, the most important ones are recalled. It is a tribute for them contributing to the earlier- mentioned debate. Unfortunately, some of the identified works are not accessible due to their absence in our public libraries. Nevertheless, we were able to consult most of them, not without great efforts. They were fragments translated from German by our generous colleagues. Wilhelm Mannhard s theories, as they were so clearly stated in his two- volume Wald- und Feldkulte6, induced scholar Haino Pfannschmidt s7 insistence on studying the agrarian mythologies on vast ethnographic grounds. He was the first scholar to insist on this matter. Haino Pfannanschmidt understands agrarian mythology, with its pagan and Christian aspects, as being a result of a long and, sometimes, paradoxical evolution. This kind of a mythology could be reshaped by attentively analyzing the agrarian customs (especially those of reaping) within a long hermeneutical process and all the existing documentary material. He has in view to track the geographical spreading of the mythical agrarian representations, with help coming from mythological atlases and special investigations held in certain areas. Nevertheless, he is aware of the fact that the geographical dimension of the research could cover the scarcity of written historical attestation. A James George Frazers more comparative point of view in his famous book has motivated A.V. Rantasalo to produce one of the first criticized corpuses on beliefs, representations and magical agrarian practices: Der Ackerbau im Volksaberglauben der Finnen und Esten, mit entsprechenden Gebruchen der Germanen verglichen, published in five volumes of the famous series F. F. Communications.8 Rantasalos intention was to examine as much information as possible, even exhaustively. Then,
5 Ibidem, p. 210. 6 See note 2. 7 Phannschmidt Heino, Germanische Erntefeste im heidnischen und christlichen Kultus. Mit besonderer Beziehung auf Niedersachsen. Hannover 1878. 8 Sortavola - Helsinki, 1919-1925. (F.F.C. Nr. 30, 31, 32, 55 and 62).

154

Maria Cuceu

scholars could place it in a typology and, then, compare it. Due to the vast range of information thus supplied, the number of the mythical zoomorphous and anthropomorphous representations has increased considerably. Likewise, there were more and more relationships taken into consideration, those between the agrarian mythology and the rural practices contemporaneous with the scholar and this fact is of a greater importance. Jan de Vriess important study, Contributions to the Study of Othin in his Relations to Agricultural Practices in Modem Popular Lore9, appeared in the same series. This literary work has a new conception; it makes more use of the geographichistorical method. At first, the author gathers all the data needed for recomposing the course of archaic thinking and popular mentality within different ritual attitudes regarding the fructification power sheltered in the last sheaf. Ion Ionics view was strongly influenced by these considerations regarding the stratification procceses and the complex binding formed in mythological beliefs and representations, together with their proper rites, mostly in the proof revealed in the seventh chapter (The Last Ears and the Life of the Wheat) of his valuable monography. The sociologist reveals the historical link between the magic practices of reaping in all Romania and the developed ritual of the wreath in the Olt County. Simultaneously, he emphasizes: the internal temporal progress of a popular custom, the continuity of different forms and historical levels of certain ritual practices and their organic nature within the Romanian traditional spirituality. A more vivid synthetizing of the mythological dimension of reaping practices, of their spreading and evolution is expressed in the following articles: Handwrterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens10: Ernte (The Reaping) written by Kurt Heckscher11, Korndmonen (The Daemons of the Wheat) by Richard Beitl12, Kranz (The Cross) and Krone (The Crown or the Wreath) by Kurt Meschke.13 All these contributions reflect the documentary levels reached by different European countries. Unfortunately, the Romanian material is less revaluated then our Slavic neighbours (the Bulgarians, the Serb-Croats, the Slovenians, the Ukrainians, especially the Slovakians, the Czechs and the Polish people). It remained almost entirely unknown for the authors. Other three important studies14 reveal the complex functions of certain German beliefs and reaping customs, somehow exaggerating the role held by the old mythological elements and using a polemic tone when talking about Lutz Mackensen15 and Richard Beitls16 more realistic and better documented standpoints.
9 Helsinki, 1931 (F.F. Communications 94). 10 Herausgegeben unter besonderer Mittwirkung von E. Hoffmann-Krayer und Mitarbeit Zahlreicher Fachgenossen von Hans Bchtold-Stubli. Berlin und Leipzig, Walter de Gruyter, I-X. 1927-1942. 11 The quoted literary work, the second volume (1929-1930). Col 939-963. 12 The quoted literary work, the fifth volume (1932-1933). Col 249-314. 13 The quoted literary work, the quoted volume. Col 382-428 and 599-603. 14 Hans Niggemann, Erntefeste. Bruche und Sitten zur Erntezeit. Hamburg, 1935; Georg Nowottnick, Deutsche Ernte in Sitte, Brauch, Sage und Volksdichtung. Berlin, 1935; Rolf Helm, Deutsche Erntebruche. Leipzig, 1937. 15 Tierdmonen? Kornmetaphern!, in Mitteldeutscher Bulletin fr Volkskunde 8 (1933), pages 109121. 16 Richard Beitl, the quoted literary work and the study of a critical valuation of the mannhardtien

Wheat and Last Ears Genies or Spirits

155

The comparative openings of these new contributions were limited towards the Latin space of Europe by the great difference found in the accumulation and systematization of information, because, unlike the modern documentary basis in the Germanic space, in the Northern and Baltic countries, in the Romanic and Slavic areas, the progress of knowledge was slower and almost inconclusive. Another important comparative work is that belonging to Waldemar Liungman17 (1937-1938). It considers the whole South-Eastern European area, including Romania, one of a remarkable importance in the process of transmitting certain oriental influences, the harvesting customs in this area being the result obtained from certain influences and adaptations of some Egyptian fertility rites, linked especially to the Osiris cult.18 This hypothesis does not take into consideration the organic character, the pre-Roman substance or the systemic coherence of the traditional Romanian spirituality, one that has been carrying on the Latin popular culture in this area. In any case, the diffusion like explanations concerning traditional customs were again not conclusive, so that the Romanian ethnographer Alexandru Popescu was able to reject the Sweedish scholars hypothesis easily. We only mention the conclusion of his argumentation: Dealing with some cultural and historical interferences all along the evolution of those customs dating back to a very old period of time and indeed being so intimately bound to some Romanians basic occupations, such as harvesting, must start with the idea that such genetical relationships are, first of all, conditioned by the existence of a well structured cultural backround and, therefore, has real access to creative assimilation.19 The German researcher Ingeborg WeberKellermanns20 impressive synthesis is of a true support in understanding the relationship between the agrarian mythology and the rituals themselves, mostly because of the detailed answers got from Transylvania during the Mannhardt investigation and accessed by the great critical direction of the already- mentioned book. The bunch of uncut ears, a true shelter for the spirit of the wheat and forever hidden for the reapers, has various names in the Romanian folklore. As far as we know, the rite of leaving the ears uncut, of binding them together, of knitting or that of adorning them, was, undoubtedly, known and practiced in all our historical provinces. Imperiously, for the first time, one must present all the regionalisms related to this issue. Gods beard is known as: the uncut bunch of wheat, the unmowed cornfield, a present left for God - Rcdia CS; one binds the most beautiful twelve wheat straws with a white and a red thread: Ghilad TM; a sign that one has finished harvesting the last cornfield: Vlcani TM, Chiztu TM; a bunch of uncut ears, bound with red
legacy published in The German Folk Atlas: Wilhelm Mannhardt und der Atlas der deutschen Volkskunde in Zeitschrift fr Volkskunde IV (1933), p. 70-84. 17 Waldemar Liungman, Traditionswanderungen Euphrat-Rhein. Studien zur Geschichte der Volksbruche. I. Band, 1937. II. Band, 1938. The Swedish scholar went on studying the agrarian customs in Der Kampf zwischen Sommer und Winter. Helsinki, 1941; Traditionswanderungen Rhein-Jenissei. Eine Untersuchung ber das Winter- und Todaustragen und einiger hierhergehrigen Bruche. I (1941), II (1945). 18 Alexandru Popescu, Tradiii de munc romneti n obiceiuri, folclor i art popular, Bucureti, The Scientific and Encyclopaedic Publishing House, 1986, p. 136-137. 19 Ibidem, p. 137. 20 Erntebrauch in der lndlichen Arbeitswelt des 19. Jahrhunderts auf Grund der Mannhardtbefragung in Deutscheland von 1865. Marburg, N. G. Elwert Verlag, 1965.

156

Maria Cuceu

thread in order to indicate the end of reaping: Bobia MH; uncut bound ears left on the harvested field, known as Gods Beard: Strmbeni AG; the ears left at the last cut acre: Miroi TR; an uncut bunch of ears found on each peasants last reaped acre: Rocoreni MH; a small place left unreaped, bound with a red thread: Fureti VL; bound ears left food for birds: Negreni OT; we knitt in three and we put a red thread: Mceii DJ; when the last cornfield was done, one used to leave a bunch of several ears uncut and to bound it with a red thread: Slciile PH; every harvested field had a few uncut ears called Gods Beard: Aluni OT; in the end, one left seven, eight, ten wheat straws and called them Gods Bear- then, he/ she was knitting them with a red woollen thread from the roots up to the ears- they were all bending and praying for a better future crop, Good health and a richer crop next year!: Izbiceni OT; we take Gods Beard, knitting it in three and binding it with a red thread on the top of the ear: Zimnicea TR, Ghimpai OT. We knit Old Gods Beard in three, binding it with a red thread, and, then, we place the sickles down and we pour some water, we wash our hands and we thank God for the abundance: Turtucaia Bulgaria; the last handful of ears is left uncut, straws attached, and, then, it is knitted in three and bound with a red thread and a coin: Poiana Mare DJ. The vast spreading area of this representation, one doubled by a magical rite and unanimously called Gods beard, underlines the extraordinary value existing in the study of our agrarian mythology and, consequently, in the acknowledgement of the ritual forms that have come before the sickle wreath, according to Ion Ionic. In other villages, Gods beard may also signify a small armful plot of land, placeds in the very middle of the cornfield: Admeti TR; a small sheaflike portion of a grainfield worked in a given space of time named Gods beard: Selitea Hotin. Saint Nicholass beard is a term found in Bessarabia, designating a small land left uncut down: Cair The White Town (Cetatea Alb). In this case, it is about a name derived from the previous one. According to T. Pamfile, A. Gorovei and N. I. Dumitracu, Ion Ionic recorded the few existing confirmation: when you reap the wheat, you have to leave a small place uncut called the Gods Beard, in the middle of the field: Admeti TR; the ears that form Gods beard are bound with a red thread in Dolj countys: Dolj. Without localizing, Ionic also mentions Saint Elliss beard, when talking about the Danubian Plain in his book. It is a term derived from the original one, too. The Priests beard, a substitute for the intial magical concept, is confused sometimes with Gods beard. Therefore, the two names are both used in some places, each of them referring to the same mythological and ritual reality: some wheat straws left on the last acre, after the end of cutting down: Miroi TR; the bound bunch of uncut wheat straws: Rcdia CS; after ending harvesting, the man leaves a bunch of uncut wheat, he twines it as a tail and he binds it with a red rope: Poiana Mare DJ. Probably, the uncut piece of land is sometimes named the Priests Tail: Crna DJ because of this wreath. The Priests Beard also refer to the ears left uncut on the final place, right at the end, when the reapping is over: Rudari OT; the last ears which make the reappers afraid to chop: Slobozia - Vlacas. The uncut bunch of wheat straws is called the Manna of the Field (the Manna of the Land/ the Manna of the Ploughed Field) in some areas in Transylvania, Bucovina and Bessarabia. So, a small section is left uncut, as a manna of the field: Densu HD; about five wheat straws born from the same single grain are left uncut: Cmpuri-Surduc HD; some ears, resembling a bunch, are left uncut after at the end of reapping:

Wheat and Last Ears Genies or Spirits

157

Cmpulung SV; some ears left on the field, after reapping: Banila - Storojine . In other areas, the Manna of the Field is equivalent to the Fructification of the Earth and consists of the last ears, left uncut: Plopi MM; the peasants leave a sheaf of ears in the field: Blca SV, Hodorui - Hotin, Chirileni - Soroca. The equivalence between the Manna of the Field and the Priests Beard is vague and indefinite. Therefore, a bunch of best quality wheat straws is bound with a thread and called the Manna or the Priests Beard: Odeti MM. The ritual representation and their afferent practices, The Beard of the Earth, are mostly found in Bessarabia, where it seems they have met a general diffusion. But, they havent been analysed as they should have been. In the autumn of 1993, during our three week stay in Chiinu, we were not able to use the existing manunscripts at the Institute of Etnoghraphy and Folklore in order to find out more information about this matter, due to the lack of some thematic catalogues and the writing in Cyrillic alphabet. Judging by the studied collections, we consider it might exist precious data about these reaping beliefs and practices. A study published by Alexandru Furtun from the Institute of Etnoghraphy and Folklore in Chiinu reminds of a wide spread of this practice of leaving some ears uncut, at the end of harvesting and this action is called: A Beard, The Fructification of the Earth, The Seed of the Earth, The Nourishment of the Earth, The Ears of the Ploughed Field, The Birds Ears, The Small Plot of Land, The Small Piece.21 Although the informers or the collectors avoided to speak about Gods Beard, the practice itself was one and the same and its more general name was mentioned in old materials, as in Selitea Hotin. It is a regret that the author did not present the material in detail, with all the existing localizations in the archives. Obviously, the Beard/ the Fructification/ the Seed of the Earth are identical ritual and conceptual representations with Gods Beard and with other of their terminological derivations. It can be easily proved by a simple introduction of all meanings known in the collective memory of the Bessarabian village. They lead to an obvious enough and even folk definition: at the end of harvesting, one leaves a small uncut place, some ears in a corner, the Beard of the Earth: Slobozia Cneasc the White Town (Cetatea Alb); the people leave a small uncut down land - The Beard of the Earth: Cioburciu-Tighina; few wheat straw or even grain straw bunches are left - The Beard of the Earth: New Caragaci (Noul Caragaci) - the White Town (Cetatea Alb). Somewhere else, the collector comes across the linguistic definition almost by mistake, when asking questions for other purposes. Therefore, the expressions are unclear: The Beard of the Earth could be a small lot left uncut down, Moldova - the White Town (Cetatea Alb); Ofetin Rbnia. In addition, in Eastern folk areas, The Beard of the Ploughed Field stands for the same representation. The slightly conceptual derivation does not change the meaning, so much the more as it is stated together with the term The Beard of the Earth in two places: Noul Caragaci - Cetatea Alb and Cioburciu Tighina, in different sources appears toghere with The Beard of Land. Other Bessarabian information reveals The Beard of the Ploughed Field less clearly; at one end of the land, where
21 Alexandru Furtun, Obiceiurile seceriului, in Literatura i Arta (Chiinu) 32 (1985), no. 40 (2096), the 3rd of October.

158

Maria Cuceu

the wheat straws are entangled and impossible to be cut down, the accidental passerby observes ironically: Look, this man has left The Beard of the Ploughed Field here!, but these words remind of the ritual sense. An obvious extension of the meaning states in Dobrudja The Beard of the Strip Ground (Barba Tarllii): when harvest time is over, some people leave ten straws, others leave twelve wheat straws and they sometimes knit them: Somova TL. The bunch of uncut last ears is reminded namelessly in a wide range of pieces of information. It is true that some of them does not have so much as a certainty. Thus, it is mentioned in all the historical provinces, from the South-Western areas of Banat, up to the regions placed across the Nistru River. We consider the detailed presentation of the attesting necessary, even though they are sometimes so general and apparently unclear. They have the habit of leaving some ears bound with red wool in the field: Fiscut AR; some ears fallen on the ground: Rcdia CS; there are some ears left: Suciu de Jos MM ; the last ears were left in the field: Plopi MM; people were careful about leaving a bunch of uncut wheat straws in the middle of the field: Surdeti MM; the ears at the border of the field are left uncut down: Dijir BH; it is a custom to leave some wheat uncut in the field: Chilaca AR; we leave three wheat straws uncut down: Slatina Timiului CS; some straws are left uncut, which a girl binds with a red thread made of silk: Gherteni CS. Without mentioning the necessary localizations,22 Valer Butur proves the existing practice of leaving the last ears uncut in some other villages from the historical Transylvania. The ALR II investigator Emil Petrovici has identified this rite namessly: Scrioara - Turda, Boiu Mare MM, Marginea SV, Clugra Mare BC, Mirceti BC, Gura Srii BZ. This is the twenty- sixth attesting done at the 5226 issue: the straws left uncut at the end of harvesting. In some insular areas from Moldavia The Beard of the Earth has a curious enough name, the Scarecrow (Mmie or Momia); the last ears are bound at the top and have the shape of a scarecrow (momie). The name and the magical practice itself have been sporadically confirmed by the investigator of the Romanian Linguistic Atlas and by two answers at the questionnaires formulated by the Folklore Archive of the Romanian Academy. Nevertheless, Ion H. Ciubotaru and Silvia Ciubotaru have studied these more thoroughly in the study entitled The Agrarian Customs a Dominant Feature of the Folkloric Culture in Moldavia23. They have suggested a very inspired relationship with the anthropomorphous personification The Mother of the Wheat24, identified with the image of The Old Woman (Baba) in Pluguorul (a well- wishing poem recited by young peasants, on the occasion of New Years Eve). The eminent scholars from Iai start their researches with an important piece of information provided by Stelian Dumistrcel, a dialectologist. According to this, the last bunch of ears was left
22 Valer Butur, Credinele n legtur cu cultura grului la romnii din Transilvania, in Sociologie Romneasc, II, 1937, p. 360. 23 In Anuarul de Lingvistic i Istorie Literar, t. XXIX, B. Iai, 1985, p. 107-131. 24 Cf. Elena Niculi-Voronca, Datinile i credinele poporului romn brought together in mythological order- first volume, page 179: The rye has its mother. There is a long black blade in the rye field; it is called the mother of the rye, and the same is for the wheat filed: the mother of the wheat. One may find here the quotation: the mother of the bread and the water witch (tima). This information is found in Broscui BT.

Wheat and Last Ears Genies or Spirits

159

standing up and was bound in the shape of a scarecrow which the locals from Dedu village, the commune of Zvoritea, called ciuh25. These examiners offer astonishing details in a detailed footnote, details which are taken from those materials gathered within important documentaty fonds of the Folkloric Archive of Moldavia and Bucovina. In Moldavia, when reaping, there is a common enough custom of making a Scarecrow (Momie) which is, then, left in the field. On the contrary, this shape is not made from the last bunch of ears, but from the first one, in central and NorthEastern areas (Criveti, Focuri i Plugari, Iai county, Rnghileti, Mitoc, Cotuca, Viioara, Suhru, Cordreni, George Enescu and Havrna, Botoani county).26 The explanations about the left- on- the- field Scarecrow (Momia) gathered by our coleagues from Iai are particulary significant for the rituals. They are related to the well- known ploughmans superstitious fear of not disturbing the natural balance with a reckless act. The first and the last ears keep the power of bearing fruit, the manna of the field, but for many times they are directly related to the zoomorphous or anthropomorphous creatures which give this miraculous power of bearing fruit. It would be very interesting to find out if the demoniac figure Moma, one that is used for scaring the children, can explain Mmia and Momia and, moreover, if all these three terms refer to one and the same Old Woman (Baba) Mother of the Grain, one reminded by Ion H. Ciubotaru and Silvia Ciubotaru from Iai. Hanni Markel27s detailed examination of the information in the documentary Mannhardt stock is of a great help now. Most of the answers in this Mannhardt Investigation come from Transylvania, Romania. There are some references to zoomorphous figures of the grain spirit: The Wolf, The Dog, The Rabbit, The Rooster, and also to the strange mithological being, Mummes, one confusedly identified with The Crazy Woman or The Witch of the Grass in answers got from other villages. Consequently, the confessions from Moldavian may turn to be of an essential importance, even though nowadays ploughmens explanations seem vague enough. And it is said they bind the Momia so that the grain grows bigger next year and the crops are more beautiful, you know. The Mmia is made before the reaping begins and it is left there in the field; nobody cuts it down. : Arborea-Dorohoi. When we start reaping, we make that Mmia at the end of the land. It is left there, for one thinks this is the Metayage for the Earth (dejma pmntului) so that it will be very fertile: Dumeni-Dorohoi. Nobody dares to take it from that place, nobody puts it near the other sheaves. This is the manna of the field. It would be very good for the cattle to eat from that bunch of wheat straws.28 A primitive form of the wreath is also referred to as Gods Beard in some Romanian areas. It is equivalent to that bunch brought home that Ion Ionic considered to be an intermediary level in the evolution between the bunch of ears left uncut in the cornfield and the wreath itself. Ionic knew only the information got from Tudor Pamfile, epu-Tecuci: you must always hang a number of three times nine ears at the sacred image. Some people can knit them very nicely; but, knitted or not, they
25 Ion H. Ciubotaru and Silvia Ciubotaru, the quoted literary work, p. 114. 26 Ibidem, p. 114, note 46. 27 Hanni Markel, Referring to W. Mannhardts Investigation (1865). The Transylvanian Saxons` Answers, in AMET , 1965-1967, p. 411-436. 28 Ion H. Ciubotaru - Silvia Ciubotaru, the quoted literary work, p. 114.

160

Maria Cuceu

bear the name of Gods Beard.29 In the mentioned literary work, Ion H. Ciubotaru and Silvia Ciubotaru also underline some extremely interesting pieces of information about this primitive shape of wreath, taken from the Folkloric Archive of Moldavia and Bucovina. Therefore, in Izvoare and Mlenui BT villages, the last bunch of ears was not chopped, but it was pulled up and taken home in the evening where it was kept outside under the roof, untill the next reaping would start.30 Likewise, in Cordreni BT they were choosing thirty ears from the last bunch and they bound them with red thread and it was kept under the roof, especially closer to the door.31 Therefore, the uncut bunch was taken home as a simple binding of ears, unknitted and unadorned. The two scholars discovered a new more evolved form somewhere else, in the same county, Arborea BT: it is made a Beard out of the last ears. Forty ears are chosen, the straws are knitted like in a texture at the upper part, whereas the most beautiful ears remain at the lower end. This Beard is kept at the icon or up in a corner, till Christmas or spring; then, the wheat from those ears is boiled and eaten.32 Such a Beard has been discovered in Bajura and Conceti villages, from the folkloric area of Drbani, too.33 This intermediary manner of worshiping the last ears is widely spread, as it is shown by three older items of information, from the ALR investigation: Some ears will form the beard that is, then, hanged and left there until the next year: Movileni Larga IS; Gods beard is made of knitted straws and ears, in the shape of a harrow and it is hung at the icons: Czneti IL; we knit Gods beard from bearded wheat ears and we hang it at icons: Somova TL. An interesting fact is this co- existence with the occasionally knitting made from uncut wheat straws that are named The Beard of the Field and left in the field, as shown before, in the same village: Somova TL. Some relevant information is also being kept in the manuscript fund of the Folk Archive at the Romanian Academy: there is the custom of making a wreath out of some bigger and more beautiful wheat ears, ears facing down, in the shape of a beard, which is called Gods beard. A lad makes it and, afterwards, he brings it home and he hangs it next to the icon, where it is left all year long: Radovanu IF. The last ears are left uncut in the field as in Somova, TL, too. A bunch or a wreath of first cut ears is brought home with similar ritual actions, in two other Southern places. Thus, some beautiful ears taken from the first sheaf are brought home and kept at the icon, whereas the last uncut ears are called Gods beard in Poiana Mare DJ. Old people from Slciile PH create beautiful wreaths out of first ears called Gods beard and they place them at their icons. Gheorghe Vrabie published a photography showing the Goats Beard, somewhere in Ilfov, Romania, in his work of synthesis concerning the Romanian folklore.34
29 Tudor Pamfile, Agricultura la romni, An ethnographical study about measuring the land and a glossary. Bucureti, Socec and Co. Book Houses, 1913, page 121. 30 Ion H. Ciubotaru and Silvia Ciubotaru, the quoted literary work, page 113. 31 Ibidem. 32 Ibidem. 33 Ibidem. 34 Gheorghe Vrabie, Folclorul. Obiect, principii, metod. Bucureti, Tipografia Crilor Bisericeti, 1947.

Wheat and Last Ears Genies or Spirits

161

I have come across a ritual object called Gods beard or The Beard of the Earth, dating back before 1918, in the Ethnographic Section of the National Museum from Chiinu, Bessarabia. That object was very similar to the one reproduced by Gh. Vrabie in his photography. Without a doubt, there are other attestations of this important link, in proving the historical evolution of the ritual practices concerning the last ears, in museums and in the collections of photos in our institutes in Chiinu, Iai, Bucureti and especially in those hardly accessed materials belonging to the Romanian Etnographical Atlas, too. As a matter of fact, these last ears (that mythical and magical interest for the sacred will and for the noumenal force retreated in the last area of the cornfield) are hidden under all these ancient forms or ways of an indirect offering. This noumenal power, this mythical unpersonified force which Ion Ionic considers a vague existence found in the entire crop and in the cultivated land and calls the power of bearing fruit35 is, obviously, the expression of a conceptualization process within a magical horizon. The scholars have equated it with a genuine principle of the vegetal life, including those grains that are cultivated by man. In certain conditions, it hides an agrarian zoomorphous or anthropomorphous divinity. There havent been clearafied all the existing relationships between the evil unpersonified forces and the agrarian divinities themselves, yet. Popular thinking, that is mostly the archaic one, states that the cornfield that grows, together with the land which bears it, are gifted at this level of thinking with their own life, with a power that sustains them and which takes the ears towards maturity.36 The European peasants mythical and magical unrest of the mind forms the basis of all his agrarian ritual and ceremonial measures. Therefore, at the moment of an unavoidable crisis in his relationships with the land and the cultivated cornfield, the reaping, the peasant had to be religiously sure and he used true magical strategies, a coherent system of interdictions, precautions and directions with a ritual essence. All these are thought to be partially mentioned in this chapter. The ploughmans concern and fear that the land will lose its life and ability to bear fruit, and, consequently, the certainty of a future crop, underline the meaning and the solemnity of these practices that frame the rite of reaping.37 One believed that the uncut ears were left as a ritual gift for God or for some older rulers, maybe for the first rulers of the cultivated fields. Vaguely, but almost miraculously, the collective memory has kept just the remindings of those acts and practices done by previous generations. Thus, one believed that the small land must be left uncut down (it is a good thing to be done) so that not to take the manna of the cornfield: Densu HD and the ears were left as the manna of the field in Bessarabia. Sometimes, due to the caprices of this collective memory, one even speaks about that piece of land left unreaped. In some other pieces of information, the same mythical or religious referrings name a strange and feared unimpersonated spiritual force the manna of the field = the manna of the ploughed field = the fruit of the Earth: Chirileni
35 Ion Ionic, the quoted literary work, p. 210. 36 Ibidem. 37 Ibidem.

162

Maria Cuceu

- Soroca, Hodorui - Hotin, Bnila - Storojine, Cair (Cetatea Alb). The man used to leave uncut ears in the field in order not to take the fruit of the Earth: Plopi MM; moreover, the peasant considered this an act of providing the field a strange and almost meaningless nourishment= the manna: Cioburciu - Tighina, Cuenii Vechi Tighina, even the food of the Earth: Ofetin - Rbnia. The magical practice of not touching the last ears often has the meaning of a severe ritual interdiction. This is clearly stated by a piece of information from Cmpulung SV: it is a sin to touch them /the last ears/ and to take them home, because the next year the field will hide and will keep the manna for itself. Gods Beard is left in the field in Slciile PH, so that luck remains. The uncut ears, Gods Beard in Aluni PH, are considered the luck of the place which remains until the next year. The same feeling of a magical and religious fear persuade the reapers from Blca - Putna to avoid touching the Priests beard or the Rabbits grass, as an assurance for a next beautiful crop and an everlasting fruit of the Earth. All these directions, symbolic and gestured steps and interdictions are doubled by the Gods beard, a mythological representation, or by its substitutes. In addition to the description itself of the magical method, consisting in naming the directions or the ritual interdictions, we notice complementary observations upon the direct and indirect meanings. All this data is meant to clarify the popular meaning and to widen its boundaries. Without a doubt, they are, by far, the most important issues when learning about the agrarian rites and mythology. The more documents in the Romanian Ethnographical and in Traian Ghermans outstanding literary work will be, the more aspects of this problems will be made clear. Therefore, we are going to present all the information as detailed as possible, even though some elements are repeated, due to a lack of information. It is difficult to make a difference between a straight mythological expression and others which are placed at different stages in the figurative and metaphorical language, when taking the folkloric terminology into account, one so rich in meanings. Lutz Mackensen underlined this fact a few centuries ago. Sometimes, the scholar has great difficulties in such a situation. But, when certain magical meanings and functional significations are found in large areas, with almost exact wording and with exact references to one and the same idea or mythological and magical representation, we come across some traces of an ancient vision, a vision almost untouched by the overwhelming and long religious Christian experience. Mentioning this small sacrifice, this gift, as one coming from God and his arrangements is a very frequent and interesting fact. Thus, the uncut ears are left: in Gods care: Rcdia CS ; as a gift, or a sacrifice for the Creator: Rocoreni MH; the old men thought the Beard was holy: Odeti MM. The ears were offered to God indirectly, as they were left in the field for the birds of the sky or for Gods birds, as found out in most villages: Fiscut AR, Rcdia CS. The same explanation appears in the information got from certain unlocalized areas in Bihor. Then, one comes across it in one mention from Bnila Storojine and in some other manuscrips from Bessarabia with no indications about the place. Sometimes, the explanations are even more detailed: for the birds of the sky because they also have to feed themselves and provide their food: Suciu de Sus MM, Cioburciu - Tighina, Slobozia Gneasc the White Town (Cetatea Alb); for all the

Wheat and Last Ears Genies or Spirits

163

birds or all Gods creatures: Chirileni - Soroca, Zicani Bli. It was a believed certainty that those uncut ears would feed the birds of the sky: Cioclteni - Orhei, Verejeni - Orhei, Cair the White Town (Cetatea Alb); that people left them for Gods birds, as food or a gift: Moldova the White Town (Cetatea Alb). The following example is better for stressing the meaning: a gift: God gave us food and, as a result, it is a must that we give food to His birds as they have none: Verejeni - Orhei. The high frequency of these evidences, their stereotyped aspect and primitive Christian vision seem to be on the same level with the apocryphal legends and carols and they are self- evident for a nation that was Christianized before the Slavs or the Baltics, the connections with religion becoming stronger (longer), more organic and more natural. Unfortunately, the present stage of analyzing this practice encounter some unexpected difficulties. It is obvious that there are some gestures and ritual deeds performed in order to outline once again the sacred condition of the uncut bunch of wheat straws. As a result, this bunch becomes a sort of a ritual object, one always attached to the field that gave it birth and protected by the ploughmen. In his fundamental literary work dedicated to Russian agrarian rituals38, Vladimir I. Propp considers last- ear (uncut ones) knitting a ritual of creating a wreath, without mentioning the direct relationship between the two elements. The phrase knitting the beard reminds us of the ritual of knitting the birch tree. Knitting, here, means creating a round shape, that is, making a wreath without cutting the plant. It is the same thing with the birch tree: it was decorated with petals, sometimes its tops were bound in a round shape, they were bent and tied to the grass. In essence, the same thing is done with the Beard.39All these considerations remind of the almost generalized Romanian custom of placing a wreath on the top of a recent finished construction, meaning to place the wreath on a house, on a church, on a public building etc. Propp describes just one ancient rite, without relating in detail, but focusing his investigation on the ethnographical variety of Russian practices. He aims at one of the initial meanings of Gods beard. The ears were inclined towards the ground until touching it. At other times, they were even buried into the ground. The uncut ears were bound with a red ribbon and a stone was placed as a landmark.40 He has a very interesting interpretation of that primitive knitting, the last uncut bunch of ears. This action is meant to ensure the everlasting sacred force that the peasant offers to the Earth (the keeper of life itself and one that bears fruit).41 The ritual gesture of inclining the ears towards the ground and even burring them may signify the rite of handing back the force, once received from the Earth, to Earth itself. Burring the seeds may be equivalent to the act of feeding the Earth, as an assurance for a future beautiful crop.42 Nevertheless, the Romanian popular beliefs may give a more detailed meaning to the collocation Gods beard. The ritual of leaving that last bunch of ears uncut hasnt been examined as it
38 V. I. Propp, Russkie agrarnie prazaniki. (Opt istorico-etnograficescovo issledovania). Leningrad, Izdatelstvo Leningradscovo Universiteta, 1963. 39 Ibidem, page 64. 40 Ibidem. 41 Ibidem. 42 Ibidem, page 65.

164

Maria Cuceu

should have been. As a consequence, all data will be presented, from the most simple gestures to the most complex ritual acts. Thus, the most simple and probably the most common ritual gesture related to Gods beard is its binding or its surrounding. We are dealing with the circumscription, with the magical closing within a sacred place of the non personified force which bears fruit. This ritual gesture must have had a vast area of spreading in Romania, but, unfortunately, it was scarcely recorded. Binding the ears is, somehow, connected to one moment in the process of collecting certain plants with magical powers, such as the night- shade. We certify it with different forms. Therefore, Gods beard or the Priests beard on the last acre was made of several wheat straws: Miroi TR; the uncut bunch of wheat straws was bound: Rcdia CS; the bunch left where the wheat is richer is bound with a thread: Odeti MM. In other parts, the uncut ears from Gods beard or from its derived forms are bound with a red thread: Fureti VL; the poor bunch of ears that the landlord binds with a red thread, so that prosperity remains: Slciile PH; the left ears were bound by a girl with a red silk thread, so that the grains would be as red and clean as the silk: Gherteni CS, Slatina Timiului CS, Chilaca AR; a reaping machine or the owner used to bind the uncut ears with red thread: Bobia MH; with red wool: the stage of the investigation ALR 769, Fiscut AR. In Banat, Gods beard was made of twelve wheat straws, bound with two threads- one white and one red: Ghilad TM. V. I. Propp so accurately intuits all the acting persons multiple gestures and movements, so that encircling and binding are preceded by the ritual gesture of knitting Gods beard, with all its magical implications.43 Alexandru Furtun and Nicolae Bieu showed that the procedure of knitting and binding the Beard is widely spread in Bessarabia and with the Romanians in Ucraine: These ears were knitted in three parts and, then, they were bound with a red thread or with a red ribbon at the upper part, and the names are very different from one place to another: The Beard of the Earth, The Fruit of the Earth, The Ears of the Land, The Birds ears, The Plot of land or The Small piece.44 But, it is a fact that the ritual act of knitting the Preasts beard, before binding, is found in Oltenia, too. Thus, that handful of uncut wheat straws is being knitted as in a tail and it is bound with a red string: Poiana Mare DJ. Those ten, even twenty wheat straws left for the Beard of the field were knitted, when harvesting was over: Somova TL. Gods beard is formed of uncut ears that we knit in three parts and we add a red thread, as for the girls: Mceu deJos DJ; One used to knit Gods beard, starting from the root till the ear with a red woollen thread: Izbiceni OT; we knit Gods beard in three and we bind it with a red thread at the top: Zimnicea TR; we knit it in three parts and we add a red thread: Ghimpai OT; Old Gods beard is knitted in three parts and it has a red thread: Turtucaia - Bulgaria. This last piece of information, taken from the Romanian Linguistic Atlas, describes the ritual gesture of knitting the straws as one which follows another preparatory one: the reapers were laying down their tools, they were pouring some water
43 Ibidem. 44 Nicolae Bieu, Folclorul obiceiurilor calendaristice, in the collective volume Creaia popular [The Popular Creation] A Theoretical Course of Romanian Folklore in Bessarabia, Transnistria and Bucovina Chiinu, Science Publishing House, 1991, p. 253.

Wheat and Last Ears Genies or Spirits

165

and, after washing their hands, they touched the last wheat straws, Gods beard, with the intention of knitting and binding it: Turtucaia - Bulgaria. These gestures were accompanied by good wishes. They were all crossing themselves and they were saying: Many Happy and Fruitful Years to Come!: Izbiceni OT; they thanked God for the abundance: Turtucaia - Bulgaria; they were praising God for the crop: Ghimpai OT, Rudari OT. We cant end this chapter without casting a short glance at the wheat spirits and genies, even though there is little reliable information about them. Without this, a clear understanding of the historical evolution of Romanian agrarian cults and myths will not be possible. On the other hand, this is the only way of clearing up the relationships between the unpersonified demonic forces, the agrarian divinities and the rites related to reaping. The little amount of information regarding the spirits of the wheat is, of course, a real obstacle. Our nineteenth century folklorists mentioned them accidentally. Despite all the mythological inclination of the epoque, the only reliable sources consist in the answers got by Wilhelm Mannhardt (1865) during his investigations in Transylvania and in the literary works belonging to some Saxons, scholars influenced by this investigation indirectly.45 At the end of the nineteenth century, B. P. Hasdeu and N. Densuianus investigations were of a not so great importance because of their wrong questions. Maybe they didnt know the German scholars way of getting valuable information.46 It is the same with Simeon Florea Marian, Elena NiculiVoronca, Tudor Pamfile or Artur Goroveis comprehensive works. As a result, the first Romanian scholar who revealed the importance of the agrarian demonology was Ion Mulea, from Cluj, Romania. He mentions the genies of the cornfields (a custom, a saying or a song (a verse) that speaks about some a sacrifice done for a supranatural force or deity during reaping time) in the Second Questionnaire of the Folk Archive at the Romanian Academy, dedicated to Summer Customs47, together with those rites concerning the last ears and the deities they belonged to. Moreover, we probably owe to him that fact that, when creating the Romanian Linguistic Atlas, Emil Petrovici included some issues concerning the agrarian mythology. He managed to record interesting data in many ares of the researched places. These late actions, dating back to the fourth and to the fifth decades of the twentieth century, had less chances to find the old Romanian beliefs and agrarian representations concerning the teriomorphe and anthropomorphe spirits. The vast chapter dedicated to the historical evolution of this isue underlines the Romanian researchers lack of interest in the spirits or demonds of the cornfield and in their role in the appearance and perpetuance of certain beliefs and ritual practices.
45 First of all, we mention W. Schuster, Voden. Ein Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie. Hermannstadt, 1856. Gustav A. Heinrich, Agrarische Sitten und Gebruche unter den Sachsen Siebenburgens, Hennannstadt, 1880. 46 Nevertheless, Nicolae Densuianu was questioning in A Questionnaire about the Historical traditions and the Antiquities from the Counties populated by Romanians. Part II. The Epoch until 600 after Christ (Iai, the National Publishing House, 1895) about the Black Ox , the Bull of the Earth or the Black Cow (p. 24-25), about The Girls of the Field (p. 20) or about the Lamic-Barnic Bird. 47 The Questionnaire may have been published in 1931, when first answers appear.

166

Maria Cuceu

Likewise, the problem is eluded in a hurry in our mythological studies and dictionaries. Despite all this poor information, beginning with Ion Ionics monographical study and ending with Ion H. Ciubotaru and Silvia Ciubotarus, the need of a real investigation of the agrarian mythology enters an apperance. Ionic once approached this theme in Mohu Hill, in The Masters of the Wheat48 subchapter. He started with the late ones, God, the Mother of God, and, then, he mentioned the oldest ones, even forgotten: the Mothers, the Rabbit, the Quail. Though weak, the information gives us clues about the doubtless existence of certain animal representations related to the last ears.49 Taking notice of the fact that the agrarian demons have declied and that now they appear as a metaphore which stands for a good peasants joke or which increases those sayings that frighten the children and make them leave off the riped cornfields50, Ionic found the best way to discover the old masters of the grain. On the other hand, he misses a great opportunity: when talking about the ears in the mace, placed in the hens beak at a wedding51, he doesnt notice the possible correlation with the Quail from the cornfields and with the Threatening Birds in some ritual songs. His considerations regarding the historical filiation: the Great Goddess of the Fruit- Bearing Earth the Mother of God are two themes that will be very much used in a future time. The same situation is with: 3. The agrarian sacrifice52 and 4. Agrarian prolongations and echos in main cultures and in Christianity.53S Some of our agrarian deities will also have to be looked for in other categories of ritual texts. There is a type of an image- motive, one which is frequent in Romanian carols, but uncommon in reaping songs. It has a sacred caracter (The Holy Mother, God, The Holy Lord, Jordans Daughter, The Holy Bull, The Holy Aurochs, The Biggest Hind) that comes down to a sacred place (The Holy Fountain, The Fountain of the Land, The Fountain in the Garden, The Fountain among Springs) and waters the fields under cultivation, thus offering the manna to the fields/ the crop to the cornfields. This motive can reveal a series of sacred anthropomorphous beings, with the agrarian zoomorf ones at the back. Moreover, it reveals their logical and historical sequences: the process of a gradual taking over of some much older beliefs and religious ideas belonging to the pre-Roman culture and to the Geto-Dacians by Christianity. The Sacred Aurochs or the Holy Bull hasnt been mentioned directly, until now. Ion Talo54, a professor at the University of Kln, mentions that the Aurochs is a Geto-Dacian deity of waters and fertility (laurochs est prsent comme le dieu des

48 49 50 51 52 53 54

Ion Ionic, the quoted literary work, pages 218-232. Ibidem, page 222. Ibidem, page 228. Ibidem, page 129. Ibidem, pages 232-242. Ibidem, pages 242-253. Ion Talo, Petit dictionnaire de mythologie populaire roumaine. Grenoble, 2002. Idem, Gndirea magico-religioas la romni, Dicionar. Bucureti, Editura Enciclopedic, 2001, p. 21-31.

Wheat and Last Ears Genies or Spirits

167

eaux ou de la fertilit)55 in a recent work upon the Romanian mythology. He also mentions its divine attributes, ones found in carols: those of unchaining the waters from the mountains and of guarding the springs. This deity shows itself swimming like a victim, whereas, it itself released the flood: That three year old stag lies and lies/ It lies and it becomes sick/ It lied yesterday and it lies today/ And it will lie till the day after tomorrow at noon/ But, the, it stands up/ It stands up and it shakes/ It shakes off the midnight dew/ And a quick spring grew/ Out of its dew/ A quick big river indeed.56 This zoomorf deity is, in fact, one and the same with the mythical ox that protects the grain fields. The misterious mythological being is described by Ion Talo, like Traian Herseni, in detail: it descends from The Sacred Mountain, at the Fountain of the Land, watering and fertilizing the cornfields: Les champs de bl sont protjs par un boeuf mythique. Il descend de la montagne jusqu la fontaine du champ, prend de leau dans sa queule et arrose les champs, rle que tiennent parfois Dieu ou Sa Mre.57 The fact that in some Southern areas the ritual bunch, especially the last uncut wheat straws, bears the name Goats beard (He-Goats beard, the Oxs beard) might be a clue that this name has a historical deeper meaning than the phrase Gods beard with its derived forms. Even though the area covered by this practice is so wide, the researches might lead to significant data regarding the link between the ritual Goats beard (He-Goats beard) practice and the hypothetical version of the Oxs beard. On the other hand, this zoomorphous deity is a familiar presence in Christmas and New Years Eve rituals, in the agrarian ritual of the Locked Ox, but, especially, in the imaginary universe of our carols, so that the already mentioned idea imposed itself. We cant insist too much upon this mythological Romanian problem. The Ox or the He-Goat, an embodiment of the grain spirit, had to be sacrified at the end of reaping; then, they would eat it as a careful attention for preserving, assimilating and enlivening the fruit bearing principle grown to maturity, that keeps the periodical growth of the grains alive, thus keeping the divine priciple of life unaltered, untouched, by old age58. The image of the Sacred Ox or that of the Three Year old Stag, as it appears as a young deity of the peaks, is astonishing (Traian Herseni59 mentiones this). His mother, the Biggest Hind, reminds the young deity about its responsibility of descending in orchards and fields: Come, my son, with me/ Down there and more/ To green orchards/ And endless fields./ As to offer ourselves as/ The manna of the fields/ The fruit of the lands.60 (E blem, Fiu, cu mine/ Colo jos, mai jos/ La livezi-mi verzi/ La arini ntregi/ C noi s ne dm/ Man cmpilor/ Road holdelor.)
55 Ibidem, p. 40; Romanian edition, p. 22-23. 56 C. Mohanu, The Love Well . Popular poetry from Lovite County. Bucureti, Minerva Publishing House, 1975, page 100. 57 Ion Talo, the quoted literary work, p. 22. 58 Ion Ionic, the quoted literary work, page 236. 59 Frome strvechi de cultur popular romneasc. A Study of Paleoetnography concerning the groups of lads from the Olt County. Cluj-Napoca, Dacia Publishing House, 1977. (Chapters: IV, V and VI). 60 Alexiu Viciu, Colinde din Ardeal. Christmas Customs and Popular Beliefs. An Anthology and a Glossary by-. Bucureti, (About Romanian Peoples Life XXH), 1914, text XTI The Hunters (from Brad, Hunedoara), p. 116.

168

Maria Cuceu

There is a sacred well placed in the middle or at the end of the cornfield. God Himself came down/ to drink cold water/ to eat a golden apple/ to leave fruit in fields/ much fruit than ever.61 (Dumnezeu s-a cobort/ Ap rece a beut/ Mr de aur a mncat/ Road-n grie i-a lsat/ Road-n grie pn-n brie/ i-n scri pn-n brri/ i-n ovese ct de dese/ i-n alace cum s-or face!) This Sacred Fountain is also present in the superior part of Mure county: The Holy Ox, The Holy Lord or The Holy Mother come down to bless the grains: Holy Ox came down on earth/ at that well in e field/ he took some water in his mouth/ and he watered the cornfield62( Idicel-Mure). (Cobort-o, cobort/ Boul cel Sfnt pe pmnt/ La fntn-n arin/ Ap-n buz i-o luat/ arina o rurat.) Beside this precious version, Bla Bartk brings two more: one from Orova-Mure, where the Holy Ox is replaced with the Lord from the sky, and one from Rpa de Sus-Mure, where the role of the sacred animal is taken by the Holy Mother: Holy Mother came on Earth/ At the very well in field/ Little water she drank/ In order to water the land.63 (Cobort-o, cobort/ Sfnta Maic pe pmnt/ La fntn-n arin/Ap-n buz i-o luat/arina o rurat.) Therefore, the carols make no differences between the Stags Mother, the Stags Mother, The Biggest Hind, on one hand, and The Holy Mother or The Mother of Our Lord, on the other hand. Sometimes, the Holy Son becomes the Holy Stag: He came down/ At the well in the field/ He drank little water/ And he watered the land.64 (Cobort-o, cobort/ Domnnu din cer pe pmnt/ La fntn n arin/ Ap-n gur i-o luat/ i arina o rurat.) After more than two decades, Ilarion Cociiu recorded some versions. After four or five decades, the scholars from Cluj did the same action. Nevertheless, there are no new attitudes for this interesting motive. Studying the Romanian mythology of the cervides attentively, Mihai Coman65 was able to reveal some images of fertilizing rites in certain carols. He speaks about a diminution and even a loss ase or even a loss of the true meaning when taking the killing of the hind into account. On the other hand, in a carol version from Petru Caramans collection, he discovers the fertilizing sacrifice: the hero feeds the land with the sacred creatures blood and assures the wealth and the fruitfulness of the fields, by killing the archetype animal, the Hinds Mother.66 The carol found by Caraman in Branitea GL imagines a ritual tracking of the Hind, that the hero: I used my spear/ And I threw her on the shre/ Icut down her head/ Thus giving the manna to the land/ And the blood to the Earth.67 (i-n suli mi-o luai/ i pe mal mi-o aruncai/ Frumos capul i-l tiai/ Dat-am man cmpului/ i snge pmntului.)
61 Ibidem, page 27. The Carol has been written down in Uroiul Scuiesc. The same image may be constantly found in tens of versions. 62 Bla Bartk, Rumanian Folk Music by -. Volume Three. Texts. Edited by Benjamin Suchoff. Text Translations by E. C. Teodorescu. The Hague, Martinus Nighoff, 1967, page 266 [548] 63 Ibidem. 64 Ibidem. 65 Cf. Mitologie popular romneasc I, [Romanian Popular Mythology I]. The animals living on ground and in water. Minerva Publishing House, 1986. 66 Ibidem, page 169. 67 Petru Caraman, Literatura popular [Folk Literature]. An anthology, an introduction, notes, index and a glossary by Ion H. Ciubotaru. Iai, The Archives of Folk from Moldavia and Bucovina, 1982 (The Folk Archive Handbooks), p. 26; in the same collection, in a version of a carol from ndrei VL, by a ritual sacrifice, the Hinds blood is given to the Earth and, probably, indirectly, as the manna or the fruit of the Earth. (Ibidem, p. 25).

Wheat and Last Ears Genies or Spirits

169

Lucia Cire found a similar motive in the South of Moldavia, in Costache Negri GL: With the spears they took her/ And they threw her on the shore/ The head cut off/ Giving the blood to the land/ And the manna to the Earth.68 (i n sulie mi-o luar/ i pe mal mi-o aruncar/ Frumul gtu-i tiar/ Dete snge locului/ i man pmntului.) This sacred animals blood, offered to the Earth, to the place or to the ploughed field, could gather a lot of documentary evidence from the Romanian folklore. Most of the image- motives talk about the Three Year Old Stags sacrifice, also named The Stag (The Beast) of the Fields, The Holy Aurochs. This animal mastered all the agrarian land and lived mostly near the Holy Well, sometimes being mentioned as the Stags/ the Stags Fountain. Some scholars even interpreted the act of hunting the stag as a gesture of protecting the village boundaries. Atanasie Marian Marienescu got a carol from Banat: He walks at night/ Into the wheat and rye fields/ Till midnight into oat fields/ And at dawn in those gardens with flowers.69(C-i de ctr sar/ Prin gru i secar/ Pe la miez de noapte/ Prin oveze coapte/ Iar de ctr zori/ Prin grdini cu flori.) Another Caraman version presents the stag when he grazes: At night, too/ Into the black rye field/.../When night is young/ Into riped fields/ And at dawn/ Into flowered fields.70 (Tot pe de cu sear/ Prin neagr secar/.../ Cam pe de cu noapte/ Tot prin oarze coapte/.../Cam pe de cu zori/Prin grdini cu flori.) The stag is not an animal that destroys the fields, as one may interpret when reading these carols for the first time. The carols from ara Lovitei describe it as the true master of all mountains and plains. Therefore, a carol from Slite VL states that The Stag of the Field/ The Beast of the Field is an adorned ox that rules over the land with his herd of hinds. A version from Titeti IL says: At night, too/ Into the black rye field/.../When night is young/ Into riped fields/ And at dawn/ Into flowered fields. A text from Brezoi VL calls this stag The Beast of the Forest and has the same preferences for grazing places: At night, too/ Into the black rye field/.../When night is young/ Into riped fields/ And at dawn/ Into flowered fields.71 These examples could grow in number if the hunting carols were all examined. The Black Aurochs is a divinity of the fields extirpated from the forest itself. It rules over them as, when being hunted, he talks to them so familiarly: Fields, you all my dear fields/ Make yourselves longer/ Make yourselves wider./The fields listened and made themselves longer/ And wider.72 (Cmpi, mai cmpi i dragi de cmpi/ Lungii-v/ Nlii-v/ Cmpii bine-l ascultar/ Se lungea i se-nlea.) He fertilizes the agrarian space when shaking in the morning, but, his sacrifice is needed for the power of bearing fruit of the fields. Undoubtedly, there are some connections with the Act of Adorning the Aurochs in certain Transylvanian areas. The blood of the sacrified animal remembers of those agrarian sacrifices de68 Lucia Cire, Colinde din Moldova. A Monographic Investigation. 72 melodies written down by Florin Bucescu and Viorel Brleanu. Iai, The Archives of Folk from Moldavia and Bucovina, 1984. (The Folk Archive Handbooks V), p. 68. 69 Atanasie Marian Marienescu, Poezii populare din Transilvania. An edition by Eugen Bljean. A preface by Ovidiu Brlea. Bucureti, Minerva Publishing House, 1971, p. 563. 70 Petru Caraman, the quoted literary work, p. 20, from Coconi-Ilfov. 71 C. Mohanu, the quoted literary work, p. 34, 50 and 53. 72 Ibidem, (Muge-, muge- Boul Negru), p. 58.

170

Maria Cuceu

scribed by Mannhardt and Frazer. In the four versions, so different in substance and length, of James George Frazers vast work, The Golden Bough (the first one published in 1890, in two volumes; the second one, in 1900, in three volumes; and the amplest one, in 12 volumes and published between 1911-1915, with an extra Aftermath from 1936) the anthropological vision upon the spirits and vegetal divinities has drawn the specialists attention and, moreover, the big chance of emphasizing the role of the ritual sacrifice. Making use of the information found in Mannhardts literary work, mostly in Mythologische Forschungen (after the 1884 edition), Frazer took almost all the mythological aspects of the wheat spirit into consideration: The Mother of the Grains, The Virgin of the Grain, The Old Woman, The Old Man, but insisting mostly upon the zoomorphous ones: the Woolf, the Dog, the Rooster, the Rabbit, the Goat, the Bull, the Horse, the Wild Boar/the Pig/the Sow. The Romanian material hasnt been detailed from this perspective. We cant insist too much here upon the relationship between the rites of reaping and the masters of the grains, the problem being far too serious and difficult to be discussed here. The Rabbit seems to be the most widely spread spirit of the grains as shown by the jokes said at the end of reaping: we catch the rabbit, here we find the rabbit, we put our hand on the rabbit etc. In Moldavia and Bessarabia, this zoomorphous creature is linked to the practice of leaving the last uncut ears. These beliefs are frequent in: Banat and Criana, in the North-Western areas of Romania, in Transylvania, in Bucovina, in Moldavia, in Basserabia and in Transnistria. We cant present all data regarding localizing these elements because we werent able to identify them in all the sources owned today. Still, we have to study our funds from Iai, Chiinu and the Romanian Ethnografic Atlas (Bucharest). Anyway, this teriomorphous spirit has left few traces within the ritual texts, but the link with the reaping rites seem stronger, especially in Moldavia, Bucovina and Bessarabia. The information given by Artur Gorovei was too little. Ion Ionic has added some more, taken from: Arpau de Jos SB, Turnior SB, Mohu SB and Zagon CV. The information about the reaping rites found in the Folk Archive of the Romanian Academy was first studied by Ion Mulea. Then, Ion Talo widened the number of the investigated areas.73 Till now, none of the scholars annalysed this expression, catching of the rabbit, attentively, and none of them insisted upon the indirect hints at the eventual sacrifice of the rabbit and at it being consumed at supper, when reaping is over. Consequently, this casts a shadow upon the rabbits image, although it is related to the Mother Earth deity in European thinking. Mihai Coman somehow intuited the unprecedented nature of the Romanian beliefs about The Rabbit of the Grain in relation with the European ones, where the spirit of the crop is represented especially by bigger animals the bull, the wolf, the ram, the he-goat, the dog etc.74 J. G. Frazer considered the Rabbit an ordinary imbodiment of the wheat spirit and the mostly used European expressions cutting the Rabbit and killing the Rabbit as some lost rites of sacrifice. The identification of this animal with a bunch in Galloway, except that in Moldavia and in Bessarabia the ritual of cutting it and of bringing it home in
73 Ion Talo, Obiceiuri privitoare la seceri, in AMET 1968-1970, p. 262 and the sequel. 74 Mihai Coman, the quoted literary work, p. 136.

Wheat and Last Ears Genies or Spirits

171

a procession didnt take place, but the last bunch remained in the field seems to be closer to a Romanian ritual practice. Frazer explains: for the primitive man, the simple appearance of an animal or of a bird in the grain field was probably enough to suggest a misterious link between that animal and the cereal/..../ At reaping time, it is a common fact that the wild creatures (such as the domestic or the wild rabbits, the partridges) are chased by the reapers and they look for a shelter in the last bunch of uncut wheat straws. Usually, the reappers and other people gather around the bunches of grain left uncut and kill that animal.75 Without any doubt, before these sudden sacrifices there also existed the ritual sacrifices itselves, when the divine animal is killed and the reapers share the meat and its blood. Thus, the reapers eat the meat of the cock, the rabbit, the goat, the cat, the bull in a sacramental manner; likewise, in spring, the ploughmen in eat the pork.76 The scarce data about catching a bird in the cornfield seem to be of a more interest. The Cock or the Hen in the Grain appear as misterious images: Murgu Bird, The Dark Blue Bird (Pasrea Mnerie), The Yellow Bird. It flies Over fields in daytime/ And over ploughland at night or over lordly lands, wherefrom it is adviced to leave, an argument for her being considered a deity. Nicolae Hada, a student from Blaj, found a carol in Luna (Arie) and published it with Alexiu Vicius help in his most valuable collection from 1914. The Yellow Rooster wears holy water on his wings: The yellow rooster sang/ White flowers/ It flew close to the sea/ And took some water on its wings/ Then he flew up in the sky/ To allow God to bathe/ Which is the best thing on Earth?/ Only the good plough itself/ As it ploughes and, then, wheat grows/The beautiful yellow wheat!77 (Coco galbin i-o cntat/ Florile-mi dalbe/ Jos la mare s-o lsat/ Ap-n aripi i-o luat/ Sus la ceriu s-o ridicat/ Ca s fac un feredeu/ S se scalde Dumnezeu/ Dumnezeu i soul su/Tot se scald i se- ntreab/- Ce-i mai bun pe-acest pmnt?/ - Nu-i mai bun ca plugul bun, / C rstoarn brazda neagr/ i pe brazd gru rsare,/ Ce la paiu i trestior/ i la spic i luminos!) The bunch of the uncut ears may be a gift for this birds. C-tin Constantinescu, a teacher, found a carol in Fizeti HD. Thus, a yellow little hen disturbs the silence at the Ladys manor. She asks: Why are you crying, my yellow little bird? Why are you crying, now, on Christmas Day? Are you crying for the Earth? She threatens it with the image of her suns and nephews who are hunters. They will take him dowm from that tall apple- tree. Like the Holy Stag, this wild rooster reveals his sacred identity: Please do not hurry to kill me/ For I am not just a little yellow rooster/ I am Saint John, Gods Godfather/ I baptize Him, for all our happiness should be everlasting.78 This bird (the Small Rooster, the Gai Rooster, The Rooster of the Heaven) may have several colours and, ambiguously enough, may be called with the names of othe birds.
75 J. G. Frazer, Creanga de Aur [The Golden Bough]. Translated by Octavian Nistor. Notes by Gabriela Duda Vol. VI. Bucureti, Minerva Publishing House, 1980, p. 347-348. 76 Ibidem, p. 346. 77 Alexiu Viciu, the quoted literary work, p. 106. 78 AFC. FA 022297.

172

Maria Cuceu

The birds sacred tasks are: that of awakening the people and the deities at dawn and that of fertilizing the Earth with water kept in its mouth. A nuptial poem from Maramure, across Tisa River, mistakes this rooster with Our Great Lord,/ The One who leads the seas/ And starts the whirls. This idea is also mentioned in Nsud. Although sometimes called The Big Crow, The Old Crow, The Wild Animal, The Wild Crow etc, here it is referred to as The Big Bird: If you found a big bird/ You could fill nine carts with its feathers...(Vedeai (Vnai?!) o pasre mare- Din pchicioare- Pot fa nou rchitoare/ Din pene/ Nou car de lemne;/ Din ciont/ Un stru de orz/ -on mnire ca a nost;/ Din creast/ O frumoas mnireas/ Ca -a noast di dup mas.79 The quail (found by Ion Ionic, in the Olt County) reminds the scholars of the yellow rooster. The Saxons of Transylvania also used this motive when they hit the rooster, a rite described by Mannhardt and Frazer. Moreover, there is the motive of bringing the hen/ rooster at a wedding table. One can make an ascertained fact at the end of this chapter: the beliefs and representations regarding the power of bearing fruit, especially that enigmatical Goats beard >the He- Goat beard> Gods beard made of last ears, all these being doubled by mythical beings, old and new masters of the crops (The Aurochs, The Hind of the Hinds, The Holy Bull, The Mother of God, The Holy Lord, The Yellow Rooster or The Bird of the Grains etc.) show the organic nature of the entire mythical vision, placed at the basis of some ritual practices kept within the Romanian folk space. Thus, the rituals at the end of harvesting time owe nothing to later influences. Moreover, the Romanian rites done at reaping time and the agrarian mythology are thought to be anchored in the Saxonian and Hungarianin folklore from Transylvania. Traducere n englez de Laura Panait i Roxana Moldovan

79 Ct i Maramureul [As vast as Maramure]. Chiinu, Science Publishing House, 1993, page 130. A text from Slatina-Teceu, from the region of Transcarpatia, from Voinica V. Stan, 45 a, by Andrei Hncu and Grigore Botezatu, 1984.

Mircea Eliade: Signorina Christina,

un romanzo fantastico romeno

Marco Cugno
Universit degli Studi di Torino
1. Preliminari. 1.1. Quando Eliade scrisse di getto e pubblic, nellautunno del 1936, il suo nuovo romanzo, Signorina Christina, aveva al suo attivo un cospicuo numero di opere narrative, comprendenti cinque romanzi e tre volumi di prose diaristiche, una delle quali definita romanzo indiretto. Era, in altre parole, uno scrittore di successo, nonostante la giovane et. Il progetto di portare a compimento il ciclo aperto da ntoarcerea din rai e proseguito con Huliganii con un terzo romanzo, intitolato tefania, non solo subisce una battuta darresto, ma viene abbandonato: la nuova esperienza, destinata a segnare una svolta nella sua narrativa, rompe decisamente con la prosa realistica precedente per imboccare la strada del fantastico, un fantastico nuovo rispetto a quello dei primi esperimenti narrativi delladolescenza e soprattutto del romanzo Lumina ce se stinge. Le ragioni contingenti di cui traccia nella memorialistica (che vanno dalle necessit di ordine editoriale a quelle, personali, di ordine economico) non sono dunque sufficienti a spiegare la crisi ben presto superata, che nasceva, per un verso, dallesigenza di stabilire un contatto pi stretto tra lattivit del narratore e quella dello studioso, fatta salva, naturalmente, lautonomia creativa del primo a pi riprese in seguito ribadita e, per laltro, di sostanziare la nuova esperienza narrativa con temi attinenti alla civilt tradizionale romena. 1.2. Le testimonianze dellautore in proposito si possono suddividere in tre gruppi: quelle risalenti allepoca della pubblicazione del romanzo, quelle presenti nella memorialistica (Memorie 1 e Frammento autobiografico) e le Considerazioni preliminari alledizione francese. Nellintervista concessa nellimminenza delluscita del libro Eliade afferma:
[] un romanzo fantastico. Diverso per dalle mie altre esperienze fantastiche: Isabella e le acque del diavolo e La luce che si spegne. Ho cercato in questo romanzo di avvicinarmi al sentimento fantastico schiettamente romeno, a quella che si potrebbe chiamare presenza fantastica, cos strana, che troviamo nel folclore romeno. Inutile aggiungere tuttavia che, sebbene lazione del mio romanzo si svolga in una tenuta presso il Danubio, non si tratta di un romanzo contadino. I miei personaggi sono gente di citt, coinvolti, loro malgrado, in unavventura strana, che annienta, alla quale quasi nessuno riesce a sfuggire. [] [La signorina Christina] potrebbe essere uno strigoi, cosa che anchio ho creduto per un po, ma potrebbe essere, nello stesso tempo, un Luceafr, simile a quello del poema di Eminescu. Daltronde, Emi-

174

Marco Cugno
nescu presente in permanenza nel mio romanzo. Nella sua breve vita la signorina Christina stata una sincera ammiratrice di Eminescu. Sapeva a memoria le sue poesie e intere pagine del Povero Dionisio. rimasta tale anche dopo la morte. La sua passione per lopera del nostro poeta domina e opprime lintera famiglia, negli anni successivi alla sua morte. [] Parti del romanzo si basano su eventi autentici i cui documenti sono stati pubblicati sia in romeno sia in altre lingue. Dopo luscita del romanzo riveler, se sar necessario, quei documenti sui quali ho costruito una parte del dramma della Signorina Christina. Lanno 1907 ha, per il mio romanzo, una sola importanza: allora mor la signorina Christina. Fu uccisa proprio durante le rivolte. [] Stavo lavorando a tefania, il romanzo che continuava Huliganii. Era un romanzo vasto, denso, drammatico, che era arrivato a sopraffarmi prima di portarlo a termine. Allora ho interrotto tefania e ho iniziato un libro completamente nuovo. Altra tecnica, altra dimensione narrativa, altra ispirazione. Avevo limpressione, non so quanto fondata, che fino a quel momento non fosse stato sperimentato un romanzo fantastico romeno. Novelle e racconti fantastici, a volont. Ma romanzo, no. Mi tentavano le difficolt di un tale libro. Il rischio per lautore di cadere nella piattezza, nello psicologismo, in camuffamenti di cattivo gusto. Un romanzo fantastico non si pu basare n sullatmosfera, n sulla tecnica. In primo luogo necessaria unazione fantastica: lintervento di agenti extraumani, che trasformino un episodio in un destino e uno stato danimo in un delirio1

Lanno successivo, in un frammento del diario veneziano, nellambito di alcune considerazioni relative ai quadri del Tintoretto raffiguranti eventi miracolosi, Eliade scrive:
Lintervento diretto di una forza soprannaturale che tuttavia non trasfigura il mondo reale circostante , di fatto, conforme alla concezione popolare del fantastico. Ancora oggi nelle culture incontaminate, le cose avvengono allo stesso modo; due giovani vanno al villaggio, sul far della sera, parlando damore e dun tratto, inaspettatamente, senza alcun preliminare allucinatorio che trasfiguri la realt e la renda accessibile agli eventi miracolosi (come in E. A. Poe) interviene il fantastico: il diavolo, lo strigoi ecc. La stessa concezione domina per altro la letteratura romantica, laddove un Peter Schlemihl incontra improvvisamente il fantastico senza che il mondo circostante alteri la propria realt; oppure La peau de chagrin, laddove Balzac inizia e finisce il suo racconto in maniera realistica, giacch quella misteriosa peau de chagrin viene trovata in un negozio di antiquariato (descritto con molta esattezza, senza trasfigurazione) e leroe continua a vivere accadimenti reali, non allucinanti. Signorina Christina stata considerata unopera mancata proprio a causa del suo realismo in
1 Paul B. Marian, Cu D. Mircea Eliade, Rampa, anul XIX, nr. 5660, 22 nov. 1936, p. 1, 3, in Romanul romnesc n interviuri, I, partea II, eds. Aurel Sasu i Mariana Vartic, Minerva, Bucureti 1985, pp. 898-900 (i corsivi sono di M.C.). Dei documenti a cui fa cenno Eliade non si hanno altre notizie.

Mircea Eliade: Signorina Christina

quanto si dimenticato che questa concezione del fantastico che interviene direttamente e verticalmente nella realt, senza trasfigurarla, unantica concezione popolare; in quanto sono stati dimenticati Peter Schlemihl, La peau de chagrin e lintera letteratura fantastica romantica2

175

Queste prime testimonianze, oltrech fornire preziose indicazioni sulla nuova esperienza narrativa, riassumono anche a livello teorico-terminologico le riflessioni che lhanno preceduta nel corso di alcuni anni di fertile elaborazione concettuale. 1.3. Il termine fantastico (impiegato come sostantivo per designare la facolt o la funzione collettiva mentale mediante la quale una societ tradizionale crea miti e simboli, secondo la definizione di Mac Linscott Ricketts) sembra sia stato usato la prima volta da Eliade, come ha osservato il medesimo studioso, in antier del 1931, dove leggiamo:
Lavoro come un forsennato allImperial Library: la mandragora nella botanica e il fantastico asiatico, ecco ci che mi insegner parecchie cose. Johann Van Manen mi incontra alla fermata del tram e, vedendomi dimagrito, mi rimprovera di perdere il mio tempo in sciocchezze. Ma lo studio della mandragola non una cosa da nulla [] Questa pianta, nellimmaginario asiatico, vale quanto una biblioteca taoista. [Sono] il simbolo [] e il fantastico della mandragola che mi interessano.3

Nei Soliloqui (1932) il termine fantastico (sostantivo e aggettivo) ricorre pi volte4, mentre in articoli successivi troviamo ripetutamente il sintagma presenza fantastica, con la variante presenza del fantastico, elemento proprio delle creazioni folcloriche il quale, per un verso, rende simili tali creazioni di ogni tempo e di ogni luogo e per laltro le differenzia dalle creazioni colte. Possiamo citare in proposito, tra gli esempi reperibili nella saggistica di quel periodo, due passi appartenenti a due articoli del 1933, poi raccolti nel capitolo Frammenti di Oceanografia:
[] Nelluomo, nellindividuo, lintuizione fantastica capace di afferrare la realt in modo globale ed essenziale frammentaria, soprattutto alterata. In un individuo la presenza del fantastico nevrosi; in una collettivit folclore. Il fantastico, lirrazionale (tellurico o celeste) somiglia a una linfa che percorre tutto lorganismo della vita sociale, non appena per viene isolata nellindividualit, si decompone, imputridisce. I racconti fantastici, pur scritti da un genio come Edgar Allan Poe, ripugnano per la loro esaltazione nevrotica, patologica, inumana, demoniaca. Il fantastico del folclore, viceversa, mette direttamente in contatto
2 M. Eliade, Tintoretto, Vremea, X (1937), august 15, nr. 500, p. 5 (ora in Jurnal de vacan, ed. M. Handoca, Garamond, Bucureti f.a., pp. 92-93. 3 M. Eliade, Diario dIndia, trad. di F. Del Fabbro e C. Fantechi, Bollati Boringhieri, Torino 1995, p. 175 (corsivi di M. C). La segnalazione del passo in Mac Linscott Ricketts, Rdcinile romneti ale lui Mircea Eliade [The Romanian Roots, 1907-1945, I-II, New York 1988], trad. de Virginia Stnescu i Mihaela Gligor, I, Criterion publishing, Bucureti 2004, p. 557. 4 M. Eliade, La biblioteca del mahrja e Soliloqui, trad. di C. Fantechi, Bollati Boringhieri, Torino 1997, pp. 104, 119, 136, 144.

176

Marco Cugno
con una realt irrazionale ma concreta; con unesperienza sociale in cui si concentrata lintuizione globale della vita e della morte. [] Che cos che distingue unopera letteraria da unaltra nello stesso paese, nella stessa epoca? Che cos che rende simile una creazione letteraria folclorica dei Balcani e una dellAustralia? E una leggenda del folclore asiatico, vecchia di duemila anni, a una creata ai giorni nostri nei Pirenei o nei Vosgi? Due scrittori, dello stesso paese, della stessa et, produrranno due opere letterarie fondamentalmente diverse. Lo stesso accade con gli altri artisti, pittori e scultori, disegnatori di icone. Se per si confrontano le opere del folclore, quali che siano la loro epoca e la loro appartenenza geografica, si noter che hanno unaria di parentela. Tale somiglianza dovuta alla presenza del fantastico, esistente in tutte le produzioni folcloriche. La vita sociale che crea il folclore (anche se la sua realizzazione sempre opera di un individuo che sa concentrare lemozione collettiva) imprime una certa magia alle forme verbali, ai ritmi, agli schemi dinamici. La creazione folclorica un processo indissociabile dal subcosciente umano (non individuale) di tutti i tempi. un contatto diretto con il fantastico. Una creazione colta si distacca da questa torbida magia; esprime una visione personale del mondo, unemozione ottenuta per conto proprio, e non attraverso la partecipazione a quella di unintera collettivit. In questa rassomiglianza fondamentale tra tutte le produzioni folcloriche c qualcosa di concreto e di positivo. E non dobbiamo parlare di mentalit primitiva, di superstizioni ecc. Sarebbe fuori luogo. Esse sono lhumus in cui affondano le radici dello strumento della conoscenza mitica, simbolica, fantastica. Il folclore nasconde una conoscenza concreta, ci che non si trova nellopera di nessun grande letterato, di nessun grande artista. Bisogna essere un Dante, uno Shakespeare, un Goethe, un Dostoevskij perch la propria opera divenga uno strumento di conoscenza. Mentre pu esserlo ogni produzione folclorica, perch partecipa di questa presenza fantastica che permette di accedere alla radice delle cose, di intuire la sostanza della realt, di esprimere i limiti della vita e linfinitudine della morte.5

La riflessione di Eliade muove da due prospettive diverse: la prima rispecchia il punto di vista dello studioso, per il quale i documenti folclorici hanno una funzione conoscitiva in senso antropologico, come dimostra in particolare larticolo Il folclore come strumento di conoscenza pubblicato nel 1937; la seconda rispecchia il punto di vista dello scrittore, il quale riconosce alle creazioni folcloriche una funzione letteraria, come si desume dallarticolo Temi folclorici e creazione artistica dello stesso anno. Entrambi gli articoli verranno raccolti ne LIsola di Euthanasius del 1943.6 Nel secondo testo, che riprende concetti presenti fin dal 1932, anno al quale probabilmen5 M. Eliade, Oceanografia, a c. di R. Scagno, trad. di C. Fantechi, Jaca Book, Milano 2007, pp. 182183, 183-184 (I titoli degli articoli originali sono Fragment despre moarte e Fragment nefilozofic). 6 M. Eliade, Lisola di Euthanasius. Scritti letterari, trad. di C. Fantechi, Bollati Boringhieri, Torino 2000, pp. 31-47 e 296-299. Il secondo articolo, uscito su Rampa nel gennaio del 1937, riassume la tematica di due articoli usciti su Cuvntul nel 1932 e nel 1933.

Mircea Eliade: Signorina Christina

177

te risale, secondo Mac Linscott Ricketts, luso del sintagma presenza fantastica, Eliade (dopo aver esordito con questa affermazione polemica: Qualunque persona sensata che consideri la produzione degli artisti e degli scrittori romeni cosiddetti di ispirazione popolare deve riconoscerne la generale mediocrit), scrive:
Ma qual la sorgente da cui sono nate la poesia, le arti figurative, la coreografia e larchitettura popolari? Qual la fonte viva che nutre lintera produzione folclorica? la presenza fantastica, unesperienza irrazionale alimentata nel corso dei secoli da una certa visione associata. proprio questa presenza fantastica, questo elemento irrazionale, a essere stato trascurato da quanti si sono ispirati allarte popolare. Costoro hanno interpretato i temi folclorici, sono andati alla ricerca di simboli e di eroi, hanno tentato di essere originali ribaltando prospettive o valori. [] Quando ci si ispira ai temi popolari loriginalit fuori luogo. Tutto quel che pu fare un artista moderno rispetto ai temi folclorici di approfondirli, cercando di rintracciare loriginaria fonte irrazionale. Se si cercano e si interpretano i simboli si smarrisce il carattere irrazionale del folclore; e, dunque, si smarriscono i suoi elementi universali. [] Gli artisti e gli scrittori romeni sono stati accecati dallo splendore di alcune grandi produzioni popolari (Mioria, doina, danze, costumi, elementi decorativi) e hanno provato a imitarle. Ma non si imitano mai le forme, le espressioni, le realizzazioni; si imitano, al pi, la tecnica e la fonte. Ora, la fonte era appunto la presenza fantastica di cui parlavamo; e la tecnica era una tecnica magica, di creazione nel profondo, di penetrazione nelle zone oscure e feconde dello spirito popolare.

Gli unici autori che, a parere di Eliade, erano riusciti a stabilire un contatto fecondo col folclore erano stati per la poesia Dan Botta e, nella drammaturgia, Lucian Blaga:
La ballata Mioria, per quanto perfetta, non pu essere ulteriormente feconda di ispirazione poetica. Qualunque cosa si scriva imitando il suo ritmo e il suo lessico non sar che una parodia. Per creare qualcosa nel suo stile si deve andare oltre le forme della poesia popolare, andare alla ricerca della fonte da cui essa scaturita e abbeverarvisi. Dan Botta ha tentato con successo questa tecnica poetica in Cantilen. [] Fino a Lucian Blaga, non esiste un dramma romeno nutrito dal folclore. Eppure, quante volte non stata messa in scena la leggenda di Mastro Manole! Ma chiunque vi abbia messo mano ha aspirato a darne uninterpretazione originale. Ora, il vero fascino di questo tema la leggenda in s, senza che si vadano a cercare simboli e interpretazioni: la leggenda, da sola e non la sua presunta simbologia ci introduce in un universo folclorico

Larticolo si conclude significativamente con unenunciazione di temi folclorici ai quali uno scrittore potrebbe ispirarsi per creare opere legate allelemento fantastico: La veglia dei morti, i giochi dei bambini (residui di cerimoniali iniziatici e di riti agrari), la Notte di santAndrea, il solstizio destate, il mistero della fu-

178

Marco Cugno

sione dei metalli preziosi e tanti altri. Ognuno di essi ci conduce verso la fonte eterna della creazione: la presenza fantastica. Senza la quale, ogni ispirazione popolare una semplice parodia.7 1.4. Nel Frammento autobiografico del 1953 Eliade mette in relazione il romanzo Signorina Christina con Le mitologie della morte e con un corso universitario del 1936-1937 dedicato a La morte nel folclore romeno. Di Mitologiile morii scrive lautore iniziato nel 1938, non apparso ancora nulla. Lopera non verr mai portata a termine. In Occultismo stregoneria e mode culturali del 1976 [trad. it. 1982] un capitolo intitolato Mitologie della morte: unintroduzione, ma esso, come recita il titolo, si limita a essere unintroduzione che non contiene alcun riferimento diretto alla tematica del romanzo; solo nel capitolo V, intitolato Alcune osservazioni sulla stregoneria in Europa, lautore dedica una pagina alle credenze romene sugli strigoi, riassumendo i dati presenti alle voci Strigoii vii e Strigoii mori del libro di Ion Mulea e Ov. Brlea, Tipologia folclorului, din rspunsurile la chestionarele lui Hasdeu (Minerva, Bucureti 1970). Largomento del corso confluir invece nel volume Comentarii la legenda Meterului Manole del 1943.8 Nelle Considerazioni preliminari dellautore premesse alledizione francese del 1978 Eliade, volendo precisare ai lettori il principio che governa gli universi immaginari delle [sue] narrazioni fantastiche, considera il romanzo Signorina Christina atipico rispetto alle opere successive (Il serpente ecc.), nelle quali la narrazione si svilupper su vari piani con lo scopo di svelare progressivamente il fantastico dissimulato nella quotidiana banalit, con una tecnica narrativa che in qualche modo rifletteva la dialettica del sacro, a un tempo manifesto e dissimulato nel profano: Lessenza di ci che ho chiamato ierofania consiste proprio nel fatto che il sacro sia ad un tempo manifesto e dissimulato nel profano. Un altro elemento su cui Eliade richiama qui lattenzione il rapporto con il folclore romeno e con Eminescu: Signorina Christina in effetti la storia damore di una giovane donna morta da oltre ventanni e divenuta vampiro. In questo che stato il mio primo libro del genere ho voluto riprendere un tema del folclore romeno che, verso il 1880, aveva tentato anche il grande poeta Eminescu. Nelle Memorie, Eliade riprende alcuni temi delle precedenti testimonianze, aggiungendo ulteriori precisazioni:
Dopo tanti anni di letteratura realista, mi sentivo di nuovo attratto dal fantastico. Mi ossessionava un racconto, il cui personaggio principale era una giovane morta trentanni addietro. Apparentemente, si sarebbe trattato di uno strigoi (vampiro) - ma non volevo riprendere n il tema folclorico, cos popolare da noi e presso i nostri vicini, n il motivo romantico dello strigoi (tipo Lenore9). In fondo, non mi sentivo attratto da questo aspetto
7 Ibidem, pp. 297-299. Alcuni di questi temi verranno utilizzati da Eliade stesso, ad es. il solstizio destate (nella Foresta proibita), ma non la Notte di SantAndrea, vale a dire la Notte degli strigoi. 8 M. Eliade, I riti del costruire, intr. e trad. di R. Scagno, Jaca Book, Milano 1990. 9 Il motivo Lenore (che prende il nome dalla celebre ballata del poeta tedesco Gottfried August Brger) nel folclore romeno va sotto il nome di Voica, tipo che viene cos riassunto da Amzulescu: La vecchia Voica ha allevato nove figli e una sola figlia. La fanciulla viene chiesta in matrimonio, ma la vecchia madre non vuole acconsentire che essa si allontani da casa. Acconsentir a maritarla

Mircea Eliade: Signorina Christina

del problema. Ma mi affascinava il dramma triste e senza via duscita di chi muore giovane e non si pu staccare dalla terra, e si ostina a credere nella possibilit di comunicare concretamente con i vivi, sperando addirittura di potere amare e di essere amato come amano gli uomini in carne ed ossa. Il mio personaggio, la signorina Christina, era la figlia di un proprietario terriero, uccisa durante le rivolte contadine del 1907, che continuava a ritornare nei luoghi dove aveva trascorso linfanzia e dove non era riuscita a vivere la sua giovinezza. Evidentemente, essendo strigoi, non poteva prolungare questa sua fantomatica e precaria post-esistenza se non nutrendosi del sangue degli animali della villa e del villaggio. Ma non era questo motivo folclorico a costituire il punto di partenza del dramma, bens il fatto che la signorina Christina era riuscita a corrompere, spiritualmente parlando, una ragazzina di dieci-undici anni, Simina, sua nipote; era riuscita, cio, a comunicare con lei in modo concreto, insegnandole a non aver paura della sua presenza fisica. Bench ancora bambina, Simina era diventata, a causa di questa esperienza singolare, matura da tutti i punti di vista. Cosicch, quando la signorina Christina si innamorer di uno degli ospiti della villa e cercher di conquistarlo, ammaliandolo prima in sogno e poi preparandolo a non tornare in s dalla mala neppure dopo averlo risvegliato dal sonno, Simina rifletter appunto questa passione e si comporter nei confronti di Egor come una donna adulta. Non si trattava di precocit sessuale o di altro genere ma di una condizione assolutamente anormale, creata dalla corruzione che risultava dallo sconvolgimento delle leggi della Natura. Mi rendevo benissimo conto dellorrore di questo personaggio, ma proprio questo volevo mostrare: che ogni permanenza, contro Natura, in una condizione paradossale (un essere spirituale che si comportava come un corpo vivo) costituisce una fonte di corruzione per tutto lambiente circostante. Sotto apparenze angeliche, Simina era in realt un mostro, e questo non a causa di chiss quali istinti o impulsi perversi, ma, al contrario, a causa di una falsa spiritualit, a causa del fatto che viveva completamente allinterno del mondo della signorina Christina, uno spirito che rifiutava di assumere il suo proprio modo di essere.10

179

1.5. Come dimostrano le citazioni riportate in precedenza, Eliade affronta il nuovo impegno narrativo munito di salde convinzioni teoriche sul fantastico maturate nel corso di alcuni anni. Ad esse possiamo aggiungere le riflessioni sul romanzo
soltanto per linsistenza del maggiore dei suoi figli, il quale le promette che gliela riporter a casa ogni anno. La peste uccide per tutti i figli di Voica. Ormai senza speranza di rivedere la figlia, la vecchia maledice il figlio che laveva spinta ad acconsentire alle nozze. Miracolosamente, il figlio maggiore esce dalla tomba e, a cavallo, riporta a casa la sorella, nel cuore della notte. Solo quando il fratello scompare nel cimitero, essa comprende tutto. Dopo molte insistenze, la madre riconosce la propria figlia arrivata miracolosamente, le apre la porta e muoiono entrambe (Balade populare romneti, I, Introducere, indice tematic i bibiografic, antologie de Al. I. Amzulescu, EPL, Bucureti 1964, p. 123). Sul motivo Lenore si veda D. Caracostea, O problem de literatur comparat i folclor, I. Logdonicul strigoi. (Bucureti, 1929); ora in D. Caracostea, Poezia tradiional romn, I, EPL, Bucureti 1969. 10 M. Eliade, Le promesse dellequinozio, Memorie 1. 1907-1937, a c. di R. Scagno, Jaca Book, Milano 1995, pp. 325 ss.

180

Marco Cugno

raccolte in Fragmentarium (Sul destino del romanzo romeno, Teoria e romanzo, Le idee nel romanzo ecc.).11 Il tema dei rapporti con il folclore romeno e con la letteratura richiede qualche chiarimento. Eliade vuole scrivere unopera che esprima il sentimento fantastico schiettamente romeno (sentimentul fantastic pur romnesc) o, detto in altri termini, vuole scrivere un romanzo fantastico romeno, vale a dire di argomento romeno. In Romania, fin dallOttocento, sullonda di quanto era avvenuto in Germania e in Francia era nato il racconto fantastico moderno, talora ispirato al folclore12, ma riguardo al genere romanzo si potevano annoverare solo due opere recenti, Baletul mecanic di Cezar Petrescu, uscito nel 1931, e Golia di Ionel Teodoreanu, uscito nel 1933, che non rispondevano per alle caratteristiche enunciate da Eliade. Lo scrittore ha dunque la volont e la consapevolezza di essere un innovatore. Ma fin dalle testimonianze coeve alla stesura del romanzo e poi nel 1978 egli aggiunge immediatamente al dato folclorico di partenza la componente letteraria (Eminescu e la narrativa romantica), precisando infine nelle Memorie che il dato folclorico, sia quello legato alle credenze sugli strigoi (rituali del sangue e rituale delluccisione) sia quello esistente nella produzione popolare (motivo Lenore), passa in secondo piano rispetto alla tematica pi complessa del dramma vissuto dai personaggi del romanzo. Inoltre Eliade, sempre nelle Memorie, afferma: Il romanzo [] si conquist rapidamente ammiratori e detrattori altrettanto fanatici. [] Alcuni amici riconoscevano che ero riuscito a creare unatmosfera fantastica molto pi autentica di quella presente in altre opere precedenti della letteratura romena, ma si rammaricavano che non avessi utilizzato gli elementi del folclore. Possiamo dunque dire che se Eliade ha effettivamente scritto unopera nuova per la letteratura romena Signorina Christina ha la prerogativa di essere il primo romanzo fantastico romeno (vale a dire di argomento romeno) lelemento romeno proviene pi dalla componente letteraria la presenza di Eminescu, da taluni critici considerata ridondante che non da quella folclorica. Si tratta, come si vedr, di un Eminescu atipico, tematicamente, almeno per quanto riguarda Luceafrul. Sulla presenza di Eminescu avremo modo di tornare in un paragrafo conclusivo. Ma possiamo anticipare fin dora che il richiamo a Eminescu risponde a una precisa esigenza, indirettamente confermata anche dalle testimonianze dello scrittore: sembra evidente, in altre parole, la volont di Eliade di stemperare, per cos dire, la grezza brutalit del motivo legato alle credenze sui vampiri, filtrandolo attraverso uno schermo letterario, il poema Luceafrul di Eminescu. Nel poema, per altro, lamore impossibile nasce tra una creatura terrena, mortale, e un essere celeste, immortale, non, dunque, uno strigoi.
11 M. Eliade, Fragmentarium, a c. di R. Scagno, Jaca Book, Milano 2008. 12 Il primo racconto fantastico moderno romeno Il povero Dionisio di Eminescu (1872). A proposito dei racconti fantastici ispirati al folclore, occorre precisare che Eliade nellarticolo Temi folclorici e creazione artistica riguardo alla prosa cita solo opere appartenenti al filone seminatorista, evitando di prendere in considerazione alcuni autori nelle cui opere era viva quella che egli chiama presenza fantastica: ad esempio Ion Luca Caragiale (La hamul lui Mnjoal, 1899), Gala Galaction (Moara lui Clifar, 1902), Pavel Dan (Copil schimbat, 1930) ecc., racconti ai quali si potrebbe aggiungere Aranka, tima lacurilor (1929) di Cezar Petrescu, una gosth story, a personaggio femminile, che costituisce un vero e proprio breviario del gotico, come ha osservato Sergiu Pavel Dan in Proza fantastic romneasc, Minerva, Bucureti 1975, p. 195.

Mircea Eliade: Signorina Christina

181

E se, come abbiamo visto, Eliade nel Jurnal de vacan, riguardo a un problema specifico il rapporto tra dimensione realistica e dimensione fantastica cita i due romanzi di Chamisso e Balzac, risulta per noi impossibile, nonostante il silenzio di Eliade, non collocare il suo romanzo nel filone letterario del vampirismo che, in contesto europeo, aveva allepoca oltre un secolo di vita e al quale, in una dimensione di intertestualit diacronica, occorre fare riferimento. Lantecedente di Signorina Christina , in contesto romantico, a distanza di un secolo (1836-1936), il racconto La morte amoureuse di Gautier, di cui il romanzo eliadiano costituisce una sorta di riscrittura. A sua volta il racconto di Gautier era stato ispirato dalla Braut von Korinth di Goethe (1797) che, come affermava Mario Praz, aveva per primo dato forma letteraria alle truci storie di vampiri sorte in Illiria nel Settecento13; ma, nel campo della prosa, lopera che apre la serie Il vampiro di Polidori (novella pubblicata nel 1819 sotto il nome di Byron). Per quanto riguarda il nostro tema (la variante femminile del vampiro o, come scriveva Calvino, della vampiressa), nella serie di opere che seguono, possiamo indicare Carmilla di Joseph Sheridan Le Fanu del 1871. Se il termine riscrittura pu apparire eccessivo, non certo improprio parlare di intertestualit, visto che alcuni motivi presenti nel racconto di Gautier andranno a costituire una vera e propria convenzione letteraria del genere e, fatte le dovute differenze narrative e di temperie culturale, verranno ripresi da Eliade. Tali sono la dimensione onirica (presente anche in Eminescu): la cortigiana Clarimonda, come un secolo dopo la signorina Christina, si manifesta a Romualdo in sogno; anche lei, come Christina, non accetta la sua condizione di spirito e viene da molto lontano per ritrovare e prendere possesso del proprio corpo per poter amare; anche lei proclama il suo amore diverso per Romualdo come Christina far con Egor; e, infine, lAddio, mi rimpiangerai! rivolto da Clarimonda a Romualdo prima di dissolversi anticipa il congedo di Christina da Egor dopo lultimo incontro (Mi cercherai per tutta la vita, Egor, senza trovarmi!: cap. XVI). Sono questi i primi elementi di unintertestualit occulta, per cos dire, da tenere presenti accanto allesibita intertestualit emineschiana (da completare, a sua volta, con le opere e gli autori che costituivano la biblioteca di Christina, citati nel cap. VIII).14 Le varie credenze sui vampiri non avevano creato in Romania una tradizione letteraria colta, ma si ritrovano a livello di letteratura popolare nei racconti, nelle fiabe e nei canti oltre che nelle ballate del tipo Lenore.15 Eliade per afferma di non essere stato interessato direttamente, come scrittore, n dalla credenza popolare in s anche se, necessariamente, gli elementi essenziali di tale credenza compaiono nel suo romanzo e ne formano, per cos dire, lo schema narrativo pi generale: si veda13 Mario Praz, La carne, la morte e il diavolo nella letteratura romantica, Sansoni Editore, Firenze 1948, p. 81, 217 sgg. La morta innamorata di T. Gautier si pu leggere in Racconti fantastici dellOttocento, a c. di Italo Calvino, vol. I, Mondadori, Milano 1983, pp. 216-244. 14 Il campo intertestuale eterogeneo costituito da Jean Sbogar, Ren, Ivanhoe, Les Fleur du Mal, L-bas. Sul problema della necessit di una lettura intertestuale del romanzo, si veda Ilina Gregori, Fantasticul n proza lui Mircea Eliade:Domnioara Christina. O lectur nu-numai-estetic, in Studii literare, Editura Fundaiei Culturale Romne, Bucureti 2002, pp. 149-151. 15 Si veda la voce Strigoii mori in Ion Talo, Gndirea magico-religioas la romni, Editura enciclopedic, Bucureti 2001 e, sempre s.v. Strigoi, Ovidiu Brlea, Mic enciclopedie a povetilor romneti, Editura tiinific i enciclopedic, Bucureti 1976. Bisogna osservare che solo gli strigoi morti sono vampiri nel vero senso della parola, vale a dire succhiatori di sangue.

182

Marco Cugno

no, in particolare, la scena finale delluccisione del vampiro e i rituali del sangue, di cui lo strigoi si nutre che vengono suggeriti mediante pi o meno velate allusioni (ad es., fin dal primo capitolo, la strana e misteriosa stanchezza della signora Moscu, gli animali che muoiono, lodore di sangue nella camera di Sanda ammalata, cap. VII) e neppure dalla letteratura popolare a cui aveva dato origine. 1.6. Recentemente, stata pubblicata in Jurnalul portughez unulteriore testimonianza, risalente ai primi anni Quaranta, che ci consente, nellambito di questi paragrafi introduttivi, di affrontare sinteticamente il problema della ricezione del romanzo:
Rileggo, per una nuova edizione, Signorina Christina. Sono sorpreso del suo valore. Questo libro, che non avevo pi sfogliato dal 1936, quando lo scrissi e lo pubblicai, mi pareva un fallimento perch ero suggestionato anchio dal coro dei critici e di alcuni dei miei amici, che lo consideravano sia perverso, sia pornografico, sia di un fantastico artificioso. Oggi mi rendo conto che mi ero sbagliato e sono certo che, entro venti o cinquantanni, questo libro verr riscoperto. Alcuni non capiscono perch Simina abbia nove anni; la sua precocit erotica li disgusta. Ma io le ho dato let di nove anni proprio per rendere chiaro il fatto che Simina una posseduta, unindemoniata. A quattordici-quindici sarebbe sembrata una precocit malsana, ma nellordine naturale delle cose proprio ci che volevo evitare. Ricordo la malafede di G. Clinescu di fronte a questo libro. Lo giudica artificioso e influenzato dai romanzi stranieri. [] Parla dellodore di sangue della stanza di Sanda come di una enormit (sangue mestruale), anche se ognuno comprende che a Sanda era stato succhiato il sangue qualche ora prima Non capisce che si tratta di vampirismo?16

Come ha osservato Mac Linscott Ricketts, le prime reazioni a Signorina Christina da parte dei critici di professione e di alcuni recensori furono, per la maggior parte, negative e per nulla incoraggianti17. Aveva per ragione Eliade nel prevedere una riscoperta del romanzo. Ne sono una prova, dopo lampio commento che gli dedica Sorin Alexandrescu nello studio introduttivo a La ignci i alte povestiri del 1969, i giudizi espressi di recente da alcuni critici autorevoli. Lo stesso Ricketts afferma: Volendo creare un romanzo fantastico romeno, ispirato dai temi autoctoni, tradizionali, Eliade ha prodotto un piccolo capolavoro nellambito di questo genere. Uno specialista della letteratura fantastica come Sergiu Pavel Dan scrive: Insufficientemente compreso ai suoi tempi a causa della scarsa familiarit della nostra critica con la grande letteratura fantastica universale (si veda la flagrante denigrazione nella Istoria calineschiana), Signorina Christina rappresenta una delle esperienze pi interessanti del nostro romanzo interbellico18; mentre a Eugen Simion, il mag16 M. Eliade, Jurnalul portughez i alte scrieri, eds. Sorin Alexandrescu et alii, Humanitas, Bucureti 2006, pp. 175-176 (26 ianuarie 1943). 17 Mac Linscott Ricketts, op. cit., pp. 328-331, 346-347. Le recensioni sono state raccolte in M. Handoca, Dosarul Eliade, V, Curtea Veche, Bucureti 2001, pp. 29-62. La citazione successiva a p. 323. 18 Sergiu Pavel Dan, Domnioara Christina, voce del Dicionar analitic de opere literare romneti, A-D, coordonare i revizie tiinific de Ion Pop, Editura Didatic i Pedagogic, Bucureti 1998, p. 316.

Mircea Eliade: Signorina Christina

183

gior studioso della prosa di Eliade, si deve questo sintetico giudizio conclusivo delle pagine dedicate allopera: Signorina Christina un primo e memorabile romanzo fantastico moderno nella letteratura romena.19 2. Analisi del romanzo. Lopera ambientata in una localit imprecisata della pianura danubiana (indicata con la semplice iniziale Z), non lontana dalla citt di Giurgiu, sul Danubio, e nei pressi di unaltra localit, Blnoaia, dove si svolgono degli scavi archeologici, relativi alla civilt greco-traco-scitica. I personaggi del romanzo sono la signora Moscu, vedova, un tempo grande proprietaria terriera, la figlia maggiore Sanda, ventenne (a ventanni, come si apprender, era morta la zia Christina), e la figlia minore Simina, di nove anni. Sono ospiti di villa Moscu il giovane pittore Egor di Bucarest, giunto da pochi giorni su invito di Sanda, con la quale spera di intrecciare un idillio, e larcheologo Nazarie, che appena arrivato. A loro si aggiunger il dottore, chiamato per curare linspiegabile malattia di Sanda. La servit della villa ridotta al minimo: una cuoca-cameriera e una balia, dal comportamento ambiguo. Nella parte finale del romanzo, che si apre alla coralit, entrano in scena donne e contadini del luogo. Ai personaggi reali, si deve aggiungere, naturalmente, la signorina Christina, sorella della signora Moscu, morta anni addietro. il mese di settembre del 1935 (come si desume da un riferimento fatto da Simina, relativo al calesse della signorina Christina cap. VII); i principali luoghi dellazione sono la sala da pranzo, le camere da letto degli ospiti, la camera da letto di Sanda, il parco, la cantina, la scuderia; lazione del romanzo inizia con la cena del primo giorno e finisce allalba del quinto. I motivi che polarizzano linteresse dello scrittore sono, al di l degli spunti folclorici, in primo luogo lamore impossibile tra un essere umano e un essere che non appartiene pi al mondo umano, tema che avr dunque ampio sviluppo nel romanzo e ne costituir lasse portante; e, in secondo luogo, le conseguenze di questo sovvertimento dellordine naturale, viste attraverso la corruzione che esso provoca in una creatura indifesa come Simina, facendone, per la sua precocit, il personaggio pi controverso (da esso muoveva la critica tradizionalista per la sua accusa di pornografia). I due motivi, che rappresentano i veri centri di interesse del narratore, si traducono, sul piano narrativo, per un verso, nel racconto della progressiva materializzazione della signorina Christina durante i tre incontri notturni con Egor tema che al romanzo fornisce lossatura e, per laltro, nel coinvolgimento della giovane nipote Simina, che diventa, come giustamente ha osservato Eugen Simion, il personaggiochiave del romanzo. Laticipit del romanzo fa s che la strategia narrativa messa in atto da Eliade sia solo in apparenza simile a quella inaugurata dal Serpente, come precisato in precedenza dallautore nelle Considerazioni premesse alla traduzione francese: nelle opere successive, infatti, il fantastico sar per lo pi generato dal dubbio, dallincertezza. Qui, come ha osservato Sorin Alexandrescu, il fantastico generato dalla certezza (la certezza del mondo demoniaco degli strigoi) e d luogo a una vera
19 Eugen Simion, Mircea Eliade, Nodurile i semnele prozei, Univers enciclopedic, Bucureti 2005, p. 167. Per una lettura assai stimolante che va al di l della dimensione estetica, si veda Gregori, Fantasticul, cit., pp.135 ss.

184

Marco Cugno

e propria strategia del terrore. Il romanzo, strutturato su un conflitto tra le forze della Vita e le forze della Morte, si risolver in modo positivo, ma non senza vittime:
La Vita e la Morte si affrontano attraverso due gruppi di personaggi. La Morte rappresentata, evidentemente, dalla Signorina Christina, dalla fugace presenza del suo alleato Satana (laltro, per eufemismo) e dei suoi agenti: Simina, la bambina posseduta, la signora Moscu, la madre, poi il cocchiere e i cavalli del calesse, fantasmi come la loro padrona. La Vita rappresentata da Egor, lEroe, e dai suoi aiutanti: Nazarie, poi il dottore, e, nel finale, i contadini del villaggio. Ma Egor nello stesso tempo anche loggetto della disputa tra le due forze, come pure Sanda, la donna che egli ama, la quale, tuttavia, appartiene alternativamente ai due campi, vittima e alleata involontaria. Egor lotta contro la Signorina Christina per se stesso e per Sanda, Christina lotta contro Sanda per Egor; Egor distrugge Christina, ma Christina distrugge anche Sanda.20

La parola terrore (groaz) compare soltanto nel secondo capitolo, tuttavia fin dal primo capitolo, per gradi ma in modo insistito, lautore evoca latmosfera strana e incomprensibile della casa (la strana e misteriosa stanchezza della signora Moscu, la moria di animali, la servit che se ne va) minacciata da una presenza misteriosa e terrificante, che ben presto si riveler essere quella della signorina Christina. Le scene che annunciano questa presenza si susseguono rapidamente, ma sapientemente calcolate: dopo essere stata evocata due volte da Simina nella conversazione che si svolge durante la cena, Nazarie sembra avvertirne la presenza inquietante accanto alla signora Moscu (cap. I), in un rapido passaggio che verr ripreso e chiarito in seguito (cap. III). Successivamente Egor e Nazarie ne avvertono la presenza (ma per loro si tratta ancora di una presenza misteriosa e inspiegabile, bench gi terrificante e ripugnante) durante la notte trascorsa nella camera del pittore (cap. II: prima notte). Sempre Simina, durante il pranzo del giorno successivo, dice di averla sognata, provocando le precisazioni della signora Moscu, la quale prima racconta la storia della sorella Christina, uccisa a ventanni durante la rivolta contadina del 1907, e poi invita gli ospiti a vedere il suo ritratto, a grandezza naturale, che si trova in quella che era stata un tempo la sua stanza (cap. III). Questa scena importante nella strategia narrativa sia perch il quadro rappresenta la prima materializzazione del personaggio attraverso il suo ritratto (un ritratto fisico e morale insieme, visto soprattutto attraverso gli occhi di Egor, il quale scopre negli occhi di Christina uno struggimento nostalgico e una pena infinita che contrastano con lapparente giovialit) sia per la reazione che il quadro suscita nellarcheologo Nazarie, il quale collega il terrore che prova ora di fronte al ritratto ai due momenti di terrore vissuti precedentemente, tentando poi di rassicurare se stesso. La distruzione del quadro costituir, nel cap. XVIII, la necessaria premessa alluccisione del vampiro. Il momento successivo rappresentato dallepisodio dellincontro di Egor e di Simina nel parco (cap. IV), durante il quale la bambina gli racconta una fiaba, sentita dalla balia come lei afferma, con evidenti allusioni alla situazione che sta per
20 Sorin Alexandrescu, Dialectica fantasticului, studiu introductiv la M. Eliade, La ignci i alte povestiri, E.P.L, Bucureti 1969, pp. X-XI.

Mircea Eliade: Signorina Christina

185

coinvolgere luomo (Cera una volta il figlio di un pastore. Quandegli nacque le fate gli dissero: Amerai unimperatrice morta! Sua madre ud e cominci a piangere. Laltra fata, poich erano tre, ebbe compassione del suo dolore e soggiunse: E anche limperatrice morta ti amer!) e, subito dopo, il suo strano comportamento, quando nel parco finge di avere paura gettandosi tra le braccia di Egor per impedirgli di vedere qualcosa che lei ha visto e che egli non deve ancora vedere. Segue, nel capitolo V, il racconto di Nazarie allo stesso Egor, relativo a quanto egli ha appreso dai contadini sulla crudelt, sulla vita dissoluta e sulla tragica morte della signorina Christina, uccisa per gelosia dal fattore, senza che il suo corpo fosse mai stato ritrovato per la sepoltura. La gente dice che diventata uno spettro (nelloriginale: strigoi, termine che compare ora per la prima volta) la frase che conclude il suo racconto. La presenza dello strigoi nel parco viene poi evocata unaltra volta, a conclusione del capitolo, nellepisodio del cane spaventato che si accovaccia ai loro piedi. Il primo incontro diretto tra Egor e Christina occupa per intero il VI capitolo. Christina si introduce nel sogno di Egor: la seconda notte, il pittore sta sognando il suo amico Radu Prajan, deceduto da molto tempo in uno stupido incidente stradale, che lo mette in guardia da un grande pericolo incombente. Christina dissolve il sogno e impone la sua presenza (Volse la testa e vide accanto a s il corpo della signorina Christina). E se inizialmente si tratta di una presenza onirica, ben presto essa si trasforma, dopo il brusco risveglio di Egor, in presenza reale, una presenza che si materializza, anche olfattivamente, nel profumo di violette, che permane nella stanza dopo che lo strigoi si dileguato, a conferma, appunto, della sua reale materializzazione. In questo primo incontro Eliade sviluppa i temi gi presenti in Gautier: Christina rifiuta la sua condizione di strigoi e si fa donna, trasformando il desiderio di sangue dello strigoi in desiderio damore della donna che lotta con se stessa (No, non voglio te non ti bacio cos Ho paura di me stessa, Egor) per cercare di domare un impulso cieco, possente: Non ti spaventare, amore mioNon ti far niente. A te non far niente. Ti voglio soltanto amare Ti amer come mai nessun mortale stato amato. Seguono quattro versi di Luceafrul. Con te mi comporter in un altro modo Il tuo sangue mi troppo prezioso, mio caroDa qui, dal mio mondo, ogni notte verr da te. Allinizio nel sonno, Egor, e poi tra le tue braccia, amor mio. Ha osservato in proposito Sorin Alexandrescu: Il fascino di Christina si esercita mediante lo stesso suo statuto paradossale. I desideri della donna la rendono donna, ma Christina rimane sospesa tra spirito e carne, forma incerta, allucinante, presente e tuttavia assente, lubrica, spudorata e tuttavia asessuata. La prima manifestazione di Christina avviene dunque in due momenti: nel primo momento onirico Christina parla a Egor; dopo il risveglio di Egor, una presenza muta, che per vuole convincerlo al di l di ogni dubbio della sua presenza concreta, viva. Nel momento onirico Egor passa dal terrore (terrore del bacio mortale dello strigoi e poi del contatto con linnaturale e il disumano, nonostante lapparente calore umano del corpo di Christina che vuole essere donna) allincomprensibile turbamento, che si insinua in lui dopo che ha udito i versi di Eminescu. Nel secondo momento prevalgono di nuovo la paura e la ripugnanza, tanto che luomo avverte il bisogno di pregare per esorcizzare la sua terrificante presenza. In questo primo incontro si realizza una prima identificazione, che va oltre lo stato

186

Marco Cugno

onirico, ma che non ancora identificazione totale delle coscienze (Egor cap che lei sapeva che stava pregando... Lei sa che mi sono svegliato e non se ne va). Il secondo incontro (cap. X) avviene nella terza notte ed preceduto da tre capitoli di raccordo, tematicamente assai importanti. Lazione del romanzo si svolge, in prevalenza, nella camera di Sanda dove la giovane donna giace ammalata (la malattia, significativamente, si manifestata proprio nel giorno successivo al primo incontro tra Christina e Egor) e dove, come precisa il narratore, cera odore di sangue, con evidente allusione ai rituali che, oltre alla madre, coinvolgono anche lei, come sembrano confermare, in particolare, le disperate richieste di aiuto che la donna rivolge a Egor. Il capitolo VIII quello pi denso di citazioni letterarie (tratte dal dramma Antony di Dumas padre e da Luceafrul), recitate dalla signora Moscu; in esso, come si detto, viene anche ricordata la biblioteca di Christina. Intanto Egor ritiene opportuno chiamare un dottore (che entrer in scena il giorno successivo come nuovo testimone degli eventi che si stanno preparando), mentre linspiegabile fuga di Sanda dalla sua camera una ulteriore conferma del fatto che la giovane donna la principale vittima dello strigoi. Un ultimo elemento significativo riguardo a questo segmento narrativo, nellambito di una narrazione saldamente strutturata, lincontro tra Egor e Simina nelle scuderie (capitolo VII), altro momento importante atto a illustrare la psicologia distorta della bambina posseduta e, strutturalmente, necessario prologo al successivo incontro tra Egor e Christina. Lincontro, che occupa per intero il capitolo X, salvo poche righe introduttive, costruito allo stesso modo del primo: il sogno (ora si tratta di una festa danzante), la presenza dellamico Radu Prajan e, infine, la presenza di Christina (Sent dun tratto un braccio di donna cingerlo alla vita. In quellistante le coppie intorno svanirono. Volse il capo verso Prajan. Vedeva solo i suoi occhi) a cui segue il risveglio (Dopo un po Egor si accorse che stava da molto tempo ad occhi aperti, senza pensieri, senza memoria): luomo crede di essere solo, ma il persistente profumo di violette gli rivela la presenza di Christina. Nella parte onirica Egor avverte di nuovo il terrore e la ripugnanza dellaltra volta. Alle parole di Egor Tu sei morta Tu sai di essere morta Christina risponde: Ma ti amo E per te vengo da cos lontano Perch non voglio perderti, non mi serve il tuo sangueVoglio che qualche volta ti lasci amare! (dove abbiamo la ripresa dei temi inaugurati da Gautier: la venuta da lontano con una probabile interferenza di Eminescu e lamore diverso). Il dialogo onirico prosegue con un riferimento emineschiano pi esplicito: Io vengo da un altro luogo Ma sono ancora donna, Egor! E se ci sono state delle ragazze che si sono innamorate degli astri, perch non potresti innamorarti di me?!.... Luomo tenta di esorcizzare la seduzione dello strigoi e le predizioni funeste riguardo alla morte di Sanda, proclamando il suo amore per lei e pregando. Nel secondo momento non pi onirico interviene un nuovo elemento di tensione, la presenza dellAltro, il Demonio, con la quale Christina vuol provare a Egor che esiste un disgusto ancora pi insopportabile, per creare, comparativamente, limpressione benefica della sua presenza. Ora Christina parla, trasmettendogli i suoi pensieri con lo sguardo, per cui Egor ha la sensazione di essere costretto a leggere i suoi pensieri e a pensare le parole che la bocca di Christina non pronuncia. La conclusione preannuncia anche lincontro successivo: E non si trattava pi di un sogno. Egor sentiva con precisione quel corpo innaturale muoversi nello

Mircea Eliade: Signorina Christina

187

spazio, spostare laria intorno a s, renderla pi calda. Una volta verr da te, nel letto, nuda si trov a pensare Egor. E allora ti pregher di stringermi forte fra le braccia, amore mio!.... Il terzo incontro (cap. XV-XVI-XVII) preceduto da quattro capitoli preparatori. Ai protagonisti della vicenda si aggiunge ora il dottore, venuto da Giurgiu per visitare Sanda. Inizialmente la sua diagnosi sembra rassicurante (cap. XI), ma la sera dello stesso giorno (il quarto) toglier ogni speranza a Egor (Credo che non ne abbia pi per molto, cap. XIV). Intanto Egor si fidanzato con Sanda e le ha promesso di portala via il giorno successivo. Il fidanzamento anche loccasione per tentare di avere con lei una spiegazione (Il dottore mi ha svelato il mistero della tua malattia Vedi spesso Christina? Te lo domando, perch io la vedo Ma questa pazzia non durer molto. Trafigger il cuore dello spettro). Particolare rilievo in questa sezione del romanzo assume lincontro erotico con Simina, che deve preparare, con la sua seduzione diurna, la seduzione notturna dello strigoi (cap. XII). Soffermiamoci dunque sul secondo tema del romanzo: la corruzione di Simina, posseduta dallo strigoi. Ecco, in proposito, le pertinenti osservazioni di Sorin Alexandrescu:
La sensualit impossibile di Christina si estende, fin dallinizio, a Simina. La bambina, di una bellezza insolita, concepita con una doppia personalit[] Il suo comportamento si muove tra un registro umano, ingenuo, di bambina bene educata, ma un po eccentrica, e un registro disumano, diabolico (=corruzione dellumano), di agente di Christina. Di tutti i personaggi del romanzo, Simina il solo fantastico nel senso che si preciser negli scritti ulteriori, per questa ambiguit della doppia appartenenza, per la nostra impossibilit a spiegare il fenomeno stesso. [] Pur in tenera et, Simina padroneggia larte della seduzione, e appare violentemente e, nel contempo, astrattamente sensuale al pari della sua maestra. evidente, daltronde, che Simina non svolge solo il ruolo minore di valletta intrigante; di pi, essa diventa Christina stessa [] , in una variante diurna che completa la seduzione notturna dellaltra. Lincontro con Simina nella scuderia abbandonata [cap. VII] lascia Egor spossato come la visita di Christina nel corso della notte e, in seguito, quando la affronter nuovamente nella cantina [cap. XII] , accetter il sadismo della bambina erotomane con la stessa disumana volutt che aveva presentito alla presenza di Christina.21

Occorre infine notare levidente simmetria dei personaggi interposti tra Christina e Egor: La presenza di Christina, persuasiva attraverso Simina, diventa dissuasiva attraverso Sanda, la quale, probabilmente costretta ai sanguinosi rituali dalla signora Moscu, deperisce in modo misterioso e si ammala esattamente nella notte della prima apparizione di Christina, peggiora durante la notte successiva e morir allalba, dopo la notte del terzo incontro proprio quando morir Christina, uccisa da Egor.

21 S. Alexandrescu, op. cit., pp. XII-XIII.

188

Marco Cugno

Il terzo incontro, preparato dallazione diurna di Simina (che avverte Egor di non chiudere a chiave la camera), dovrebbe rappresentare il momento culminante della seduzione con la definitiva materializzazione dello strigoi. Vediamo, innanzitutto, la struttura narrativa di questa parte del romanzo. Lincontro definitivo, a differenza dei precedenti, viene narrato in un trittico di capitoli, che risultano da un montaggio di azioni destinato a creare la sensazione del precipitare degli eventi e, nel medesimo tempo, a suscitare un crescendo di suspense. Non insolito in Eliade, questo procedimento narrativo, che comporta la discontinuit della narrazione, viene qui accentuato, in una sorta di contrappunto di azioni parallele dei diversi personaggi (soli, in coppia, in gruppo) che lautore interrompe e riprende, fino a farle confluire nella sequenza finale del cap. XVII. Il narratore segue dunque i tre fili dellazione, incentrati intorno ai tre gruppi di personaggi, che comprendono tutti le forze della Vita Egor e i suoi aiutanti e la forze della Morte Christina e i suoi agenti. Significativamente, in tutte e tre le situazioni, sono presenti, temporaneamente insieme per lultima volta, le forze in conflitto, destinate poi a separarsi definitivamente: nella stanza di Egor entra Christina; Nazarie e il dottore raggiungono Simina nel parco; ad essi poi si aggiungono i fantasmi (cavalli, cocchiere) e infine la signorina Christina; Sanda viene raggiunta nella sua camera dalla signora Moscu. La prima sequenza narrativa del cap. XV dedicata a Egor, rimasto solo nella sua stanza, in attesa di Christina, che poi compare sulla soglia per lincontro annunciatogli da Simina. In seguito lattenzione del narratore si sposta nella camera di Nazarie e del dottore e abbiamo una seconda sequenza in cui i due personaggi, che non riescono a prendere sonno per il terrore, vedono dalla finestra Simina dirigersi da sola, come una sonnambula, verso il parco e decidono di seguirla. Con la sequenza successiva si ritorna Egor e a Christina. Una nuova interruzione, che d luogo a unaltra sequenza narrativa, sposta la narrazione nella stanza di Sanda che, spossata, insieme con la madre, attende ancora Egor (la situazione risulta ambigua, ma successivamente tale interpretazione sembra confermata dalle parole che Sanda dir a Egor). Lultima sequenza narrativa del capitolo ci riporta a Nazarie e al dottore che, seguendo Simina, vedono nel parco il calesse della signorina Christina, con relativi fantasmi. Il cap. XVI interamente dedicato al momento culminante dellincontro tra Egor e Christina. Il cap. XVII ha di nuovo una struttura composita, ma semplificata rispetto a quella del cap. XV: inizia con la scena del parco, dove arriva adirata e minacciosa la signorina Christina, che scompare con il calesse, lasciando cadere un guanto che poi, raccolto dal dottore, diventer cenere. La seconda sequenza ci riporta nella camera di Egor, dove, a causa della caduta della lampada a petrolio, scoppiato un incendio che si sta diffondendo e minaccia la casa. Il pensiero del pericolo che Sanda sta correndo spinge Egor ad accorrere in suo aiuto. La terza sequenza (In quel momento si accorse che Sanda lo guardava da molto vicino, appoggiata alla finestra come se da molto tempo aspettasse il suo arrivo...) ricompone i tre fili della narrazione, facendo ritrovare insieme i personaggi che fino a quel momento avevano agito separatamente. Accanto a loro non c pi la presenza delle forze malefiche della Morte. il preludio della liberazione dalla maledizione dello strigoi, il momento della separazione delle forze in campo, che prepara lo scioglimento del conflitto. Lo strigoi ha per segnato definitivamente Sanda, a cui ha sottratto lenergia vitale e la

Mircea Eliade: Signorina Christina

189

femminilit, il suo essere donna concreta e reale, capace di amare, per trasferirle a s nel tentativo di realizzare lamore impossibile al di l dei confini dellumano. Torniamo ora allincontro supremo, suddiviso, come abbiamo visto, in tre sequenze narrative. La materializzazione si compiuta; non pi necessario il preludio onirico. Egor, dopo che Christina entrata, questa volta direttamente, nella sua camera, si trova immediatamente a pensare le parole che Christina non poteva pronunciare: Avvertiva con precisione i pensieri di Christina salirgli alla mente; li poteva distinguere ora, senza alcuna difficolt, dai suoi pensieri e dalle sue paure. Tuttavia era molto meno atterrito di quanto avesse temuto.... Mentre Christina comincia a spogliarsi (i guanti, il cappello, il colletto di seta, la camicetta) per mostrarglisi nuda, Egor avverte di nuovo terrore e repulsione, ma anche, insieme al profumo di violette, il fascino della seduzione a cui non sa resistere, sottolineata, di nuovo, dalle citazioni emineschiane. Nelle tenebre della ripugnanza penetra dunque la luce del veleno cos dolce dellattesa, del piacere.... Nel momento successivo (cap. XVI), la seduzione si ormai compiuta (Egor sente nel cervello lordine della signorina Christina e nel sangue i suoi richiami venefici) e, tra repulsione e volutt, assume lui liniziativa: Protese le braccia e strinse le spalle di neve della giovane ecc.. Anche qui, notiamo la mediazione emineschiana (il poemetto Strigoii e la novella Il povero Dionisio). Il delirio di un amore impossibile per si interrompe e lincantesimo svanisce allimprovviso quando Egor sente la ferita umida e calda; il solo punto caldo sul corpo innaturale di Christina: Il sangue gorgogliava. Eppure, perch mai non passava attraverso il corsetto, perch non arrossava il vestito?!.... Gli macchia per le dita, facendogli riacquistare la coscienza della propria condizione umana e di quella di Christina (Sei morta! Sei morta!), che prima era stata annullata (dopo la domanda: Sei morta o esisti solo in sogno?, Christina gli aveva dato loblio, cio lannullamento della coscienza, la quale ora riaffiora definitivamente, separando le due condizioni esistenziali, che sembravano pronte a unificarsi, come gi si erano unificati i pensieri). Il prodigio dellamore impossibile non pu compiersi e Christina, dopo aver respinto Egor nella sua condizione umana (Sei come tutti gli altri), lo condanna, con una maledizione, al ricordo funesto di unesperienza di cui non era stato degno. Le fiamme, provocate dalla lampada di Egor, avvolgono il letto in cui il miracolo non potuto accadere e poi tutta la villa maledetta. Un momento importante, sulla via della liberazione, rappresentato, nel capitolo successivo (XVIII) dalla sequenza che racconta la distruzione del ritratto della Signorina Christina compiuta da Egor e poi, insieme ai contadini accorsi, della sua stanza. un episodio che, strutturalmente, richiama, come ho gi osservato, lepisodio del ritratto del cap. III, prima indiretta ma concreta manifestazione della strigoaic, e che ora, per opposizione, fa da preludio alla sua vera distruzione. Egor, sottrattosi allinflusso erotico di Christina, agisce con violenza, ma razionalmente e freddamente, compiendo latto magico della distruzione con il ferro del ritratto come immagine malefica e, alla fine, pianter la sbarra di ferro nel cuore di Christina, esattamente nel luogo della cantina dove Simina lo aveva sedotto. La narrazione, negli ultimi due capitoli, riprende la sua linearit: leroe sempre presente sulla scena. Il doloroso incantamento da cui pervaso dopo aver compiuto il gesto finale il primo annuncio del compiersi della maledizione di Christina; la morte di Sanda (che gli scongiuri delle donne chiamate al suo capezzale

190

Marco Cugno

non riescono ad evitare) gli conferma il suo destino di solitudine. La vittoria della Vita sulla Morte, che si compie attraverso lEroe, si trasforma in una sconfitta per luomo, trascinato in un evento da cui solo in apparenza esce vincitore. Lo sfondo dellevento centrale costituito, nelle ultime pagine del romanzo, da una scena grandiosa, che pare riportarci indietro agli avvenimenti del 1907 magistralmente rievocati da Liviu Rebreanu nel suo romanzo Rscoala, pubblicato nel 1932. 3. La presenza di Eminescu. A proposito del vampirismo di Luceafrul mi sia consentito riprendere quanto ho scritto a commento del verso Prea un mort frumos cu ochii vii della fiaba Fata-n grdina de aur, versificazione emineschiana della fiaba del viaggiatore tedesco R. Kunisch, da cui prende le mosse il poema:
La nuova identit angelica, contrapposta a quella precedente, demoniaca, trapassa in un verso che ne ribadisce, su un altro piano, quello della vita e della morte, lincertezza. Lunione tra la bellezza e la morte, tema che attraversa la letteratura romantica e decadente, ma i cui antecedenti possono risalire al Tasso (Praz, 1948), si carica qui di una valenza ancor pi conturbante, anche se appena accennata: lidentit vampiresca, tema anche questo caro al primo romanticismo e che in Eminescu si estenua. Questo verso, del resto, rimarr stabile nel tempo e attraverser le varie fasi della composizione, mutando nel poema la sua struttura metrica (endecasillabo ottosillabo). Al caractre maudit della bellezza corrisponde il caractre maudit dellamore, potremmo dire citando Mario Praz, se non temessimo di dare al verso emineschiano una consistenza tematica eccessiva. [] Nel primo [invito] , [] troviamo numerosi particolari che sottolineano il carattere di strigoi dello zmeu (Gldi, Stilul poetic al lui Eminescu,1964). Rispetto alla semplicit delle risposte della principessa della fiaba, Eminescu ha descritto in modo assai convincente come la fanciulla tema lo spettro che la chiama: O geniu mndru, tu nu eti de mine, /De-a ta privire ochii mei m dor / Sngele s-ar stoarce chiar din vine, /Cci m-ar usca teribilu-i amor! Giustamente il critico sottolinea anche in una nota che gli ultimi due versi alludono a un vero e proprio vampirismo. Nel poema questo riferimento, che potremmo definire troppo realistico, cadr, riassorbito nel verso assai pi allusivo Un mort frumos cu ochii vii, mentre lamore terribile della versificazione diventer crudul tu amor e il verso relativo allo sguardo i ochii mari i grei m dor / Privirea ta m arde.22

Ho gi accennato al significato di questa presenza letteraria nel romanzo, che riprende lo schema conflittuale e la ripartizione dei personaggi di Luceafrul invertendo per i ruoli maschili e femminili: alla principessa, a Espero-Iperione e a Catalino del poema corrispondono nel romanzo Egor, Christina e Sanda. Naturalmente le intenzioni delle due opere, nate in temperie culturali diverse, sono differenti. Di

22 M. Cugno, Mihai Eminescu: nel laboratorio di Luceafrul, Edizioni dellOrso, Alessandria 2007, pp. 32-33.

Mircea Eliade: Signorina Christina

191

Eminescu viene inoltre citato un passo del poemetto Strigoii e lincipit del racconto Il povero Dionisio. Cap. VI: durante il sogno di Egor, Christina, dopo averlo rassicurato (A te non far niente... Ti voglio solo amare... Ti amer come nessun mortale stato amato), si rivolge a lui con le parole che la fanciulla rivolge a Espero nella terza sequenza del poema (vv. 145-148: M dor de crudul tu amor / A pieptului meu coarde, / i ochii mari i grei m dor, / Privirea ta m arde.), che comprende il secondo incontro onirico della fanciulla e di Espero, la seconda invocazione della fanciulla, la seconda metamorfosi di Espero, il secondo invito di Espero, il secondo diniego della fanciulla e la rinuncia di Espero allimmortalit (vv. 97-172). Cap. VIII: nella camera di Sanda spossata, la signora Moscu legge alla figlia Antony, il dramma di Alexandre Dumas padre di cui vengono citati quattro versi della prefazione allusivi ai rituali del sangue in cui sono coinvolti i personaggi del romanzo, in particolare il v. Je pourrai pour ton sang tabandonner ma vie. Successivamente ricorda, per frammenti, i versi di Luceafrul che, nelle notti estive, Christina, ancora bambina, le declamava. Prima citazione: si tratta dellinvocazione della fanciulla a Espero, versi che si trovano nella seconda e nella terza sequenza del poema (vv. 49-52; 105-108): Cobori n jos, luceafr blnd,/Alunecnd pe-o raz, /Ptrunde-n cas i n gnd/ i viaa-mi lumineaz. Seconda citazione: sono i versi ripetuti da Espero dopo la prima e la seconda metamorfosi (vv. 83-84; 135-136): Eu sunt luceafrul de sus /Iar tu s-mi fii mireas. Terza citazione: v. 95 (primo diniego della fanciulla): Cci eu sunt vie, tu eti mort. Quarta citazione: riprende i vv. 145-148. La fitta trama di citazioni emineschiane di questo momento del romanzo (si tratta di frammenti opportunamente scelti perch alludono alla vicenda della signorina Christina) ci d la misura dellimportanza che il narratore attribuisce allo schermo letterario attraverso il quale ritiene di dover filtrare il tema folclorico. Inoltre, la situazione in cui vengono rievocati i versi di Eminescu proietta su Christina una sorta di maledizione, facendone una creatura che sembra predestinata, fin da bambina, a vivere lamore solo al di fuori dellordine naturale. Altro elemento da tenere in considerazione il modo di manifestarsi dello strigoi (in sogno), situazione simile a quella del poema di Eminescu, ma che si trova anche nella credenze popolari e, come abbiamo visto, anche nel vampirismo in letteratura. Cap. X: qui abbiamo soltanto un riferimento alla situazione di Luceafrul. Christina dice a Egor: Io vengo da un altro luogo... Ma sono ancora donna, Egor. E se ci sono state delle ragazze che si sono innamorate degli astri, perch tu non potresti innamorarti di me?!.... Nel passo Avrebbe dovuto resistere, continuare a dirle che lei era morta, mentre lui era vivo, la contrapposizione morta/vivo pu essere considerata uninterferenza del v. 95 del poema citato nel cap. VIII. Cap. XV: vengono ripresi, nel momento culminante dellincontro tra Egor e Christina, i versi 83-84 e135-136 gi citati nel cap. VIII.

192

Marco Cugno

Alla fine del segmento vengono ripresi, invertiti, i due aggettivi freddo e immortale del verso finale di Luceafrul (nemuritor i rece), ma in una situazione che vorrebbe rovesciare quella del poema. Cap. XVI: i vv. citati appartengono al poemetto di Eminescu intitolato Strigoii (Arald, personaggio di fantasia, il re degli Avari, una delle popolazioni barbare che invasero la Dacia Traiana [VI sec.] , dopo che essa, nel III secolo, fu abbandonata dallimperatore Aureliano; il personaggio che parla Maria, la regina danubiana amata da Arald. Essendo morta, Arald riesce ad ottenere da un mago che essa torni alla vita, ma nella condizione di strigoi. Amando la donna strigoaic, diviene anchegli strigoi e tutti e due cavalcheranno verso la tomba da cui la donna era uscita per intervento del mago. Si noter qui la presenza del motivo Lenore). La citazione in corsivo linizio della novella di Eminescu intitolata Il povero Dionisio (Egor vuol sapere se sogna o no; la signorina Christina gli risponde, citando linizio della novella che, dopo una lunga riflessione, si conclude con laffermazione: In realt, il mondo il sogno della nostra anima. Non esiste n tempo, n spazio - essi sono solo nella nostra anima). Nel passo Perch vuoi sapere se sono veramente morta e se tu sei mortale? si pu rilevare uninterferenza dei vv. 150-152 del poema: Au nu-nelegi tu oare/Cum c eu sunt nemuritor /i tu eti muritoare?. Il sintagma Per unora damore di nuovo una citazione da Luceafrul (v. 292: i pentru toate d-mi n schimb / O or de iubire) e fa parte della richiesta di rinunciare allimmortalit che Espero-Iperione rivolge alla Divinit (quinta sequenza). Cap. XIX: vv. 147-148, gi citati due volte. Occorrer tuttavia osservare che tali versi, citati ripetutamente, si adattano, di volta in volta, a situazioni diverse: nel cap. VI, in bocca a Christina, presumibile che si riferiscano a Egor, di cui la strigoaic si innamorata; nel cap. VIII, in bocca alla signora Moscu, possono alludere anche allo strano legame damore che unisce la madre e la figlia; infine, nel cap. XIX, sembrano riferirsi alla mala che Christina continua a esercitare su Egor, preannunciata nella sua maledizione. Quale che possa essere il senso di questi versi nelle diverse situazioni, fuor di dubbio che ognuna di esse proietta sui versi suddetti una luce di ambiguit, che non hanno nel testo originale. Sulla presenza di Eminescu i pareri della critica non sono concordi. Si pu essere in parte daccordo con Alexandrescu sul fatto che tali citazioni troppo frequenti e collocate in modo non ispirato nei momenti di grande tensione possono sembrare stridenti e inutili. Secondo il critico, un solo rimando di principio sarebbe stato sufficiente al lettore per decifrare il senso generale di replica al poema. Daltra parte Alexandrescu ritiene che il cap. XIV e soprattutto il cap. XV, che evocano lincontro supremo, contengano, indubitabilmente, alcune tra le pi poetiche pagine damore della prosa romena. Bisogna tuttavia osservare che un solo rimando non avrebbe assolto probabilmente alla funzione che il narratore intendeva attribuire alla presenza di Eminescu, in particolare lEminescu di Luceafrul, per la somiglianza delle situazioni in relazione allamore impossibile tra due esseri che appartengono a mondi diversi e incomunicabili. A conclusione di questa lettura, possiamo richiamare ancora una volta latipicit del romanzo, che ci propone una modalit di fantastico ancora legata a un filone europeo romantico e decadente del fantastico, dal quale lo scrittore prender le distanze fin dal romanzo successivo.

Despre Ion Talo de-a lungul anilor

Iordan Datcu
Institutul de Istorie i Teorie Literar G. Clinescu, Bucureti
Am artat interes constant fa de opera lui Ion Talo, aceea personal i aceea de editor, nc de la debutul su editorial. Ca redactor la Editura Minerva, am rspuns de cel de al doilea volum, din 1972, al ediiei Ion Mulea, Cercetri de etnografie i folclor, pe care a ngrijit-o, la cel dinti volum, din 1971, fiind redactor regretatul meu coleg Ion erb. Am fost redactor i la cartea sa important de debut, Meterul Manole. Contribuie la studiul unei teme de folclor european (Editura Minerva, 1973) i am i recenzat cartea n revista Viaa Romneasc. Am scris apoi despre mai toate crile sale, fie originale, fie ediii ngrijite, ba chiar i despre comunicarea recent, Lupta voinicului cu leul. Mit i iniiere n folclorul romnesc, pe care a inut-o la Academia Romn, la 20 mai 2004, publicat de Editura Academiei Romne, n 2007. Articolul despre el, din Dicionarul folcloritilor romni (vol. I, 1979), lexicon pe care l-am publicat n colaborare cu Sabina-Cornelia Stroescu, l-am reluat, mbogit substanial, n Dicionarul etnologilor romni, ediia a II-a (vol. I-III, 1998-2001) i ediia a treia, revzut i mult adugit (2006). n fine, n 2004, cnd a mplinit 70 de ani de via, am publicat n Romnia literar, articolul Un comparatist. Acum, cnd Ion Talo se afl la un rodnic moment aniversar, dau toate articolele pe care le-am scris despre el, reunire care are, cel puin pentru mine, semnificaia preuirii pentru opera sa bogat, divers i original. Un studiu de folclor comparat Cu adnci rdcini n substratul cultural nord-est european, jertfa zidirii are o ntins circulaie universal n timp, fiind practicat nc de cananieni, fenicieni, cartaginezi, egipteni, romani. Culturile populare balcanice, ntre care i a noastr, au dat o dimensiune major mitului, transgresndu-l din etnografic n estetic, plsmuind adic balada despre zidirea femeii n temeliile unui edificiu. Ctecul este rspndit la greci, romni, albanezi, srbi, croai, bulgari, maghiarii din Transilvania i la igani. Lipsete ns la ucrainieni i rui, la polonezi, cehi i slovaci, la maghiarii din Ungaria. Pentru studierea cntecului epic amintit, Ion Talo apeleaz, pentru prima dat la noi, n cartea sa Meterul Manole, la metodologia cea mai legitim: cunoaterea i prezentarea a ceea ce el numete complexul de obiceiuri, practici magice i legende legate de construcie. El prsete deci tratarea unilateral a textului literar, cu care am fost, cu rare excepii, obinuii pn acum, n cazul baladei despre Meterul Manole, textului fiindu-i subliniate cu profunzime implicaiile mitice. Autorul nu neglijeaz nici o prere emis la noi sau aiurea asupra uneia sau alteia din laturile

194

Iordan Datcu

problemei: originea, circulaia, valoarea artistic a variantelor. Reine ideile preioase, ns nu se sfiete s afirme c au fost emise, nu de puine ori, teorii grbite, riscate, deduse dintr-un examen neconcludent asupra legendelor i obiceiurilor, riturilor de construcie, dintr-un numr nesatisfctor de variante ale baladei. Contient de acest neajuns al studiilor anterioare, Ion Talo i-a nceput, prin 1958-1959, propriile cercetri de teren, reuind s descopere numeroase legende i texte poetice transilvnene. nct, primul merit al lucrrii sale este acela de a fi sporit numrul textelor, lucrarea sprijinindu-se pe 165 de variante ale baladei. Autorul a strbtut o bibliografie universal ntins, semnalnd toat gama de sacrificri, dar oprindu-se cu precdere la treapta cea mai veche a mitului: sacrificiul uman. El analizeaz legendele construciilor n patru grupe: cine construiete; locul potrivit pentru construcie; moartea zidarilor; jertfa zidirii. Examenul acesta i servete la conturarea substratului mitic al baladei, i faciliteaz demonstrarea saltului fcut de la legendele n proz, de la aspectul etnografic la creaia superioar, la balada meterului constructor. Partea cea mai ntins a volumului este rezervat analizei structurale a textelor poetice ale versiunii romneti i ale versiunilor balcanice. Cea romnesc este disecat n tipurile ei: transilvnene (bihorean, sljean, tipul Lpu-Some-Bistria, tipul Nsud-Mure, tipul Haeg, tipul sud-ardelean); bnene (tipul Mehedia, tipul Banat); muntene-oltene-moldovene (tipul oltean-muntean-moldovean, tipul Trifestitele); tipurile din afara granielor Romniei (tipul Iugoslaviei, tipul IugoslaviaBulgaria). Examenul morfologic al tipurilor traseaz notele difereniatoare ale celor dou grupe de texte poetice: grupa nordic i cea sudic. Cele mai vechi texte de la noi sunt considerate cele din nordul rii: colinde, mai mult lirice, avnd n centru soia meterului zidar i cu aciune de multe ori nelocalizat. Tipul sudic cunoate mplinirea artistic superioar, avnd o structur ampl, dramatic, i, n mijlocul aciunii, figura meterului constructor, care edific, la cererea legendarului Negru Vod, monumentul arhitectonic fr egal al Mnstirii Arge. Acest tip are o circulaie mai mare, spre deosebire de cellalt, cntat o singur dat n an i care se crede c a fost la origine un colind foarte nrudit cu bocetele, cu cntecul zorilor. Pe baza studiului exhaustiv al tipurilor, autorul stabilete i motivele comune variantelor naionale balcanice, mai puine de ct s-a crezut: nestatornicia zidurilor, necesitatea de a fi zidit o femeie n temelii, sacrificarea celei mai bune soii a zidarilor. De aci prudena autorului, n stadiul actual al cercetrilor, cnd e vorba s afirme vechimea vreuneia din variantele naionale, s stabileasc scheletul de baz al baladei. El nu nclin s considere mai vechi unele variante naionale foarte cristalizate, nici s situeze deasupra celorlalte pe cea romneasc, dei toat demonstraia n-a putut s nu duc la concluzia c avem de-a face, n cazul baladei romneti, cu una din cele mai elevate nfloriri artistice ale mitului construciei. Cercetarea lui Ion Talo, prin materialul inedit foarte bogat, prin orizontul comparatist fr precedent la noi, prin sagacitatea cu care radiografiaz motivele poetice ale tipurilor romneti, se nscrie ca o contribuie nsemnat la cunoaterea unuia din miturile noastre eseniale.

Despre Ion Talo de-a lungul anilor Corpusul de texte Meterul Manole

195

De mai bine de un secol, etnologia romneasc i dorete nfptuirea unui corpus al creaiilor populare. Alecu Russo i A. I. Odobescu schieaz ideea, dar pn acum doar trei balade au fost prezentate n corpusuri de texte: Mioria (1964), Toma Alimo (1989) i Meterul Manole (1997). Acest din urm corpus al unui tip de de balad l datorm lui Ion Talo, profesor de mitologie la Universitatea din Kln, cel care, n 1973, a tiprit studiul monografic. Pentru ca demersul su s capete contur deplin, s fie concludent i verificabil, autorul a alctuit i continuarea fireasc a studiului din 1973, acum cu titlul Meterul Manole. Contribuie la studiul unei teme de folclor europen, II, Corpusul variantelor romneti (Editura Grai i suflet. Cultura Naional, 1997, 49 p.). Masivul volum cuprinde 242 texte poetice i 38 legende n proz, ornduite zonal-regional n capitolele: Din Bihor; Din Slaj; Din Lpu, Some i Bistria; Din Nsud i Mure; Din sudul Ardealului; Din Banat; Din Oltenia, Muntenia i sudul Moldovei; Din zona Iai (Trifestitele); Din zona Iugoslavia; Din Iugoslavia i Bulgaria (Valea Timocului); Legendele n proz. Dup studiul su din 1973, autorul a cules personal alte variante, le-a prelucrat i pe cele culese de alii, nct corpusul este bogat i diversificat. Semnificative sunt n acest sens colindele i legendele n proz. Remarcabile sunt, de asemenea, atestrile legendei despre zidirea soiei meterului constructor. Din aceast categorie face parte consemnarea fcut de Neofit, Mitropolit al rii Romneti, care a aflat, la 1746, din gura oamenilor de la Poienari: Zic oamenii c aceast cetate s-a fcut cu trgovitenii i zic c la zidirea cetii au fost un Manole vtaf i, surpndu-se zidul, i-ar fi zidit muierea n zid. (N. Stoicescu, Vlad epe, 1976). O alt preioas consemnare a legendei n proz este fcut de Nicolae Stoica de Haeg, n Cronica Mehadiei (ms. 1829), legend referitoare la cldirea turnului Pergan, cnd zidarul Manolia, a ncastrat n zid umbra soiei sale, atunci cnd, la prnz, i-a adus mncarea. n fine, dintre variantele n proz face parte i aceea a lui Stanislas Bellanger, stare al Mnstirii Curtea de Arge, consemnat n anii 1838-1840 i tiprit n 1846, la Paris. Grijii de a consemna toate documentele unele chiar suspectate de intervenii crturreti autorul i-a alturat pe aceea de a veni cu noi precizri teoretice pe care i le-a impus mbogirea atestrilor, pe de o parte, i sporirea comentariilor teoretice, romneti i strine, pe de alta. Ocupndu-se de o tem de folclor european, autorul a fost atent la opiniile formulate nainte sau dup 1973. Astfel, el se refer att la contribuiile la cunoaterea baladei romneti (Grgoire Filiti, 1972), ct i la cele despre varianta bulgar (Blae Petroschi, 1976, Ljubomira Parpulova, 1983), despre varianta macedonian (Johann Poegl, 1979), despre varianta macedonean i cea albanez, ntr-un studiu comparativ (Voislav Jakovski, 1980). Cea mai mare atenie o acord studiului despre varianta greac, tiprit de Georgios A. Megas (1976), care nu se rezum la examinarea temei pe teren elen, ci emite cu nestrmutat convingere ideea c versiunile baladei au un unic izvor: cel grecesc. Cu privire la versiunea romneasc, Megas susine c ea a fost adus n Carpai i la Dunre de ctre zidarii epiroi. Ct privete realitatea romneasc a cntecului despre femeia zidit, Talo observ c informaia lui Megas este confuz. Astfel, nvatul grec crede c frecvena temei se datoreaz n spaiul romnesc influenei textului lui V. Alecsandri. Colindele pe aceeai tem ar fi prescurtri ale textului Alecsandri. Acestea au fost, dimpotriv, scrie Talo, stadiul cel mai vechi al temei, baladele moldo-muntene crescnd din ele, ntr-o epoc de

196

Iordan Datcu

nflorire cultural. Privitor la originea temei, Talo respinge teoria mprumutului susinut de Megas i subliniaz opinia lui Ovidiu Brlea care susinea c tema baladei romneti este smbure autohton traco-elino-latin, n elaborarea romneasc. Dintre observaiile pertinente pe care le face Talo, n introducere, le reinem pe acelea privind interferenele motivice i simbolistice dintre balada pe care o studiaz i Mioria, Voichia, Fratele i Sora, Soarele i Luna, n fine despre simbolul fntnii n balad i colinde. Cartea lui Ion Talo este una de referin, ea va permite altor cercettori ai baladei s-i formuleze propriile lor opinii n legtur cu acest mit. mplinirea unui proiect al lui Blaga Dintre sutele de cri expuse la Trgul internaional de carte, care a avut loc n iunie 1996, la Bucureti, un titlu mi-a atras cu deosebire atenia: Antologie de poezie popular. Volksdichtung. Eine Anthologie. Ediie ngrijit i traducere de Artur Greive, Gerda Schler, Ion Talo. Studiu introductiv de Ion Talo. Ilustraii de Mihu Vulcnescu. Editura Grai i Suflet-Cultura Naional, Bucureti, 1995 (apariie de fapt: 1996). Prin aceast apariie s-a mplinit un gnd al lui Lucian Blaga: acela ca antologia sa s fie tradus ntr-o limb de circulaie universal. n urm cu treizeci de ani, Editura pentru Literatur publica Antologie de poezie popular de Lucian Blaga. Ediie ngrijit de George Ivacu, ilustrat de Mihu Vulcnescu. Tiprit la Arta grafic, lucrarea a aprut n condiii excelente: pe hrtie offset, cu cte un text imprimat doar pe o fa a hrtiei, toate exemplarele (12140) au fost legate n pnz de in i au avut supracopert. A aprut n anii cnd ncepuse restituirea operei lui Lucian Blaga, toate ediiile fiind alctuite de George Ivacu: Poezii (1962), Hronicul i cntecul vrstelor (1965), Gndirea romneasc n Transilvania n secolul al XVIII-lea (1966), Poezii (1967), Poezii, I-II (1968). George Ivacu mi-a scris pe un exemplar din ediia sa: Lucian Blaga, Gndirea romneasc n Transilvania n secolul al XVIII-lea: Lui Iordan Datcu, n amintirea muncii noastre comune pentru valorificarea lui Blaga ca autor al Antologiei de poezie popular. noiembrie 1966. Cartea s-a bucurat de o recepie critic excepional, recenzii fiind semnate de Eugen Simion, Paul Anghel, Adrian Marino, Gheorghe Grigurcu, Marin Mincu, Petru Ursache, Ion euleanu, Vasile Adscliei, Ion Mulea, Sabina Stroescu, Ion Talo. Dei poetul i-a conceput antologia, cum i-a marturisit colegului su Ion Mulea, numai prin prisma poetic, fcnd abstracie de orice considerente, comentatorii antologiei au pus-o n relaie cu opera filozofului i a poetului. Eugen Simion, recunoscnd c poetul a fcut o operaie de chirurgie estetic necesar, detand cristalele poeziei de materialul folcloric inert, aduga: Spiritul celui ce a fcut selecia se simte numaidect n preponderena motivelor cosmice, a categoriilor fundamentale pentru spiritualitatea romneasc, examinate pe larg n scrierile de morfologie a culturii. Privit din acest punct, antologia e o justificare a filozofiei, carnea speculaiilor sale. (Gazeta literar, XIV, nr. 3, joi 19 ianuarie 1967). Este i opinia lui Adrian Marino, care susine c modul de alctuire a antologiei se sincronizeaz cu observaiile din Spaiul mioritic. Antologia, scrie Adrian Marino, nu poate fi neleas (aa cum sublineaz i editorul) fr o strict raportare la anumite teze de filosofie a culturii, formulate anterior n Spaiul mioritic (1936), fa de care constituie un fel de aparat documentar, o ilustraie literar postum (Comtemporanul, nr.12, 24 martie,

Despre Ion Talo de-a lungul anilor

197

1967). Gheorghe Grigurcu observ c antologia este domeniul unde se interfereaz dou sensibiliti, cea a poetului anonim i sensibilitatea liric a alctuitorului, ale crui impulsuri metafizice au pornit nu odat din adncurile sufletului colectiv, din acea zon plasmatic de eres i cuteztoare intuiii ori pur i simplu din stilizarea existenei pe care ne-o ofer folclorul romnesc. ntretierea celor dou trmuri are efecte de fertilitate artistic excepional.(Familia, seria a V-a, an 3, nr. 4, aprilie, 1967). n fine, Paul Anghel susine c antologia lui Blaga este cel de-al doilea mare monument al artei anonime la noi, legitimnd nu documentar, ci artistic duhul unui neam. ntre recenzeni s-a aflat, cum s-a vzut, i Ion Talo, cel care l-a cunoscut pe Lucian Blaga i care tia de la acesta c i dorea antologia tradus ntr-o limb de circulaie, n special limba german. Stabilit, n anul 1985, n Germania, unde este profesor de literaturi romanice i mitologie la Universitatea din Kln, Ion Talo n-a uitat de gndul lui Lucian Blaga i a nceput demersurile pentru a-i traduce antologia n limba german. Alturndu-i-se doi specialiti din Germania, au nceput, n 1987, traducerea antologiei. La sfritul anului 1989 traducerea era ncheiat, ns tiprirea avea s aib loc n 1996, editorul fiind Ioan erb, cel care avusese un rol important, n calitatea sa de ef al Redaciei de folclor a Editurii pentru Literatur, i la tiprirea ediiei princeps. Dei restrns ca volum (140 de texte nsumnd cca 990 versuri), antologia le-a pus celor trei tlmcitori ai ei n limba german nu puine probleme. Grija lor principal a fost ca n versuri ritmate (nu rimate) s transmit ct mai exact mesajul poetic al originalelor. Expresia talpa iadului au tradus-o prin im tiefsten Abgrund, sintagma iarba fiarelor au tradus-o prin Schlsselblume iar lemnul Domnului prin Holz des Herm. n fine, amintim c lectorul de limb german este ajutat s neleag mai bine lirica popular romneasc prin reproducerea a dou texte din Blaga, Despre dor i Intermezzo, ambele din Spaiul mioritic (1936). Traducerea n limba german a antologiei de liric popular alctuite de Lucian Blaga se constituie ntr-un eveniment cultural. S sperm c aceast ediie bilingv, romno-german, tiprit la Bucureti, i va gsi difuzarea dorit n mediile strine pentru care a fost gndit de Lucian Blaga. Ion Talo i colaboratorii si germani au mplinit un proiect al lui Blaga. Li se cuvin sincere mulumiri. Un dicionar al mitologiei i ritologiei romne Habent sua fata libelli. i lexiconul Gndirea magico-religioas la romni, al lui Ion Talo, aprut la Editura Enciclopedic (2001, 278 p.) i are istoria sa, pe care o evocm lapidar, n primul rnd pentru ca s constatm, nc o dat, ce vitreg soart au crile unor scriitori romni stabilii n strintate. Elaborat ntre anii 1991-1995, pe baza cursurilor pe care le-a inut la Universitatea din Kln, lexiconul a fost predat, la sfritul anului 1995, la pariziana Editions Entente, care, din cauza dificultilor financiare, nu l-a mai tiprit. Manuscrisul a fost transferat unei alte edituri pariziene, Imago, care neavnd o subvenie de 18000 de franci n-a putut tipri cartea. n fine, dicionarul a fost trimis seriei Ateliers de limaginaire a Universitii Stendhal din Grenoble, unde a avut mai mult noroc. S amintim c toate aceste demersuri le-a fcut domnul Claude Lecouteaux, profesor la Universitatea Sorbonne IV, care a i

198

Iordan Datcu

tradus din german n francez cartea profesorului Ion Talo. Gndirea magic a fcut n ultimii vreo douzeci de ani, ns mai ales n ultimul deceniu, obiectul unui numr apreciabil de cri, cum sunt: Lucia Cire i Lucia Berdan, Descntece din Moldova (1982), tefania Cristescu, Descntece din Cornova Basarabia (1984), Vasile Avram, Constelaia magicului O viziune romneasc asupra misterului existenial (1994), Aurora Liiceanu, Povestea unei vrjitoare (1996), Nicoleta Coatu, Structuri magice tradiionale (1998), Sanda Golopenia, Desire Machines. A Romanian Love Charms Database (1998), Antoaneta Olteanu, Ipostaze ale maleficului n medicina magic (1998) i coala de solomonie. Divinaie i vrjitorie n context comparat (1999), Maria Purdela Sitaru, Etnomedicin lingvistic (1999), Camelia Burghele, n numele magiei terapeutice (2000), Vianu Murean, Fundamentele filosofice ale magiei (2000). Unele lucrri destinate acestui domeniu au preferat formula lexiconului: Ion Ghinoiu, Obiceiuri populare de peste an (1997), Antoaneta Olteanu, Metamorfozele sacrului. Dicionar de mitologie popular (1998), Ivan Evseev, Dicionar de magie, demonologie i mitologie romneasc (1997) i Valeriu Blteanu, Terminologia magic (2000). Cea dinti not particular a dicionarului mitologic al lui Ion Talo este aceea c, n cele aproape 500 de articole, include ntregul spectru al gndirii arhaice la romni, inclusiv unele figuri de basm, deci fenomenele istorice, sociale i religioase. n cteva dense pagini care prefaeaz lexiconul, autorul sintetizeaz modul cum percepe mitologia romneasc, una care se constituie ntr-un sistem multilateral, desvrit i suficient siei, ntr-un mod comportamental, prin care au fost date rspunsuri cu privire la cosmos, via (coordonat de reguli mitico-magice) i moarte, la relaia omului cu Dumnezeu i cu firea nconjurtoare. Cercetarea mitologiei romneti debuteaz odat cu secolul al XIX-lea, n structura acesteia existnd cteva straturi: cel din perioada geto-tracic, cel daco-roman i cel cretin, fiecare dintre ele cu creaii particulare, cel mai vechi fiind caracterizat de acele scenarii despre care Mircea Eliade spunea c pstrau fragmente mitologice i ritualuri disprute din vechea Grecie dinainte de Homer cu o serie de culte primitive, obiceiuri calendaristice i practici magice precum Boria, Cerbul, Caloianul, Cluarii, Ursul, Paparuda, i fiine magice ca Joimria. Stratul al doilea, care cuprinde, ntre altele, cntece profane de Crciun, n fine cel de al treilea strat, cel cretin, n care persist srbtori precretine, iar modul cum apar, n credina popular, Dumnezeu i sfinii difer n detaliu, nu n esen, de tradiia Bisericii cretine. Pe baza unei bibliografii impresionante, nentlnit n lucrrile similare, autorul a expus sobru esena articolelor, a fcut apropieri, cnd a fost cazul, cu literaturile romanice i cu cele slave, i a struit asupra controverselor privitoare la unele subiecte. Cartea fiind scris pentru cititorul strin, i afl deplina ndreptire articole cum sunt: Columna lui Traian, Constantin Brncoveanul, Decebal, Deceneu, Dracula (n care este relevat eroarea litaraturii apusene despre acest domnitor romn), Dacii, Dunrea, Gebeleizis, Mircea cel Mare, Negru-Vod, tefan cel Mare, Traian, Zamolxe. Dar cea mai mare extensie capt capitolul despre sfini. Cel mai amplu este articolul voce despre Sfnta Maria, urmat de o bogat bibliografie. Aici se cuvenea s fie citat i articolul lui Mircea Eliade, Maica Domnului, din Familia (seria a IIIa, an III, iul. aug. 1936, nr. 6, p. 33-38), n care savantul remarca pietatea cu care cretinii rsriteni o slvesc pe Maica Domnului, adoraie explicabil prin aceea c

Despre Ion Talo de-a lungul anilor

199

n aceste pri rsritene, femeia i mama au fost socotite din cele mai vechi timpuri ca un miracol divin pe pmnt. n Rsrit exist, aadar, cu mult nainte de cretinism, o pietate sincer i popular fa de femei i fa de mam, adic fa de principiul rodniciei i al buntii pe care Mama l ntrupa. Nu este deci ntmpltor c tocmai aici, n Rsrit, cretintatea se apropie nti de Maica Domnului. Pierderea dramatic a Fiului a nduioat sufletul popular mai mult dect orice miracol. i cu aceasta ajungem la semnalarea ctorva absene bibliografice din lexiconul mitologic al profesorului Talo, pe care noi le socotim nsemnate. ntre ele semnalm volumele: Nic. Densuianu, Vechi cntece i tradiii populare romneti, ediie de I. Oprian (1975), B.P. Hasdeu, Omul de flori. Basme populare romneti, ediie de Lia Stoica Vasilescu (2000). La articolul Decapitarea se cuvenea s fie citat cartea lui Paul H. Stahl, Histoire de la dcapitation (Paris, 1986), iar la articolul Zburtor trebuia s figureze i cartea lui Silviu Angelescu Mitul i literatura (1999), cu ample capitole despre motivul folcloric amintit despre proiecia lui n literatura cult. Tot aici era de amintit studiul lui Dumitru Pop, Mitul zburtorului i poezia noatr popular (n Steaua, 1987, 2). La articolul despre Sf. Petru, i el cu o bibliografie impuntoare, lipsete studiul lui D. C. Amzr, Sfntul Petru n tradiiile poporului romn (n Buletinul Bibliotecii Romne, Freiburg I. Br., vol. II, oct. 1954). Nu putem ncheia aceste consideraii fr un gnd de recunotin pentru dl. Claude Lecouteaux, care i-a cerut lui Ion Talo aceast lucrare, a tradus-o n francez, s-a zbtut s-o tipreasc i a prevzut-o cu o substanial prefa, n care scrie despre autorul lexiconului c este un cercettor eminent, iar cartea lui este o extraordinar sintez, scris fr ostracizri sau prejudeci. Pentru romnii care se mai ndoiesc c avem o mitologie, transcriem constatarea nvatului francez: Odat citit aceast carte, nu mai rmne nici o ndoial n legtur cu aceast tem: mitologia romneasc exist cu adevrat! Desigur, nu avem un pantheon organizat i structurat, ca n antichitatea clasic, dar o multitudine de fragmente i regsesc coerena. O alt constatare a profesorului sorbonard este aceea c mitologia romneasc are o serie de reciprociti cu alte mitologii ale romanitii nct vede confirmat ipoteza despre existena unei psychic unity. Necunoscut pn acum la noi, dup tiina noastr, nvatul francez este autor al unor cri cum sunt: Le Monstres dans la littrature allemande du Moyen ge (Paris, 1988), Demons st Gnies du terroir au Moyen ge (Paris, 1955), Charmes, Conjurations et Bndectitions. Lexique et formules (Paris, 1996) i La maison et ses gnies. Croyances dhier et daujourdhui (Paris, 2000). n fine, dup ce dicionarul mitologic al lui Ion Talo a aprut i n eleganta ediie francez sperm s fie tradus i publicat i n alte versiuni pentru cititorii strini, pentru care a fost gndit i scris de altfel. Academia Romn a oferit profesorului Ion Talo premiul Timotei Cipariu pentru aceast carte edificat n spiritul tradiiilor tiinifice ardelene. Motivul incestului n folclorul romnesc i universal Despre motivul incestului n literatura popular se adunaser, la romni, ncepnd cu balada publicat de V. Alecsandri, n 1853, i de Fr. W. Schuster, n 1862, i la slavi numeroase atestri, iar o serie de opinii semnalaser, la noi, situaia de excepie, ca vechime, semnificaie mitic i ca valoare poetic a baladei Soarele i Luna. Lucian Blaga atrsese atenia c plsmuiri de asemenea anvergur conin virtualiti

200

Iordan Datcu

ale unor creaii majore: Recitii, de exemplu, legenda poetizat Soarele i Luna din colecia [G. Dem.] Teodorescu i vei gsi viziuni prin nimic inferioare celor mai admirate din marile poeme ale omenirei, de la Divina Comedie pn la Faust. G. Clinescu a considerat c balada amintit face parte din temele cele mai vaste, mai adnci n sens universal. Mai trziu, poetul Nicu Caranica, relund comparaia lui Lucian Blaga, observ c ntre felul cum apar Raiul i Iadul n poezia romneasc i n capodopera lui Dante exist trsturi comune, uneori paralelismul fiind uimitor. Balada fusese raportat, tot aa n sumare constatri, la eposul grec, i fuseser depistate reminiscene antice. Grigore Silai, spre exemplu, la 1876 1877, vede n balada romneasc ntregul mit despre Apoline (Apollo), iar n Sora Soarelui o ,,reminiscen a Elenei Troiane. Sebastian Stanca, n articolul Legenda ,,Soarele i Luna ca document despre originea roman a poporului romn (1898 - 1899), a opinat c n legenda romneasc exist un ,,amalgam de cretinism i pgnism, iar, peste un secol, poetul Nicu Caranica spunea c amintita creaie ,,reprezint n balada noastr momentul unic n felul su al fuziunii sufletului mitic pgn cu sufletul cretin al nostru, elementele mitice pgne din balada examinat fiind mai greu de identificat. Petru Caraman fusese el nsui convins c acest cntec romnesc, care ,,ine de substratul roman, reproduce fidel mitul greco-roman al lui Apollo i al Dianei (Artemis). N-au lipsit nici opiniile contrare, care au negat cu obstinaie substratul greco-roman al baladei, Th. Fecioru, n Poporul romn i fenomenul religios (1939), declarnd ritos: Nu vedem nicieri urme de mitologie pgn, ci, din contr, elemente cretine i o atmosfer religios moral tranant deosebit de a celor vechi. Elementele acestea pgne i cretine, spune P. Caraman, nu sunt n balad att de categoric departajate. Existau, cum am amintit, numeroase atestri i cteva aprecieri teoretice asupra motivului incestului n folclorul romnesc, dar o cercetare aprofundat a lui ntrzia s apar. Evenimentul a avut loc la sfritul anului 2004, cnd a aprut impuntoarea monografie a lui Ion Talo, Cununia frailor i Nunta Soarelui. Incestul zdrnicit n folclorul romnesc i universal (Editura enciclopedic, 959 p.), impuntoare att prin importana, ct i prin ntinderea ei (1-371 p. studiu, p. 373 916 texte). Este un studiu exhaustiv att asupra versiunii Cununia frailor (cu 238 documente), ct i asupra Nunii Soarelui (245 documente). Prima versiune are circulaie cu deosebire n judeele Maramure, Cluj, Bistria-Nsud, Slaj, Hunedoara, Suceava, Arge, Sibiu, Alba, Bihor, Braov, Satu Mare, Mure, iar cea de-a doua, Nunta Soarelui (cu subversiuni n legende, credine, balade, pluguoare i colinde), are rspndire cu deosebire n judeele Arad, Hunedoara, Sibiu, Cara-Severin, Mehedini, Dolj, Gorj, Vlcea, Olt, Arge, Teleorman, Dmbovia, Prahova, Ialomia, Constana, Tulcea, Brila, Buzu, Galai, Vrancea, Bacu, Vaslui, Neam, Iai, Botoani, Suceava, fiecare din aceste spaii beneficiind de examinri aparte, despre geografia i istoria temei. Un amnunit demers critic disec multitudinea aspectelor materiale romneti: aria geografic a temei, densitatea punctelor anchetate, tipologia i funcia textelor, examen scrupulos i nuanat, Cununia frailor avnd nu mai puin de nou subversiuni. Urmeaz analiza protagonitilor i a psihologiei lor, a ncercrilor la care este supus Soarele, a variantelor mai semnificative (V. Alecsandri, S. Fl. Marian .a.). Studiu de folclor comparat, monografia confrunt materialele romneti cu cele

Despre Ion Talo de-a lungul anilor

201

sud-slave, unde se cunoate doar motivul cstoriei Soarelui cu o pmnteanc, la bulgari tema fiind aceeai cu a legendelor romneti din Moldova central. n zona slavilor de sud se ntlnete tema privind incestul dintre frate i sor, dar nu ca n balada romneasc, ntre cei doi atri, ci ntre un crai i sora sa, ca n materialele srbeti, n care lipsesc probe eseniale, ca podul peste mare, i motive ca vizitarea iadului i raiului; n schimb, exist motive comune ale versiunilor romneti din sudest cu ale slavilor: ntrebarea adresat feelor bisericeti dac e permis cstoria ntre frai, construcia bisericii pe mare, sparea fntnilor, numrul mare de preoi, numele personajului feminin. n privina spaiului n care s-a nscut cntecul despre nunta Soarelui, autorul opineaz c, la origine, i la romni, i la slavii de sud, au existat scurte povestiri despre dorina unui fecior de mprat de a se cstori cu sora sa. Alt seciune a crii examineaz motivele universale din balada romneasc, n spe fie incestul ca dorin care nu se nfptuiete, fie incestul svrit. Sunt amintite motivele iraniene despre crearea prin incest a celor dou astre, legende indiene, n care fratele i sora devin Soare i Lun, ca reacie, dureroas, de cin, la incestul svrit, sunt semnalate n continuare, legende din Groenlanda, apoi sunt inventariate motive, gesturi, semne constante i n alte arealuri etnografice. Comparatistul i spune cuvntul i n privina aliajului de elemente pgne i cretine din balada studiat, semnaleaz pe lng cele tiute alte elemente fie din Vechiul Testament (visul lui Iacob, toiagul), fie din Noul Testament (plnsul Maicii Domnului, apariia lui Isus, a Sf. Petru, a Sf. Ioan), fie, n fine, apariia unor personaje din zona religiei populare (Mo Crciun, Sf. Vineri), a unor motive din acelai cretinism popular: scara de cear i toiagul, drumul drept, vmuirea mortului, fntna cu ap slcie, chilia cu tmie, podul de trecere dintr-o lume ntr-alta. Pe lng valoarea n sine, de a monografia un esenial motiv al folclorului romnesc, cartea lui Talo are, totodat, meritul de a contribui, implicit, la mai buna cunoatere a altor trei mari creaii ale eposului romnesc, Mioria, Meterul Manole i Voichia, pe care le apreciaz ca foarte nrudite. Lucrarea lui Ion Talo, substanial informat n toate seciunile ei, convinge n demonstraia i n demersul ei comparatist (autorul i artase virtuile de comparatist i n Meterul Manole. Contribuie la studiul unei teme de folclor european, I-II, 1973 1997), c aceste creaii, prin ideile lor poetice, filozofice i etice, prin originalitatea lor fa de legendele extraeuropene i fa de cntecele sud-slave nrudite tematic, prin bogatul fond de cunotine culturale datnd din primele secole ale Evului Mediu, prin marea lor circulaie pe un areal mai mare dect acela al Mioriei, constituie unul dintre pilonii de baz ai templului arhaic al culturii romne. Preuirea monografistului pentru balada Soarele i Luna este att de mare nct el nu ezit s-o compare, din perspectiv estetic, cu Cntarea lui Ghilgame, epopeile homerice i tragediile grecilor antici, cu Cntarea lui Roland i cu Divina Comedia, care, firete, au atins nivelul maxim al perfeciunii literare. Lipsesc din monografie referirile la latura muzical a baladei Soarele i Luna i a colindelor despre cununia frailor, tem pe care a abordat-o muzicologul Adrian Vicol n Recitativul epic al baladei romneti (Bucureti, 2004), lucrare aprut cu puin timp naintea crii lui Ion Talo, fapt care explic nemenionarea ei. n fine, i monografia, i autorul ei vor reine i atenia specialitilor din strintate, de aceea n ntmpinarea acestora ar fi trebuit s fie inclus un amplu rezumat ntr-o limb strin.

202 Colindele

Iordan Datcu

Interzise i etichetate, sistematic, pn n decembrie 1989, ca mistice, colindele au aprut parc mai pline de vitalitate, de prospeime, cu mesajul lor cretin nediminuat, fiindc ele, spunea C. Briloiu, reprezint, n ansamblu, o adevrat Biblie a imaginaiei populare, o Biblie plin ns de ecouri pgne, cu textele lor arhaice i cu muzica lor amintind de aceea a colindelor apusene, cum spunea tot Briloiu, cu toate seciunile lor protocolare, cosmogonice, profesionale, flcul i fata iubii i peitori, despre curtea feudal, edificatoare i moralizatoare, biblice i apocrife, colinde-balad, colinde-cntec. Ct de nrdcinate sunt acestea n memoria popular stau mrturie i ample colecii aprute dup 1990: Dan Octavian Cepraga, Graiurile Domnului. Colinda cretin tradiional (1995), Traian Herseni, Colinde i obiceiuri de Crciun. Cetele de feciori din ara Oltului (Fgra) (1997), Ioan Boca, coordonator, 1484 colinde cu text i melodie (I-II, 1999), Iosif Herea, Colinde romneti, antologie i tipologie muzical (2004), Nicolae Bieu, Srbtori domneti nchinate Maicii Domnului i Mntuitorului (Chiinu, 2004), Macarie-Darius-Dan Drgoi, Colinde de Valea ibleului, cu 498 de poziii (2006). Expresivitatea, bogia i diversitatea lor au fcut obiectul unor studii monografice, dar i al unora aplicate asupra unui singur colind, din categoria din urm fcnd parte Colindul leului, examinat de Adrian Fochi (1970), Mihai Pop, The Colinda with the Lion (1975), Monica Brtulescu, Motivul leului n contextul colindelor vntoreti (1979), Vasile Filip, Universul colindei romneti n perspectiva unor structuri de mentalitate arhaic, studiu monografic i cu un capitol despre colindul n cauz (1999). Asupra acestui colind s-a aplecat, cu struin, i Ion Talo, n 1988, n Fabula (Berlin), n 1996 n Enzyklopdie des Mrchens (Berlin, New York) i recent, mai amplu, n Lupta voinicului cu Leul. Mit i iniiere n folclorul romnesc (Editura Academiei Romne, 2007). Trama epic a colindului, foarte esenializat, n spiritul brevilocvenei n genere a colindelor romneti, este astfel sintetizat, n patru tipuri: I. Lupta junelui cu leul; II. Junele, leul i muntele fr oi; III. Uciderea leului / Leul ludros, mpratul i junele i IV. Gonirea i prinderea leului. Subtipurile celui dinti tip sunt: A. Junele i ia arcul din cui i calul din grajd i pornete pe urmele leului n codru; B. El afl leul adormit sub un spin / rug nflorit. Se ntreab dac ar bine s-l sgeteze sau s-l mpute, dar calul necheaz, leul se trezete i-l ntreab pe voinic cum i dorete moartea: n sbii?, n puti? Sau n lupta corp la corp / trnt?; C. Junele alege trnta pentru c e mai dreapt; D. Cei doi adversari se lupt o zi / noapte de var, pn cnd junele l nvinge pe leu i-l leag; E. nvingtor i nvins coaboar n sat; toi cei ce-i vd o fericesc pe mama junelui, pentru c a scldat un asemenea fecior, care aduce leul legat, nevtmat. Noutile aduse de Ion Talo n acest studiu sunt mai multe: lmurirea chestiunii prezenei leului n colindul romnesc, adic a unui animal despre care se spunea c n-a trit vreodat n arealul carpato-danubian, abordarea morfologic i geografic a temei n literatura antic, n cea medival i n folclorul contemporan, fundamentarea cercetrii pe un mare numr de variante, peste 300, precizarea arealului n care se cnt colindul (sud-vestul Ardealului, Banatul i zonele subcarpatice ale Olteniei i Munteniei, Bihorul, Bucovina, Basarabia i Moldova, sud-estul Romniei i regiunea Odessa). Cercettorii amintii mai sus au susinut c leul n-a trit n fauna carpatic:

Despre Ion Talo de-a lungul anilor

203

Adrian Fochi a scris c poporul nostru nu a cunoscut niciodat, n mod nimijlocit animalul, n regiunile noastre nu au trit niciodat lei; Mihai Pop a fost de prere c leul n-a fcut parte din sistemul nostru ecologic; Octavian Buhociu a opinat c prezena leului ca animal nu e deloc atestat i pune prin asta o problem greu de soluionat; n fine, Monica Brtulescu a crezut c leul este un animal necunoscut pe teritoriul rii noastre ca specie concret, c n colind el s-a suprapus zmeului, cerbului sau chiar ursului. i totui, atrage atenia Talo, chestiunea fusese pus cu totul altfel, nc din 1926, de poetul bucovinean Gavril Todic, n articolul Mit i preistorie, din revista bljean Comoara satelor, unde, citndu-l pe Herodot, scrie c atunci cnd Xerses, regele perilor, trecea cu otirea sa prin Tracia i Macedonia, ca s supun Grecia, mai multe crduri de lei, coborndu-se din muni, se aruncar noaptea supra cmilelor ce transportau bagajele trupelor, lsnd ns neatini pe oameni i pe celelalte animale de transport. n sprijinul acestei atestri, Talo citeaz studii de paleontologie i zoologie, semnate de strini: C. A. W. Guggisberg, A. Eliez, i romni, ntre alii Neculai Macarovici, cu Geologia cuaternarului (1968), pe baza crora conchide c leul a disprut din sud-estul Europei n jurul anului 100 dup Christos, dar a rmas n memoria popular, pentru c tradiia se dovedete a fi mai puternic dect ne imaginm. Colinde de fecior, cele despre leu proiecteaz un adevrat cavaler, care se ntrece n puteri cu faimosul animal, pe care nu-l supune cu armele, ci n lupta corp la corp, i-l aduce n sat nevtmat. Colindul celebreaz o serie de caliti ale voinicului: brbia, eroismul, inuta etic, care-l ncadreaz n familia lui Dumezil, Melqart, Herakles, Samson, David etc.. Sunt relevate, totodat, virtuile artistice ale colindei, expresivitatea, spre exemplu, a scenei nfruntrii dintre voinic i animal: Nu exist multe scene, nici la noi i nici n alte literaturi orale, care s se ridice la nlimea estetico-moral a celei din colinda leului. S-ar putea spune c, n polifuncionalitatea ei, aceast scen e gndit de un scriitor de geniu. i acest studiu monografic comparat al lui Ion Talo are meritul, pe lng cele semnalate de noi, de a atrage atenia c n cultura tradiional romneasc exist numeroase creaii de excepie, ca aceasta, care merit examinarea cu atenie, c struina asupra Mioriei, varianta prelucrat a lui Vasile Alecsandri, srcete universul fabulos al mitosului romnesc. Un comparatist Descoperit i ndrumat spre cercetarea spiritualitii populare romneti de ctre Ion Mulea, stabilit din 1985 n Germania, la Kln, cu statut de refugiat politic, Ion Talo vdete, nc de la nceputul activitii sale, o propensiune spre monografic. i d expresie n lucrarea care i-a fost tez de doctorat Meterul Manole, urmat de al doilea volum, coninnd Corpusul variantelor romneti. Alte lucrri vdesc aceeai abordare, aceeai tendin de epuizare a surselor: Corpusul cimiliturilor romneti (n colaborare cu Ion Cuceu i Virgiliu Florea), Corpusul proverbelor i zictorilor romneti, maghiare i sseti din Transilvania (cu Ion Cuceu, Virgiliu Florea, Gabriella V i Hanni Markel), Tipologia colindelor romneti, toate trei n manuscris. Ce i-a oferit lui Ion Talo studiul n arhivele i bibliotecile germane? I-a oferit

204

Iordan Datcu

un larg orizont comparatist. Dac, spre exemplu, el era edificat asupra corpusului variantelor romneti ale baladei i colindei despre meterul constructor, asupra circulaiei baladei cu aceast tem n sud-estul Europei, bibliotecile i arhivele germane i-au relevat faptul c tema sacrificiului la construcia unei cldiri este universal, c ea exist, sub forma legendelor n proz, n Germania, Belgia, Frana, Spania. A putut, cu alte cuvinte, s realizeze ce pguboas este pentru specialist cantonarea ntr-un col al Europei. Tot n spaiul germanic a putut s urmreasc tema incestului zdrnicit, care va constitui baza monografiei intitulate Cununia frailor i Nunta Soarelui. Prin varii mijloace, Ion Talo a contribuit la cunoaterea n mediile tiinifice germane i n cele, mai largi, ale specialitilor din Vest, a creaiei populare romneti, chiar a literaturii de autor (a inut cursuri despre literatura romn contemporan, despre temeiurile populare ale acestei literaturi, despre lirica romneasc de la M. Eminescu la Ana Blandiana), n cursuri universitare cu o tematic bogat a ncadrat mitologia romneasc n mitologiile popoarelor romanice, a tiprit mpreun cu Artur Greive i Gerda Schler, n ediie bilingv romno-german, Antologia de poezie popular a lui Lucian Blaga. A colaborat cu studii pe teme romneti la lucrri cu caracter internaional (Enzyklopdie des Mrchens, editat de Kurt Ranke i Rolf Wilh. Brednich, Internationale volkskundliche Bibliographie 1979-1984, The Encyclodedia of Religion, editor Mircea Eliade, New York, London, Mrchen und Mrchenforschung in Europa. Ein Handbuch, editat de Diether Rth i Walter Kahn, Frankfurt, 1993), la reviste cu circulaie internaional Schweizerisches Archiv fr Volkskunde, Basel / Zrich, Fabula, Jahrbuch fr Volksliedforschung, Der Donauraum, Romanistiches Jahrbuch, Zeitschrift fr Volkskunde, Zeitschrift fr Ethnologie. A rennoit tradiia simpozioanelor romno-germane, a ntlnirilor dintre filologi din cele dou ri, la colocviul care a avut loc la Cluj-Napoca, n 2002, participnd, din partea german, Rainer Schlsser i Wolfgang Dahmen (Jena), Artur Greive (Kln), Klaus Heitmann (Heidelberg), Martin G. Becker (Stuttgart), Rudolf Windisch (Rostock). Pentru cunoaterea limbii romne a tiprit n dou ediii, Einfhrung in die rumnische Sprache (Bonn, 1999, 2003). Lexiconul su Gndirea magico-religioas la romni (Bucureti, 2001) a cunoscut i o variant francez: Petit dictionnaire de mythologie populaire roumaine, traduit par Anneliese et Claude Lecouteux (ELLUG, Universit Stendhal, Grenoble, 2002). Bogata activitate a lui Ion Talo (s-a nscut la 22 iunie 1934, la Prodneti, jud. Slaj) a fost rspltit cu Premio Internazionale di Studi Demoetnoantropologici G. Pitr S. Salomone Marino. Citt di Palermo, il Nobel delle discipline demoetnoantropologiche.

The Roma Identitary Question in Paremiology: Ethnocultural Dilemma or Reaction to the Efforts of an Assimilating Ethnocide of the Alterity?
Isabela Denize
Victor Segalen University, Bordeaux
From their first appearance in Europe until nowadays, the Roma have always been considered as everybody knows, the shame of the entire human species, the worst among us that had to be either eliminated or assimilated within our perfect civilization, their unique culture very different from ours, being thus denied its own right of individual existence for centuries. Even more, it has become proverbial for us in our everyday conversations, to insult someone by using the pejorative word Gypsy in expressions referring to this ethnic minority and its particular ethnocultural universe. But, what about the Roma themselves in their own proverbs? How did they perceive, throughout time, their being Roma? Do they clearly know who and how they actually are? In different words, are they able to define themselves and the very nature of what makes them Roma therefore distinct from others? If so, what does the difference mean to them? In order to answer these questions we have selected, for the present research, a few representative proverbs from the Roma paremiological fund that might indicate in our vision, the manner in which the Roma have been dealing with their identitary question all along. In this way, as researcher Michel Giraud indicates us: The ones that we ceaselessly call different do not present such a pronounced alterity, and their difference is in great mesure, the effect of the look thrown at them by groups and institutions of the majority, look that they either assumed within their conscience or reacted against.1 This affirmation sustains, we consider after a thorough study of the Roma paremiological fund, the very goal of this article, which is to determine whether the Roma proverbs indicate an ethnocultural dilemma concerning the own perception of their identity or a reaction to what they would call the efforts of an assimilating ethnocide of the alterity better said, their integration proposed by the majority society through its institutions. As we are about to demonstrate, the century-old persecutions, social exclusion and the repeated exterminations of the Roma the most recent and horrible of them being the Holocaust, could not have naturally, been wiped off from their collective
1 Michel Giraud, Mediul colar i lupta mpotriva rasismului, xenofobiei si intoleranei: de la diagnostic la aciune [The school environment and the fight against racism, xenophobia and intolerance: from diagnosis to action] in Rromathan, studii despre rromi [Rromathan, studies about the Roma], Bucureti, 1997, Vol. I, nr. 2, p. 46.

206

Isabela Denize

conscience, and they became, unfortunately, a factor of control and manipulation of this one, the Roma proverb representing, in fact, a reflection of a permanent quest for answers within a more and more nebulous identitary question. Of course, as an expected reaction or, better said, non-reaction to a never-ending context of socio-historical oppression, many Roma have accepted, with great stoicism, their being stigmatized by the alterity, and they even adopted this victim attitude in response to the quite troubling efforts of identitary self-definition that the Roma people had to overcome throughout time, in order to find and eventually settle, its place among other nations. From this point of view, these Roma consider, in different contexts coming out of conversations involving them, that: Even by using all the soap, one cannot wash away the black [colour]2, because The Romas life is not even worth two green onions3 and therefore, as The Romas life is like a childs shirt: torn, dirty, short4, You are the last hole in the flute5, the conclusion being that God does not let the Roma die.6 But, if the low self-esteem seems to represent the opinion of certain Roma in what concerns the solution to their identitary quest, as we are about to notice, from the following lines of the present research, the Roma paremiological fund suggests, in fact within the very nature of its own configurational structure, if we refer to the one that we proposed in a previous study of ours7, a diverging identitary tension or
2 Marcel Courthiade, *** Rromane Godle Vakerimata [*** Wise words belonging to the Roma], mss., Rroman Baxt, Warszawa Tirana Paris Bucureti, without year, 52 sheets. (Manuscript that was put at our disposal by professor Gheorghe Saru from the department of roman language and culture of the University of Bucharest, whom we thank again with this occasion), sheet 18, r., nr. 307 Sa o sapuj te xaraves, e kales nati thoves; cf. ibidem, nr. 308 Sa o sapuj te araves, e kales na ka thoves; cf. idem, Xaca dume but godi. Aperu de syntaxe descriptive des proverbes rom (tsiganes), in *** Cahiers balkaniques, Paris, Publications Langues O, Nr. 19 Emprunts latins et no-latins, 1993, p. 257, nr. 307 Sa e sapuja te araves, e kales nati thoves (version that comes, according to the author, from the Roma in Greece); cf. ibidem, nr. 308 Sa e sapuja te araves, e kales na ka thoves (version that comes, according to the author, from the Roma in Greece); cf. *** Proverbes rroms bilingues rromani franais. Sagesse et humour du peuple rrom. Sar o rromano ilo, nanaj p-i sasti phuv Comme le coeur rrom, il ny en a pas sur toute la terre. Proverbes transmis, recueillis et traduits par Marcel Courthiade, collects et classs par Stella Mritxell Pradier, illustrs par Ferdinand Koi, Coll. Patv, Paris, ditions LHarmattan, 2006 (Dpt lgal: avril 2007), p. 109 Sa o sapuj te xarraves, e kales nati thoves; cf. *** Purane Goghimata: 1001 proverbe rrome [*** Purane Goghimata: 1001 Roma proverbs]. Coordonator: Vasile Ionescu, Colecia Restituiri, VIII, Bucureti, Editura Centrului rromilor pentru politici publice Aven Amentza, 2002, p. 26 Sa o sapui te haraves, e kales nashti thoves. 3 Ibidem, sheet 40, r., nr. 691 i mol e Rromesqo trjo duj zleni puruma; cf. *** Proverbes rroms..., p. 99 i mol e Rromesqo trjo duj zleni puruma. 4 Ibidem, sheet 20, r., nr. 351 Rromano ivipen sar havorresqo gadorro: xevalo, melalo, xarno; cf. ibidem Rromano ivipen sar havorresqo gadorro: xevalo, melalo, xarno; cf. *** Purane Goghimata:..., p. 29 O rromano jivipen, sar e ciavoresko gadoro: hevalo, melalo, harno; cf. Milena Hbschmannov, Godaver lava phure Romendar [Wise words coming from the old Roma], Praha, Apeiron, 1991, p. 14 O divipen sar havoreskero gadoro: chevalo, dungalo, charno. 5 Ibidem, sheet 47, r., nr. 813 Sian i agorutni xev and-i duruvli; cf. ibidem Sian i agorutni xev and-i duruvli. 6 Milena Hbschmannov, op. cit., p. 40 O Del le Romeske te merel na dela. 7 In what concerns the nature of the configurational structure of the Roma paremiological fund, see our theory of the macro-ethnofields and, among which, more particularly the one regarding the identitary question, proposed in Isabela Denize, Les roms et laltrit. Paradigmes identitaires roms dans la parmiologie, Trgovite, Editura Cetatea de Scaun, 2006, Chapitre I Le proverbe et la science parmiologique, p. 27 29.

The Roma Identitary Question in Paremiology

207

struggle of the collective conscience of this people. Obviously, the question would be: could the Roma proverbs serve, as an element of identitary reference, to the pressing quest of the ones that created and permanently use them, or do they just reflect their identitary dissensions of opinion? Returning to the considerations of researcher Michel Giraud, we must emphasize the fact that: , the achievement of the social and political equality, supposed by the ideal of citizenship, cannot be possible for the minority populations, unless they claim their cultural peculiarities. Because, the denigration of the cultures of these populations does not leave them, indeed, another option, in order to reach the equality that they claim, than to obtain the recognition of the dignity of their abandoned identity (even when this one is imposed).8 From the perspective mentioned above, before and beyond trying to obtain this recognition from the alterity, many Roma that believe in themselves being proud and fully aware of their ethnicity, make huge efforts to obtain this recognition first of all from their own fellows who have accepted the victim attitude by adopting the stigma of the majority society. Thus, they have developed real strategies of persuasion of the latter, by trying to make them realize that the acception of their being stigmatized by the alterity the gadje, would not help them find answers to their identitary uncertainties, because: When you hear many words, you dont hear the heart any more9 and, therefore, If you want to know who you are, dont ask another, ask your heart10, as He who doesnt believe in himself, is always teased by the others.11 Equally, the wish of some Roma of getting integrated in the society of the majority population does not seem to be agreed by those who manifest an obvious pride of their ethnicity a stronghold, indeed, against the trap of integration considered, by them, the symbol of the permanent efforts of an assimilating ethnocide of the alterity, as: Even if you make no matter what out of you, you will never make yourself a gadjo12, because You can dye your hair, but not your heart13, and sooner or later, Even if the Roma becomes Hungarian, Italian, no matter what, his heart will always beat according to the Roma rhythm.14
8 Michel Giraud, art. cit., in Rromathan, p. 47. 9 Marcel Courthiade, *** Rromane Godle, sheet 25, r., nr. 438 Kaj undn but lava, na undl o ilo; cf. *** Proverbes rroms..., p. 25 Kaj undn but lava, na undl o ilo; cf. Milena Hbschmannov, op. cit., p. 24 Kaj undol but lava, na undol o jilo; cf. *** Purane Goghimata:, p. 34 Kai shundion pen but lava, na shundiol pes o ilo. 10 Ibidem, sheet 28, r., nr. 486 Te kames te anes, savo san, ma phu avresar, no tire ilesar; cf. ibidem, p. 26; p. 46 Te kames te anes, savo san, ma phu avresar, no tire ilesar; cf. ibidem, p. 32 Te kames te danel, savo sal, ma phu avrestar, ale tire jilestar; cf. ibidem, p. 37 Te kames te janes savo san, ma puci avrestar, no tire ilestar. 11 Ibidem, nr. 483 Kon na paal andra pese, savaxt xal xoli pe avrese; cf. ibidem, p. 46 Kon na patl andra pese, savaxt xal xoli pe avrese; cf. ibidem, p. 30 Ko na patal andre peste, sajekh chal choli pre avreste. 12 Ibidem, sheet 31, r., nr. 534 Vi te keres, so kames, gaes tuar na kersa; cf. ibidem, p. 129 Vi te keres so kames, gaes tuar na kersa; cf. ibidem, p. 38 Te kereha, so kereha, gades tutar na kereha; cf. *** Purane Goghimata:..., p. 39 Shai keres tusa so kames, ama nashti te keres tut gajo. 13 Milena Hbschmannov, op. cit., p. 38 O bala tuke aj prefarbines, o jilo na. 14 Ibidem Mi pes o Rom kerel Ungroske, Italoske, chososke, o jilo leske furt marela romane hangoha; cf. Marcel Courthiade, *** Rromane Godle..., sheet 31, r., nr. 533 Vi te kerel pes o Rrom Ungrosqe, Italosqe, xo-sosqe, o ilo lesqo savaxt marel rromane ritmoa; cf. *** Proverbes rroms..., p. 129 Vi te kerel pes o Rrom Ungrosqe, Italosqe, xo-sosqe,/o ilo lesqo sa marel rromane ritmoa; cf. *** Purane Goghimata:..., p. 39 Vi te kerel pes o rrom ungroske, italoske, hoci-soske,/o ilo

208

Isabela Denize

As it seems, the ones who are proud of being Roma unlike those who are not, consider that beyond the ethnocultural distinctions between them and the others (the gadje), they are all, actually, equal, for the mere fact that they are just human beings: Under the shirt everyone is naked15, because Both the white, and the black have red blood.16 From this point of view, they warn those Roma who think that the integration in the society of the majority would put an end to their identitary quest, as they know that the others (the gadje) dont really care about them and are not actually interested in accepting the Roma among them, of course certainly not like equal members of the same society: A foreign hand does not know how to find your scab17. Thus: The fish is not angled by man, its the hunger that pushes it towards the angling rod18 and If you put your head on the block yourself, [then] why are you afraid of the axe?.19 On the other hand, abandoning the community of origin could be a very dangerous step for the Roma that dream to become gadje under the pressure of their being stigmatized by the alterity for the guilt of belonging to the Roma ethnic minority, as they risk to be declared soiled (maxrime) by the rest of their community and to be denied, subsequently, the return to their origins, in case they fail to get assimilated by the society of the majority which happens quite often. Once again, the ones that are proud of their ethnicity draw the attention of the others to the possible danger of this act that could lead them, eventually, to their social death mainly for the community of origin, because within the society of the gadje they could never get an honourable place, as: The wolf eats/[swallows] the one who turns himself into sheep20, because The wolf doesnt caress the sheep21 and A lamb that goes far from the shepherd, can easily fall into the mouth of the wolf.22 In conclusion, this category of Roma should never forget an useful piece of advice such as: Dont be afraid,

lesko savaht marel rromane ritmosa. 15 Ibidem, p. 36 Tel o gad sako nango. 16 Ibidem The parnes, the kales hin lolo rat; cf. Marcel Courthiade, *** Rromane Godle, sheet 31, r., nr. 528 Vi parnes, vi kales hin lolo rat; cf. idem, *** 250 PROV.: SAR RROMANO ILO, NANAJ P-I SASTI PHUV (Vol. I) [*** 250 PROV.: LIKE THE ROMA HEART THERES NO OTHER IN THE WHOLE WORLD (Vol. I)], mss., without place, without year, 16 sheets. (Manuscript that was put at our disposal by professor Gheorghe Saru from the department of roman language and culture of the University of Bucharest, whom we thank again with this occasion), sheet 9, r., nr. 528 Vi parnes, vi kales hin lolo rat; cf. *** Proverbes rroms..., p. 142 Vi parnes, vi kales hin lolo rat; cf. *** Purane Goghimata:, p. 39 Vi parnes, vi kales hin lolo rat. 17 *** Proverbes rroms, p. 133 Averesqo vast ni anel te arakhel e xan; cf. Dr. Rajko Djuri, mss., without title, without place, without year, 19 sheets. (Manuscript that was put at our disposal by professor Gheorghe Saru from the department of roman language and culture of the University of Bucharest, whom we thank again with this occasion), sheet 9, r., nr. 133 Averesko vast ni danel te arakhel e had. 18 Ibidem, p. 35 Ni astarel o manu e mahes, astarel les e bokh; cf. ibidem, sheet 12, r., nr. 181 Ni astarel o manu e mahe, astarel les e bok. 19 Milena Hbschmannov, op. cit., p. 18 Te imar thodal o ero pro klatos, soske daras toverestar? 20 Dr. Rajko Djuri, mss. , sheet 3, r., nr. 50 O ruv hal godole kon kerel pestar bakri; cf. *** Proverbes rroms..., p. 30 O ruv xal godoles kon kerel pesar bakri. 21 Ibidem, nr. 48 O ruv ni mamil e bakra; cf. ibidem, p. 127 O ruv ni mamil e bakra. 22 Josef P. Jeina, Romani Cib oder die Zigeuner-Sprache (Grammatik, Wrterbuch, Chrestomathie), Leipzig, Verlag von List & Francke, 1886 (1re d Praha, 1880), p. 137 Bakrro, havo baastar dur xal, lokes aj prel andro muj ruveske.

The Roma Identitary Question in Paremiology

209

only tremble23, or the following ones Dont spit in your [own] pot24 and Do not humble [yourself] in front of anyone, do not despise anyone.25 From this perspective, if the Roma who assume with dignity their ethnicity point out the fact that for the alterity: Its much easier to milk a cow that doesnt move26, they suffer for the loss from the community of the ones who are ashamed of being Roma and who aspire to the integration in the world of the others (the gadje) Its a bad Roma, the one that stays away from the Roma27, because Its a bad Roma, the one that is ashamed of his folks/[family]/[people]28, as The bird/heron that stinks smells the stink, but it says that its nest stinks29, and Its a wicked/[bad] bird, the one that soils its own eggs.30 But, of course: Every Roma must find his way31, both the ones who are proud of their ethnicity and those who are not. Starting from the premise that: When the Roma argues with the Roma, the gadjo laughs with the gadjo32, the only solution for the efforts of the assimilating ethnocide of the alterity seems to be the strong belief of the Roma people in their ethnocultural resistance throughout time, as The Gypsy/[Sinte/Roma/Manouche] fire will never burn out[. It does not depend on the gadje]33 and Nobody can break
23 Marcel Courthiade, *** Rromane Godle, sheet 29, r., nr. 501 Ma dara, numaj izdra; cf. *** Proverbes rroms..., p. 97 Na dara, nmaj izdra; cf. Milena Hbschmannov, op. cit., p. 34 Ma dara, a izdra; cf. *** Purane Goghimata:, p. 37 Ma dara, numai izdra. 24 Milena Hbschmannov, op. cit., p. 32 Ma hungar andre tiri piri. 25 Ibidem Ma ker tut ikaske cikneder, ma ker tut ikaske bareder. 26 Jean-Pierre Ligeois, Mutation Tsigane la rvolution bohmienne, collection Lhumanit complexe, Paris, ditions Complexe, distribution Presses Universitaires de France, 1976, p. 105 Maj mishto les o thud katar i gurumli kaj tordjol; cf. Jan Yoors, Tsiganes. Sur la route avec les Rom Lovara, collection dailleurs. Traduit de lamricain par Antoine Gentien. Traduction revue et complte par Patrick Reumaux. Prface de Jacques Meunier, Paris, ditions Phbus, 1990, p. 67 May mishto les o thud katari gurumni kai tordjol. 27 Marcel Courthiade, *** Rromane Godle, sheet 31, r., nr. 536 Nalaho Rrom, so dur Rromenar cirdel pes; cf. *** Proverbes rroms..., p. 97 Nalaho Rrom, so dur Rromenar cirdel pes; cf. Milena Hbschmannov, op. cit., p. 38 Nalaho Rom, so pes le Romendar cirdel; cf. *** Purane Goghimata:, p. 39 Nai ciacio rrom kon dur e rromendar tsirdel pes. 28 Milena Hbschmannov, op. cit., p. 38 Nalaho Rom, so pes va peskeri fajta/[famlia]/[vca] ladal. 29 Dr. Rajko Djuri, mss. , sheet 18, r., nr. 267 E khandini irklji khandel, ama voj paal kaj lako kujbo khandel; cf. *** Proverbes rroms..., p. 50 E pla khndel, a patl kaj khndel o kjbo laqo. 30 Ibidem, sheet 3, r., nr. 36 Bilahi si e irikli savi pe pe arne hljel pe; cf. ibidem, p. 85 Bilahi si e cirikli savi pesqe anre melrel. 31 *** Proverbes rroms..., p. 71 Sarkoj Rrom musaj po drom te arakhel; cf. Marcel Courthiade, *** Rromane Godle, sheet 28, r., nr. 484 Sarkon Rrom musaj po drom te arakhel. 32 Ibidem, p. 98 Kana xal pes Rrom Rromea, asal gao gaea; cf. idem, *** 250 PROV.: SAR, sheet 15, r., nr. 889 Kana xal pes Rrom Rromea, asal o gao gaea. 33 Ibidem, p. 129; p. 200: The Manouche [authors French translation] fire will never burn out Sintenqi jag la putegar vri; cf. Alain Reyniers, Tsigane, heureux si tu es libre!. Collection Mmoire des peuples, Paris, ditions UNESCO, 1998, p. 85 The Gypsy fire will never burn out (in this source there is only the French translation of the proverb); cf. Marcel Daval, Dominique Joly, Mode de vie, coutumes, traditions, in Saisons dAlsace Les tsiganes en Alsace, Revue trimestrielle 23e anne, Nouvelle srie, Nr. 67, 1979, p. 28 The Sinte fire will never burn out. It does not depend on the gadje (in this source there is only the French translation of the proverb); cf. iidem, Les croyances religieuses aux risques de lacculturation, in ibidem, p. 37 The Gypsy fire will never burn out, it does not depend on the gadje (in this source there is only the French translation of the proverb); cf. *** APPONA (Association pour la Promotion des Populations dOrigine Nomade dAlsace), Essai

210

Isabela Denize

a Roma bone34, because Not even the thunder can kill the Roma35, just like The tree cannot fall from a single stroke [in the forest]36. Even more: Cutting a Gypsy/ [Roma] in ten pieces doesnt kill him, but makes ten [more] Gypsies/[Roma]37, the permanent social exclusion and the never-ending persecutions determining this ethnic minority to consider the Jews as their brethren of eternal suffering, because Where the Jew cannot go, the Gypsy/[Roma] crawls.38 As we have seen, from the paremiological considerations made above, the identitary question represents a very complex problem for the Roma collective conscience being, in fact, according to us, both an ethnocultural dilemma and a reflective stimulus for this people in order to develop its own strategy of struggle against the ceaseless efforts of an assimilating ethnocide of the alterity, efforts led by the intention of the majority institutions and groups to a forced integration of this ethnic minority within their society. Thus, the Roma proverbs serve, indeed, as an element of identitary reference, to the permanent self-quest of their creators and users independently of those who are proud or ashamed of their ethnicity. But, our present study has managed to rise other major questions: will the Roma ever be able to reach together a consensus in what concerns the perception of their own ethnocultural identity? From this perspective, how would the Roma paremiological fund possibly reflect in the future virtually speaking, this consensus, taking in consideration the fact that the already existing proverbs in what concerns the identitary problem (quest) of the Roma collective conscience would gradually cease to be used in the everyday conversations together with the socio-historical context that generated their appearance being eventually forgotten, and, most of all, of course, as researchers, we wonder in this case, how would the possible newly-created proverbs influence the very nature of the configurational structure of the Roma paremiological fund that we ourselves proposed.39
pour la revalorisation dune culture minoritaire, in ibidem, p. 142: The Sinte fire will never burn out Sintenge jak dala putegar vri; cf. *** Fraternit Franciscaine (Textes rassembls par la), Rcits, chants, dictons, in ibidem, p. 83: The Sinte fire will never burn out Sintenge jak dala putegar vri; cf. http://cravie.ac-strasbourg.fr/voyage_tsigane 1-29.pdf (Internet address that we found on the 20th of July 2006) The Gypsy fire will never burn out (in this source there is only the French translation of the proverb, whose version comes according to this Internet site, from the manouche Roma). 34 Ibidem, p. 97 Rromano kkalo na phagel nikon; cf. Marcel Courthiade, *** Rromane Godle, sheet 31, r., nr. 535 Rromano kkalo na phagel nikon; cf. Milena Hbschmannov, op. cit., p. 38 Romano kokal na phagela iko; cf. *** Purane Goghimata:, p. 39 Rromano kokalo na phaghel nikon. 35 Milena Hbschmannov, op. cit., p. 40 Romes ai o perumos na murdarla. 36 Marcel Courthiade, *** Rromane Godle, sheet 9, r., nr. 157 O rukh nati perel jekhe alaipnasar; cf. ibidem, nr. 158 Na perel o rukh jekhe durdipnaa; cf. idem, art. cit., in *** Cahiers balkaniques, , Nr. 16 Les noms doutils dans les langues balkaniques, 1990, p. 128, nr. 157 O kat nati perel jekhe alaimasar (version that comes, according to the author, from the Roma in Bulgaria); cf. ibidem, nr. 158 Na perel o rukh jekhe durdimaa (version that comes, according to the author, from the Roma in Albania); cf. *** Proverbes rroms, p. 113: The tree cannot fall from a single stroke in the forest Rukh and-o ve nati jekhe hingeripnaa te n-hingrel; cf. *** Purane Goghimata:, p. 13 O kasht nashti perel iekhe cialaipnastar. 37 Florence Montreynaud, Agns Pierron, Franois Suzzoni (coord.), Dictionnaire de proverbes et dictons, Collection les usuels, Paris, Le Robert, 1993, p. 300, nr. 3415 in this source there is only the French version of the proverb that comes, according to the coordinators of the dictionary, from the Roma in England. 38 Ibidem, nr. 3416 in this source there is only the French version of the proverb that comes, according to the coordinators of the dictionary, from the Roma in Russia. 39 See note nr. 7.

Ioan Talo - pelerin prin lumea nepieritoare a sufletului

romnesc

Ion Dumitrel
Consiliul Judeean Alba

Preocuprile permanente ale Consiliului judetean pentru pastrarea, conservarea i promovarea culturii populare traditionale, se aaz pe un adevr care ne motiveaz pe noi, oamenii din spatiul geografic al Albei, i pe care l transmitem celor de azi i de mine ca pe un ndemn: tradiiile neamului tu au ajuns la tine prin credin; pstreaz credina strbun i vei ti cine eti i de unde vii. Organizarea la Alba Iulia a Colocviilor de etnografie i folclor, ajunse la cea de-a VI-a ediie n acest an, a adunat aici mari personaliti care i-au fcut din destin o profesiune de credin n slujirea etnografiei i folclorului romnesc autentic. Printre acetia, universitarul Ion Talo s-a impus ca personalitate marcant care i-a construit drumul vieii descifrnd mereu i mereu din armonia creaiei populare i antropologiei culturale, adunnd peste 50 de ani de activitate pe trmul etnologiei i folcloristicii romaneti i europene, cu rigoare i profesionalism. ntlnirea cu domnia sa, ntr-un context al dezbaerii de idei pe tema Etnologie i imagologie n memoria cultural european, cu studiul Cu privire la legendele despre Horea, Cloca i Crian, a condus spre o intelegere special a sufletului romnesc, a vieii i a luptei eroilor martiri a cror amintire este mereu vie n cartea de istorie a Transilvaniei. Am fost onorai de prezena domniei sale n mijlocul nostru i i suntem recunosctori c a girat cu prestaia sa scopul lucrrii noastre comune, dnd nlime i coninut tiinific ultimelor ediii ale colocviilor. Pelerin pornit n via din bogata vatr a satului romnesc, la o vrst (aproape) rotund cnd iubirea i jocul su e-nelepciunea i dorim s rmn curat i luminat sub cerul senin al folclorului romnesc nepieritor, al crui temeinic cunosctor este. Muli ani cu sntate !

Candid C. Mulea (18861965) i genealogiile braovene

Nicolae Edroiu
membru corespondent al Academiei Romne
Braovul i-a avut istoriografia sa, promovat mai nti de istoricii sai ridicai de aici sau care devin preocupai de trecutul su; de cei unguri, care s-au aezat la marginile dinspre nord-est ale oraului, dar i de cei romni, ridicai din chei, puternic aezare din sudul cetii-ora de la poalele Tmpei i a crei importan a depit cu mult semnificaiile locale sau microzonale. La Braov se gsete leagnul tipografiei romneti i deopotriv al istoriografiei romne din Transilvania, prin protopopul Vasilie, care ne-a oferit, n 1628, renumita sa cronic asupra ntmplrilor trite de comunitatea romneasc a Braovului i a celor mai importante petrecute n ara Brsei1. Lui i urmeaz alt protopop braovean, Radu Tempea II, care i completeaz i continu cronica2, pentru ca la mijlocul secolului al XIX-lea George Bariiu s consacre o bun parte a cercetrilor sale istoriei Braovului3. Nicolae Sulic, Sterie Stinghe, Nicolae Furnic, Candid C. Mulea4 sunt susintorii istoriografiei romneti braovene din prima jumtate a secolului trecut. * Candid C. Mulea s-a nscut ntr-o familie de crturari romni ai Braovului, n 7/19 februarie 1886. Tatl su, Candid Mulea (24 august 1846 24 decembrie 1934), se trgea din Rotbavul Trnavei Mari, fiind timp de 52 de ani nvtor la coala romneasc din Braovul Vechi, unde s-a i cstorit de altfel n februarie 1875. Soia sa, Ecaterina Piti (6 august 1859 23 septembrie 1925) era fiica unui cunoscut negustor din cheii Braovului, anume Gheorghe Piti, familie romneasc de vaz aici. S reinem faptul c aliana matrimonial dintre preoi, dascli i negustori era la Braov o practic destul de rspndit, cu att mai mult n cazul de fa, cnd Candid Mulea venea din afara zonei i urmrea s prind rdcini n Braov prin cstorie. Din menionata cstorie au rezultat nou copii: trei fete i ase biei. Candid
1 Vezi Ioan Lupa, Cronicari i istorici romni din Transilvania, I-II, Craiova, 1933; ediia a II-a, Craiova, 1941; Nicolae Sulic, Cronica protopopului Vasilie din Braov, n Anuarul Institutului de Istorie Naional din Cluj, 1943-1944, IX, p. 331-343. 2 Pentru acesta vezi studiul elaborat de nsui Candid C. Mulea, O dinastie de preoi i protopopi. Radu Tempea. ase generaii de preoi i protopopi din aceeai familie, Braov, 1939, 117 p. 3 George Em. Marica, Studii de istoria i sociologia culturii romne ardelene din secolul al XIX-lea. Vol. III. George Bariiu istoric, Cluj-Napoca, 1980, 255 p. 4 Vezi vocile respective n Enciclopedia istoriografiei romneti. Coordonator: tefan tefnescu, Bucureti, 1978.

214

Nicolae Edroiu

C. Mulea era al cincilea copil n familie, dup Maria (6 august 1876 august 1945), Aureliu (31 august 1878 aprilie 1917), Vasile (30 ianuarie 1881 30 aprilie 1937) i Elena (25 septembrie 1883 13 septembrie 1894). Lui i-au urmat, deasemenea, ali patru copii: Constantin (27 mai 1888 - ?), Traian (20 martie 1891 1915), Ecaterina (3 iulie 1893 29 iulie 1894) i Ioan (29 septembrie 1899, la Braov 27 iulie 1966, Cluj). Fratele mezin, ultimul copil al familiei, Ion Mulea, este cunoscutul folclorist ce a activat la Cluj n perioada interbelic i n primele dou decenii postbelice. Dup studii primare i secundare la Braov (1906-1918), Ion Mulea urmeaz pe cele superioare n litere la Universitile din Iai, Bucureti i Cluj (1918-1922), fiind selecionat de Nicolae Iorga pentru coala Romn din Frana, al crei membru a fost ntre anii 1923 i 1925. i-a trecut doctoratul n etnografie i folclor la Universitatea din Cluj (1927), fiind bibliotecar la Biblioteca Universitii din Cluj (1925-1935) i directorul acesteia (1936-1948). A fost, de asemenea, cercettor la Muzeul Etnografic al Transilvaniei din Cluj (1926-1929) i directorul Arhivei de Folclor a Academiei Romne (1930-1966), nfiinat de el nsui. Pentru merite tiinifice deosebite, Ion Mulea era ales, la 23 mai 1947, membru corespondent al Academiei Romne5, fiind scos n afara Academiei n 1948 i repus n drepturi ca membru corespondent al Academiei Romne n 1990. * Candid C. Mulea i-a fcut studiile primare i secundare la renumitul Liceu Andrei aguna din Braov ntre anii 1892-1904. Dup Bacalaureat (1904), urmeaz studii teologice la Seminarul Andreian din Sibiu, primind, n 1907, Atestatul de cvalificaiune, iar dup angajarea n toamna aceluiai an ca nvtor n comuna Cristian, de lng Sibiu, Diploma de nvtor pentru coalele poporale elementare. n anul 1908 revine ns la Braov pentru a lucra n redacia Gazetei Transilvaniei de aici. n timp va colabora i la alte publicaii romneti din Ardeal: Telegraful Romn din Sibiu, la Romnul i Tribuna din Arad. n toamna anului 1909 se nscrie la cursurile Facultii de Drept a Universitii din Cluj, pe care le absolv n 1912, fr a mbria ns cariera juridic. Nici ca ziarist nu rmne mult vreme, dei va continua s colaboreze la principalele revistele romneti ale timpului: n 1909 este numit institutor suplinitor al colilor centrale romne, n care funcie rmne pn n anul 1916, cnd se retrage cu armatele romne la Bucureti, apoi n Moldova i Ucraina. La 30 noiembrie 1912 fusese hirotonit ca preot, slujind la Biserica Sf. Nicolae din cheii Braovului, precum i la Biserica Sf. Treime Pe Tocile i la Biserica Adormirea Maicii Domnului din Braov-Cetate. La Chiinu, unde s-a refugiat n a doua parte a rzboiului mondial, rmne
5 Despre viaa i activitatea folcloristului Ion Mulea vezi mai pe larg: Ion Mulea, Cercetri etnografice i de folclor. Ediie ngrijit de Ion Talo, I-II, Bucureti, 1971-1972, XLVII + 335 p.; 526 p., precum i Iordan Datcu, S. C. Stroescu, Dicionarul folcloritilor. Folclorul literar romnesc, Bucureti, 1979, p. 294-297; Mircea Pcurariu, Dicionarul teologilor romni. Ediia a doua, revzut i lrgit, Editura Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 2002, p. 326; Dorina N. Rusu, Membrii Academiei Romne. 1866-2003. Dicionar. Ediia a III-a, Bucureti, 2003, p. 565-566; Ion Mulea, Arhiva de Folclor a Academiei Romne. Studii, memorii ale ntemeierii, rapoarte de activitate, chestionare 1930-1948. Prefa de Ion Cuceu. Ediie critic, note, cronologie, comentarii i bibliografie de Ion Cuceu i Maria Cuceu, Editura Fundaiei pentru Studii Europene, Cluj-Napoca, 2003, 387 p.

Candid C. Mulea i genealogiile braovene

215

pn n anul 1919, organiznd biblioteca Universitii populare de aici, fiind totodat numit director al Tipografiei Societii Culturale din Basarabia. Candid C. Mulea va ocupa, n 1919, funcia de inspector pentru limbile romn i francez la cursurile pregtitoare pentru profesori de la Cluj, dup care revine la Braov ca profesor de francez la Liceul Andrei aguna, n care calitate va funciona pn n 1944. ntre timp, se nscrie la Facultatea de Litere i Filosofie a Universitii din Cluj, pe care o absolv n 1928, la o vrst relativ naintat. Pentru merite deosebite n activitatea pe trm bisericesc, Mitropolitul Ardealului, Nicolae Blan, acord lui Candid C. Mulea, la 23 decembrie 1935, distincia de preot stavrofor i brul rou, devenind, n 1939, ca urmare a numirii de ctre acelai mitropolit, administrator parohial al Bisericii Sf. Nicolae din cheii Braovului, n care funcie slujete pn n august 1943. Din anul 1944 este arhivist la Arhivele Statului din Braov, pn la 1 decembrie 1949, cnd se retrage. S-a stins din via la Braov, n 10 martie 1965, fiind marginalizat n ultimul deceniu i jumtate al vieii sale de autoritile regimului comunist, lsnd ns o oper istoriografic relativ bogat, referitoare mai ales la istoria Braovului i a rii Brsei, la viaa i activitatea mai multor crturari i preoi braoveni. La moartea sa Telegraful Romn scria, prin pana preotului Nicolae Brsan: Din arborele bisericii braovene s-a desprins un ram, un slujitor al Bisericii lui Hristos, un talent pasionat n cercetarea trecutului, cruia i s-a druit cu generozitate... Odat cu moartea prot. stavr. C. Mulea a cobort n mormnt mintea, inima i mna unui istoriograf bisericesc ales6. * Candid C. Mulea a fost un asiduu cercettor al fondurilor arhivistice pstrate la Braov. Filiala braovean a Arhivelor Statului era depozitara unui material arhivistic de mare importan pentru studiul istoriei oraului, a rii Brsei, dar i a relaiilor politice, economice-comerciale i cultural-artistice dintre Transilvania, ara Romneasc i Moldova. Cercettorul braovean apare preocupat mai ales de istoria comunitii romneti de aici, pe care o cunotea n cel mai nalt grad n dimensiunea i problematica ei din prima jumtate a secolului al XX-lea, iar prin experiena printelui su chiar de la mijlocul secolului al XIX-lea ncoace. Drept urmare, alturnd informaiei excerptate din fondurile Arhivelor Statului din Braov pe cele provenite din documentele pstrate n arhivele bisericilor braovene, Candid C. Mulea purcede la elaborarea monografiilor istorice ale bisericilor din Turche, Baciu, Drste, situate n vecintatea Braovului, unde slujise ca preot, precum i a celei din cartierul braovean Blumna, toate rmase n manuscris. Lucrarea sa de cpti rmne ns monografia istoric a Bisericii Sf. Nicolae din chei. Primul volum aprea la Braov n 19437, iar al doilea n 19468, pentru ca cel din urm, al treilea, s rmn n manuscris9. Pentru elaborarea lucrrii fuseser utilizate
6 Nicolae Brsan, n Telegraful Romn (Sibiu), numrul din 15 aprilie 1965. 7 Candid C. Mulea, Biserica Sf. Nicolae din cheii Braovului. Vol. I (1292-1742), Institutul de Arte Grafice, Braov, 1943, 427 p. + 92 il. 8 Idem, Biserica Sf. Nicolae din cheii Braovului. Vol. II (1743-1837), Institutul de Arte Grafice, Braov, 1946, 455 p. + 62 il. 9 Potrivit informaiei oferite de Pr. Dr. Vasile Oltean, directorul Muzeului Primei coli Romneti din

216

Nicolae Edroiu

i studiile publicate pn atunci ale istoricilor braoveni precedeni, i doar o reluare astzi pe un plan mai larg ar putea depi nivelul atins prin monografia lui Candid C. Mulea cu mai bine de o jumtate de secol n urm. n cuprinsul acesteia era prezentat i activitatea unor clerici preoi i protopopi care au slujit la aceast att de important instituie ecleziastic i cultural ortodox romneasc. Cercetrile sale din domeniul Genealogiei vin nspre aceast direcie, a originii i activitii clericilor din cheii Braovului. Este vorba de seria Protopopi de altdat ai Braovului, n care sunt incluse studiile privitoare la protopopii Eustaie Grid (1933)10, Gheorghe Haines (1934)11, Bratul Baiul i fiul su Nicolae (1935)12, Bartolomeu Baiulescu (1938)13 i la dinastia de preoi i protopopi Radu Tempea (1939)14. Familia Grizilor este una cunoscut pentru irul de preoi i protopopi pe care i-a dat Braovului i mprejurimilor, ncepnd cu acel Vasile Grid ( 6 ianuarie 1717) venit din Fgra n 1686, aprtor al Ortodoxiei n momentul trecerii unei pri a romnilor ardeleni la Unirea cu Biserica Romei. A fost preot la Braov ntre anii 1686 i 1717, ajungnd apoi protopop aici. Pentru a avea sprijin n lupta lui mpotriva unirii cu Roma a fcut mai multe drumuri n ara Romneasc la domnitorul Constantin Brncoveanu. Doi dintre fiii si aveau s mplineasc i ei rosturi importante n ierarhia bisericeasc a romnilor din Braov i mprejurimi: astfel Jipa Grid, care mcar c era mirean, dar era bun de gur15, n pofida sfaturilor printelui su, trece la Biserica Unit, devenind protopop al Haromsechiului (comitatul Trei Scaune); alt fiu, Eustatie, un om mpodobit cu tiine i cu mare nelepciune, dup cum a rmas caracterizat n tradiia cronicreasc local16, preot la Biserica Sf. Nicolae din cheii Braovului ntre anii 1721-1767 i protopopul de aici ntre 1742-1767 este clericul, dasclul i crturarul cu care Candid C. Mulea deschide seria de studii Protopopi de altdat ai Braovului. Eustatie Grid preot ntre anii 1721-1767 ajunge protopop n cheii Braovului n 1742, la moartea protopopului Radu II Tempea, fiind uns de nsui patriarhul srb Arsenie IV Ioanovici acabent al Carloviului, cruia i era cunoscut17. Eustatie
cheii Braovului, un exemplar din volumul al III-lea, n manuscris, se afl n Arhiva Bisericii Sf. Nicolae din chei, altul n Arhiva Mitropoliei Ardealului din Sibiu, fiind n pregtire editarea lui. 10 Candid C. Mulea, Protopopul Eustaie Grid, Tip. Unirea, Braov, 1933, 20 p. Extras din ara Brsei, 1933, V, nr. 2-3 (Protopopi de altdat ai Braovului I). 11 Idem, Protopopul Gheorghe Haines, Tip. Unirea, Braov, 1934. Extras din ara Brsei (Protopopi de altdat ai Braovului II). 12 Idem, Protopopul Bratu Baiul (1760-1831) i fiul su Nicolae (Coconul Baiul) (1782-1855), Tip. Unirea, Braov, 87 p. Extras din ara Brsei, 1935, VII, nr. 3-6, 1836, VIII, nr. 1-3 (Protopopi de altdat ai Braovului III). 13 Idem, Protopopul Bartolomeiu Baiulescu, Braov, 1938, 59 p. (Protopopi de altdat ai Braovului IV). 14 Idem, O dinastie de preoi i protopopi. Radu Tempea. ase generaii de preoi i protopopi din aceeai familie, Institutul de Arte Grafice Astra, Braov, 1939, 117 p. (Publicaiile Arhivei Istorice a Municipiului Braov). 15 Idem, Biserica Sf. Nicolae din cheii Braovului, I, p. 155. 16 Cf. Vasile Oltean, Configuraia istoric i bisericeasc a Braovului Sec. XIII-1918, Tez de doctorat susinut la Facultatea de Teologie Ortodox a Universitii Babe-Bolyai din Cluj-Napoca, Iulie 2009, p. 322 (Conductor tiinific prof. univ. dr. Alexandru Moraru). 17 Candid C. Mulea, Biserica Sf. Nicolae din cheii Braovului, II, p. 10.

Candid C. Mulea i genealogiile braovene

217

are foarte mari merite n pstrarea ortodoxiei braovene, n ridicarea funciei bisericii Sf. Nicolae i a colii de aici. Sub el se ridic Paraclisul cel nou n partea de sud, n 1751 Turnul cu ceas al Bisericii, iar n 1760 etajul n piatr al colii. Reuete dotarea Bisericii i colii de aici cu cri de cult i de nvtur, cu podoabele i vemintele necesare oficierii cultului, bucurndu-se de sprijinul Cantacuzinilor i Mavrocordailor munteni i moldoveni, al Curii imperiale a Rusiei. n acelai scop cltorete n mai multe rnduri la Carlovi i Viena. Prin instalarea la Braov a lui Dionisie Novacovici ca Episcop al Ardealului n 1761, Biserica Sf. Nicolae din cheii Braovului devine catedral episcopal. Nu lipsit de importan este faptul c Eustatie Grid ncepe, la 1 septembrie 1748, s consemneze n registrul Bisericii naterile i botezurile, cununiile, decesele i nmormntrile credincioilor aparinnd comunitii ortodoxe romneti din cheii Braovului. n urma presiunii i tensiunilor provocate de Curtea din Viena pentru a trece la Unire i pe de alt parte de Patriarhia din Carlovi pentru a recunoate subordonarea fa de aceasta, Eustatie Grid se mbolnvete, zcnd civa ani paralizat la pat, decednd la 3 mai 1767. Testamentul su nscrie crile lsate Bisericii i colii18. Un nepot al lui Eustatie Grid, Petru Iosif totodat vr cu directorul colii Dimitrie Eustatievici este preot i dascl la Braov, protopop al Trei Scaunelor (1775-1776) i protopop al Braovului (1776-1779). Un alt descendent, Nicolae Grid (10 martie 1784, chei 26 iunie 1815, chei), dascl al colii i cntre bisericesc, ajuns diacon i preot capelan al Bisericii din chei, se stinge din via la 31 de ani, lsnd nsemnri despre cheii de altdat i biserica lor19. Protopopul Gheorghe Haines, asupra cruia Candid C. Mulea publica n anul urmtor, 1934, micromonografia sa, era mai puin cunoscut pn atunci. Numele acestuia este legat de conflictul iscat ntre romnii i grecii ortodoci braoveni n jurul Bisericii Sfnta Treime din Braov-Cetate. Gheorghe Haines fusese numit, la 24 noiembrie 1790, de Episcopul ortodox din Sibiu, Gherasim Adamovici, ca preot la biserica menionat, strnind nemulumirea companitilor greci. Cel pe care l doreau acetia refuzase obediena fa de Episcopul ortodox al Transilvaniei i apreciau c Gh. Haines era un vlah..., unul din clienii i servitorii Episcopului..., impus cu fora. Companitii greci s-au adresat Magistratului Braovului i Directoratului regesc regional, care le-au respins solicitrile, ei cernd apoi Guberniului, n 1792, s aibe un preot grec pentru asigurarea instruirii copiilor lor n limba matern; rspunsul venit nu era, nici de aceast dat, favorabil solicitrii, coninnd n plus recomandarea fcut petenilor de a se potoli. Mai mult dect att, Episcopul Adamovici, n urma decesului protopopului Bucur din Braovul Vechi, ntrete, n octombrie 1792, numirea lui Gheorghe Haines ca preot la Biserica Sfnta Treime din Braov-Cetate, numindu-l totodat ca protopop al Protopopiatului Braovului Vechi. Companitii l scot pe Gh. Haines din casa bisericeasc, el putnd s-i exercite doar funcia de protopop. Dup 1796, cnd Bra18 Vasile Oltean, Prima coal romneasc n cheii Braovului, Tipo Moldova, Iai, 2004, p. 140. n privina crilor manuscrise i a crii vechi romneti tiprite pstrate n Muzeul din cheii Braovului vezi: Vasile Oltean, Catalog de carte veche din cheii Braovului, Edict, Iai, 2004, 268 p. 19 nsemnrile popii Nicolae Grid despre cheii de altdat i biserica lor, publicat de Ion Mulea n ara Brsei, 1931, III, p. 341-352.

218

Nicolae Edroiu

ovul devine district autonom, conflictul n cauz este din nou cercetat de oficialiti, Magistratul braovean lund partea negustorilor greci. Asupra originii i activitii protopopului Bratu Baiul i fiului su Nicolae cercettorul braovean Candid C. Mulea public n anii 1935-1936 cel de al treilea studiu asupra protopopilor de altdat ai Braovului. Cu acesta cercetarea biografic/ genealogic depete pragul de trecere spre secolul al XIX-lea, Bratu Baiul trind ntre anii 1760-1831, iar fiul su Nicolae, denumit i Coconul Baiul, ntre 1782 i 1855. Mai extins este studiul referitor la Protopopul Bartolomeu Baiulescu (11 iunie 1831, Zrneti 14 iunie 1909, Braov), autorul beneficiind de o informaie documentar-istoric mai bun. Acesta, dup studii primare fcute la Zrneti i Tohanu Vechi, urmeaz Gimnaziul romano-catolic din Braov i Seminarul Teologic din Sibiu, ajungnd nvtor i preot n Zrneti, unde slujete ntre anii 1851 i 1857. pentru ca dup aceast dat s fie transferat de Arhiepiscopul Andrei aguna la Biserica greceasc Sf. Treime din Braov. Dup ce a slujit aici vreme de 30 de ani (1857-1888), devine primul paroh al Bisericii ortodoxe Adormirea Maicii Domnului din Braov-Cetate, unde rmne pn la decesul su, survenit n 1909, la 78 de ani. A servit Biserica vreme de 58 de ani. Se trgea el nsui dintr-o familie de preoi: printele su, Ioan Baiul, era diacon, iar mama nu alta dect fiica protopopului Bratu Baiul din Zrneti. S-a cstorit n 18 octombrie 1850 cu Elena Gheorghiu din Braov, dou zile mai trziu fiind hirotonit preot capelan la Zrneti. A avut ase copii, doi decednd la vrst fraged, ceilali patru trei feciori i o fat atingnd btrneele. Alturi de activitatea sa bisericeasc (n calitate de preot i protopop) i didactic, Bartolomeu Baiulescu a avut preocupri istorice, fiind autorul monografiei Bisericii Adormirea Maicii Domnului din Cetatea Braovului, pe care a publicat-o n 189820. Candid C. Mulea s-a aplecat cu atenie asupra activitii bisericeti datorate protopopului Bartolomeu Baiulescu, scondu-i n eviden strduinele pentru ridicarea statutului parohiei ortodoxe romneti din Braov-Cetate nr-un timp al intensificrii aciunilor de emancipare a romnilor braoveni. Dar cel mai important studiu genealogic datorat lui Candid C. Mulea privete aa numita dinastie de preoi i protopopi Radu Tempea din cheii Braovului. n baza unei documentaii istorice amnunite, cercettorul braovean reconstituie pe rnd generaiile ase la numr care au format acea dinastie de clerici i crturari braoveni21. Studiul ca atare rezum de aproape viaa protopopial a Braovului pe durata unui secol i jumtate (sec. XVIII mijlocul sec. XIX), oferind informaii de natur genealogic, n privina alianelor matrimoniale la care se recurge pentru asigurarea accesului la preoie i protopopiat n Braov i pentru deinerea acestora,
20 Bartolomeu Baiulescu, Monografia Comunei bisericeti greco-ortodoxe romne a Sf. Adormiri din Cetatea Braovului, cu acte i dovezi, Braov, 1898, 274 p. 21 Succesiunea genealogic i meritele acestora se gsesc prezentate i n studiul nostru referitor la politicile matrimoniale practicate n interiorul familiilor de preoi i protopopi din Transilvania secolelor XVIII-XIX: Nicolae Edroiu, Genealogiile preoeti i protopopeti din Transilvania (Consideraii priind studiul carierelor intelectuale romneti din sec. XVIII-XIX), n volumul Biseric. Societate. Identitate. In honorem Nicolae Bocan, Cluj-Napoca, Editura Presa Universitar Clujean, 2007, p. 73-81.

Candid C. Mulea i genealogiile braovene

219

desigur pe fondul unei pregtiri culturale superioare deinute de apartenenii Familiei Tempea22. Aici se poate vedea performana tiinific atins de cercettorul braovean n domeniul aplicat al Genealogiei prin utilizarea adecvat a metodologiei de investigaie i urmrirea sistematic a generaiilor succesive din interiorul familiei studiate. Bibliografia operei istorice lsat de Candid C. Mulea se ncheie cu studiul elaborat dup pensionarea sa i publicat de revista Studii i Articole de Istorie n 1957 despre instituia veciniei la romnii braoveni23. * Cercetrile intreprinse de Candid C. Mulea asupra activitii protopopilor romni braoveni din secolele XVII-XIX rmn contribuii valoroase la cunoaterea instituiei ca atare, a eforturilor pe care comunitatea romneasc din cheii Braovului le-a pus n slujba emanciprii naionale odat cu nceputul Epocii Moderne. Protopopiatul era instituia reprezentativ pentru romnii braoveni: prin ea se legitimau naintea Magistratului Braovului, asigurau legtura cu Gubeniul Transilvaniei, cu Mitropolia rii Romneti i cu Domniile acesteia i a Moldovei. Protopopii braoveni sunt cei care contacteaz Curtea Rusiei ariste i apoi a Vienei Imperiale, Patriarhia Carloviului i dup aceea Episcopia i respectiv Mitropolia Ortodox de la Sibiu. Rolul protopopilor din Braov este aadar unul preeminent n segmentul de timp studiat cu mult profesionalism, la sfritul perioadei interbelice, de istoricul i crturarul braovean care a fost Candid C. Mulea, pe care l putem deacum aprecia i ca genealogist.

22 Asupra activitii culturale i de dascl la Braov a celor ase protopopi din Familia Tempea vezi mai nou Vasile Oltean, Prima coal romneasc n cheii Braovului, Tipo Moldova, Iai, 2004, p. 209-239. 23 Idem, Contribuii la instituia veciniei la romnii braoveni, n Studii i Articole de Istorie (Bucureti), 1957, II, p. 317-344.

Dr. M. Gaster: I Am a Bit of a Romanian Scholar1

Virgiliu Florea

At the time he made this statement2, M. Gaster had reached the venerable age of 82 and he felt justified to observe, with an under stan dable amount of pride, that the seed he had sown, during half a cen tury, in the fertile field of Romanian culture, were beginning to bear fruit as he expressed it himself3. Born in Bucharest4 on September 17, 1856, he was the son of A.E. Gaster, secretary, consul and even business envoy of Holland to Bucha rest, and of Judith Rubinstein, from Berdicev and from the same fa mily as the great pianist. Even as a child, it was obvious that M. Gas ter was, intellectualy speaking, very gifted. At first he was a pupil in a Jewish school. At the age of 9 or 10 he was enrolled in Romanian schools. Able to learn by heart a psalm in the break between two le ssons5, Gaster was especially attracted to biblical legend which gave him an impulse towards folklore studies6. He was a pupil of the Lazr Gymnasium and the Matei Basarab Ly ceum in Bucharest where he had famous teachers such as Raoul de Pontbriant, tefan C. Michilescu, Irimia Circa and Epaminonda Fran cudi. They were to influence him strongly, both in his intellectual de velopment and in his future interests. His interest
1 First published in Studia Judaica (Cluj-Napoca), I (1991), p. 61-74, translated by Maria Crciun and Maria Radosav. 2 Cf. Letter of M. Gaster to prof. Alice Bdescu from Bucharest, November 29, 1938. The unpublished documents we reffer to are from M. Gaster archives at University College, London. 3 Cf. Letter of M. Gaster to Luca A. Axelrad, October 11, 1936. 4 For the life and activity of M. Gaster in Romania cf. especially: Elisabetha M nescu, Dr. M. Gaster. Viaa i opera sa, Bucureti, Rotativa, s.a.r. In stitut de Arte Grafice i Editur, 1940; I.C. Chiimia, Contribuia lui M. Gaster n domeniul folclorului, in Idem, Folcloriti i folcloristic ro mneasc, Bucureti, Editura Academiei,1968, p. 273-326; I. Mu lea, Dr. M. Gaster folclorist, in Idem, Cercetri etnografice i de folclor, I, Bucureti, Editura Minerva, 1971, p. 201-213; Ovidiu Brlea, Istoria fol cloristicii romneti, Bucureti, Editura Enciclopedic, 1974, p. 260-264; M. Gaster n coresponden, Ed. Virgiliu Florea, Bucureti, Edi tu ra Minerva, 1985, 200 p. ; Idem, Prieteni romni ai lui M. Gaster. Cercul Junimii bucuretene, Cluj-Napoca, Presa Universitar Clujean, 1997; M. Gaster i Agnes Murgoci - avocai n Marea Britanie ai culturii populare romneti, ClujNapoca, Editura Fundaiei pentru Studii Europene, 2003; Dr. M. Gaster, omul i opera. Reconstituiri biobibliografice, Cluj-Napoca, aceeai editur, 2008. We will quote also other important con tri bu tions in this field. 5 M. Gaster, Things that were. Ms.A (1): Autobiography, 1938, p. 67: I went to a school managed by [Popper]. (It is the same man who after wards translated Pirke Aboth into Romanian and I wrote an intro duc tion). He paid me a penny for each psalm that I could recite by heart, and I was able to learn by heart a psalm in the interval between two le ssons. When I repeated that too often he said: You are going to ruin me, you are going to get more money from me than I got from your father. 6 Ibidem, p. 66.

222

Virgiliu Florea

for old Romanian ma nuscripts and books also dates back to this time when he became a favourite of the antiquary Pinath on Calea Victoriei and of the richer Zwie bel on the Dmbovia quay. With their help he gathered his famous collection of old Romanian manuscripts, today in the possession of the Romanian Academy7. His familys wealth, the intellectual atmosphere made it possible for Gaster to be sent abroad to study. After all, his father, a sobre and cul tivated man, was much more inclined to music and literature than to business and was the owner of a fine library, full of books and jour nals in Hebrew, Yiddish, German and French. He was among the first to subscribe a Romanian newspaper (probably C.A. Rosettis Rom nul)8. As regards Gasters studies, he was at first a student at the Hebrew The ological Seminary in Breslau, where he astonished his teachers and colleagues by his solid knowledge9. Attracted to linguistics and philology, he also enrolled in the Uni versity where he studied romance languages with the famous professor Gustav Grber. To the general bewilderment of his professors from the seminary who expected him to write a dissertation dealing with Jewish problems10, Gaster chose a topic related to Romanian pho netics: Zur rumnischen Lautgeschichte: I. Die Guturale Tenuis. He de fended his thesis successfully on July 16, 1877 and it was later published by Professor Grber in his Zeitschrift fr romanische Philologie (1878), which was mostly reserved for consacrated scholars. The young scholar returned home in 1880 and was very well received by the lite, both by intellectuals and by politicians11. At the University of Bucharest he gave lectures on Romanian literature and comparative mythology. B.P. Hasdeu and Titu Maio rescu12, elder advisers of him, often attended his lectures. Invited by Ti tu Maiorescu, he joined the Junimea circle13 and also the societies of Take Ionescu14, I. Haimann15 and Iuliu I. Roca16,
7 Cf. Dan Simonescu, Colecia de manuscrise M. Gaster din Biblioteca A cademiei Romne, in Viaa romneasc, XXXII (1940), 5, p. 26-32. Carried with him in exile, the collection of Romanian manuscripts con stituted M. Gaster confessed in February 9, 1936 to D.N. Ciotori, who acted as an intermediary for acquisition of the collection on behalf of the Romanian Academy more than its contents. They were my com pa nions on exile; during those 50 years they stayed here with me, they were a balm for my soul. I read them over and over, and every time I did that I told my friend: Now we are home. 8 Cf. M. Gaster, op. cit., p. 49. 9 The passion for reading materialized in the great number of books Gaster bo rrowed from the Seminary library. It was becoming proverbial for his co lleagues who used to say: if you look for a book and cannot find it, ask Gaster, he sure to have it. (M. Gaster, op. cit., Ms. A (2): Re mi nis cences, 1930-1931, p. 90.) 10 Ibid., p. 48. 11 Moses Schwarzfeld, Povestea unei viei, n Egalitatea, 20, May 15, 1925, p. 70. 12 Cf. Moses Schwarzfeld, A Biographical Sketch of Dr. Gasters Early Days, in Occident and Orient. Gaster Anniversary Volume, Edited by Bru no Schindler, Ph.D. In collaboration with A. Marmorstein, Ph.D., Lon don. Taylors Foreign Press, 1936, p. 2. 13 Cf. M. Gaster, op. cit., p. 106-109. 14 Ibid., Ms. C: (Reminiscences II), 1932, p. 18. In this circle were C.C. A rion and Nicu Xenopol present, M. Gaster met Barbu tefnescu De lavrancea and Duiliu Zamfirescu as we can tell from an invitation which was sent to him on February 6, 1885 by Dn. and Dna Dumitru Ionescu. 15 Cf. M. Gaster, Ibid., p. 39-40. Here M. Gaster met Al. Vlahu and Al. Macedonski. 16 Cf. Moses Schwarzfeld, Povestea unei viei and the invitation addressed to Gaster by Iuliu I. Roca

Dr. M. Gaster: I Am a Bit of a Romanian Scholar

223

besides having foun ded a literary circle himself17. This was attended by Jewish intellectuals (Lazr ineanu, the brothers Schwarzfeld, Marcu Brociner, Julius Bettelheim, M.V. Stu rea nu, Michel Aziel, Isidore Cohen etc.) and by Romanian intellectuals (Pe tre Ispirescu, Grigore G. Tocilescu, Iuliu I. Roca etc.). Enjoying a reputation as a philologist, man of letters and folklorist, Gas ter showed a vocation as an advisor, which became manifest after his return home. To Ispirescu, one of the most agreable and modest man I have met18, he suggested publishing the great collection of fai ry tales Legende sau Basmele romnilor (1882)19 and to work on a collection of Romanian proverbs (1883) which was left unfinished20. In 1877, he also advised the romanist Jan Urban Jarnik, who was pre occupied with publishing abroad the tales of Ispirescu21, to work on a collection of Romanian tales, to be published in Romanian and German, containing all the Ispirescu tales and others to be found in journals, together with the Romanian (Schott, Staufe, Obert and eventually Marienescu) and foreign variants. To this purpose Gaster offered to introduce him to Reinhold Khler the renowned connoisseur of tales22. He advised and actually helped Lazr ineanu, a close friend and a promising alectologic asupra graiului student of the University of Bucharest23, to write Studiu di evreo-german (1889)24, and other important works of linguistics and Romanian folklore, such as Elementele tur ceti n limba romn (1885)25, his interesting study on malevolent fairies (1884)26, ncercare asupra semasiologiei limbei romne (1887)27, Legenda Meterului Manole la grecii moderni (1888)28, and a significant comparative study on Romanian tales (1895)29. ineanu however, Gaster bitterly noted in his old age, was unable to pro perly express his gratitude30.

on March 21, 1883. 17 Cf. M. Gaster, op. cit., Ms. C: (Reminiscences II), p. 31; Moses Schwarzfeld, Povestea unei viei; A Biographical Sketch , p. 5: Dr. Gas ter ca om i ca prieten, in Curierul israelit, 10, March 12, 1939; Le tter of M.V. Stureanu to M. Gaster, November 15, 1931. 18 M. Gaster, op. cit., Ms. A (2): Reminiscences, p. 45. 19 Ibid., p. 44; Ms. C: (Reminiscences II), p. 12. 20 Ibid. For his relationship to the modest printer cf. also our work M. Gaster i Petre Ispirescu, in Anuarul de folclor, V-VII (1984-1986), Cluj-Na poca, 1987, p. 387-407. 21 Cf. Letter of Jan Urban Jarnik to M. Gaster, December 13, 1877. 22 Cf. Jan Urban Jarnik, Coresponden. Ed. Traian Ionescu-Nicov, II, Bu cureti, Editura Minerva, 1983, p. 49-50; 52: Letters of M. Gaster from December 12 and 15, 1877. 23 M. Gaster, op. cit., Ms. C: (Reminiscences II), p.31. For his relationship with Lazr ineanu cf. Virgiliu Florea, Lazr ineanu (1859-1939) c tre Moses Gaster. n pragul unei duble aniversri ineanu: 125 de ani de la natere, 50 de ani de la moarte, in Anuarul de folclor, III-IV, ClujNapoca, 1983, p. 266-319, and M. Gaster n coresponden, chap ter M. Gaster i Lazr ineanu, p. 101-180. 24 Cf. Moses Schwarzfeld, A Biographical Sketch , p. 5. 25 Ibid.; M. Gaster, op. cit., Ms. C: (Reminiscences II), p.31; V. Florea, op. cit., p. 271-272; M. Gaster n coresponden, p. 103. 26 Ibid., p. 272-273; 103. 27 Ibid., p. 272-273; 103-104. 28 Ibid., p. 272; 103. See also M. Gaster, op. cit., Ms. C: (Reminiscences II), p. 32. 29 Ibid., p. 273-275; 104-105; 32. 30 Ibid., p. 280; 109; 32.

224

Virgiliu Florea

Similar help he gave to the folklorist Dumitru Stncescu31, whose first brochure Basme (1885) Gaster prefaced. Later he published abroad one of the nicest and most serious reviews about his collection of tales32. To Aron Densuianu he addressed an invitation to collect tales and popular beliefs on which the Negriada was based33, that rsum of Romanian mythology as Gaster called it in a German re view34 for which Densuianu expressed his thanks 35 with brotherly affection . Preoccupied himself, at the suggestion of Franz Miklosich, the great scholar from the University of Vienna, by gypsy folklore from Ro mania36, Gaster seems to have advised such a study to the well-known Bucharest professor Barbu Constantinescu37, the author of the collection Probe de limba i literatura iganilor din Romnia (1878). Around 1883-1884, Gaster urged the officer P.V. Nsturel, a descen dent of the great Nsturel of the XVIIth century, who had been a friend of the voivode Matei Basarab and who had translated from Sla vonian to Romanian the famous story about Varlaam and Ioasaf (which interested Gaster himself)38, to publish the monumental opus of his ancestor. When he finaly managed to publish it (1904), the former young officer, by that time general and an authority on military equipment, sent him, to show his gratitude, a copy of the work, accompanied by thanks for suggesting the idea39. Knowing, as few people did, and collecting old Romanian manuscripts, he offered Grigore G. Tocilescu a copy of the much discussed Cro nica lui Huru, on which the historian relied to prove its apocriphal and unauthentic character40. Tied to Tocilescu by indisoluble friend ship41 he supported him in publishing Revista pentru istorie, arheo lo gie i filologie, certainly the most sumptuous publication of the time and of later times42. Gaster gave the same support to Julius Bettelheim, of Austria, in pu blishing the
31 M. Gaster, op. cit., Ms. C: (Reminiscences II), p. 20. 32 I.C. Chiimia, op. cit., p. 275. It probably refered to the paragraph con cer ned with him by M. Gaster, in Rumnische Litteratur. 1891-1898, in Kritischer Jahresbericht ber die Fortschritte der Romanischen Phi lo logie, Herausgegeben von Karl Vollmller, V, 1897-1898, Zweiter Teil, Erlangen, 19011903, p. 350-377. 33 Cf. Letter of Aron Densuianu to M. Gaster, December 8, 1879. 34 Published in the German newspaper Magazin fr die Literatur des Aus landes, 47, 1879, known to us by the portions reproduced under the ti tle Negriada, epopee naional de Aron Densuianu, in Romnul, XXIII (1879), December 13, p. 13. (Bibliography). It was later used by the Gazeta Transilvaniei, XLII (1879), 101, December 20, p. 4 (Re vista bibliografic). 35 Cf. the above mentioned letter of Aron Densuianu. 36 Cf. Virgiliu Florea, M. Gaster i cercetrile sale asupra folclorului i gnesc (sec. al XIX-lea), in Tribuna, II (1990), 41, October 11, p. 6. 37 Ibid., note 1. 38 Cf. our work Al. Odobescu. Coresponden cu Moses Gaster, in Ma nu scriptum, XIX (1988), 4, notes 6, 21, 22. 39 M. Gaster, op. cit., Ms. A (2): Reminiscences, p. 107-108. 40 Ibid., Ms. C: (Reminiscences II), p.11. 41 Moses Schwarzfeld, Povestea unei viei. 42 M. Gaster, op. cit., Ms. C: (Reminiscences II), p. 31, with the add: He was nominally the editor, but all the work and the rest was left to me. Cf. in this respect also M. Gaster n coresponden, p. 30: Letter of M. Gaster from February 20, 1935.

Dr. M. Gaster: I Am a Bit of a Romanian Scholar

225

journalBukarester Salon (1883-1885)43 and also to tefan Vellescu and Theodor M. Stoenescu in editing Revista li terar (1885)44, meant to replace Literatorul which had stopped be ing issued when Macedonski left for Paris. It could be said Gaster was a born speaker. At the Romanian Athn he gave such successfull lectures as Apocrifele n literatura romn (1884) and Originea alfabetului i ortografia romn (1885), which ac cording to the press45 elevated the institution to the rank of a true Aca demy. With equal success he lectured for the Romanian Geographi cal Society on subjects like: Nomenclatura topic a judeului Vl cea (1885)46. On that occasion, in a rather reckless manner and in the presence of the king, he mocked slightly the etimologies suggested by D.A. Sturdza for the toponymes Caracal and Turnu Severin. As Stur dza was very powerful in those days, the incident led to Gasters ex pulsion from the country47. Settled in London, he reached high scientific and literary positions, occu pying different ones such as: haham (chief rabbi) of the Sephardim co mmunities of England and the colonies (1887-1919), director of the Ju dith Lady Montefiore College of Ramsgate (1890-1896) and then pre sident (1907-1908); vicepresident in perpetuity of the oldest foklore so ciety in the world, the famous Folklore Society48; a Schweich lec tu rer on Samaritan history and literature at the British Academy (1924); from 1926 vicepresident of the Royal Asiatic Society; pre si dent from 1931 of the Quest Society; member of the board of directors of the Society of Biblical Archeology and the Gypsy Lore Society; and member from 1930 of the Royal Society of Literature. In short, he was considered one of the greatest scholars of his time. Forced by circumstances, Gaster, after settling in London, gave pri ority to oriental studies, which enjoyed greater interest in England, with out neglecting Romanian ones. These were the two major concerns hiddenly linked, of his scholarly pursuits, as he himself confessed in a touching retrospective when he turned 80: I have worked ince ssan tly and I had only one thought. How could I serve my people be tter? I tried to be proud and humble, I have not only studied the old Ro manian chronicles, but also with love and having sometimes even te ars in my eyes, the chronicles of our people, where entire pages are wri tten with blood and other pages are wet with the tears of our mar tyrs. They have fought as I have fought not with a sword and blood shed, but with their spirit and their heart, with a desire for truth and with human love. I understood the grandeur of our people but at the same time I was meant to enter the soul of the Romanian people, gentle and poetic. I have looked for and found the thread which linked humani ty together. The different people are only the branches of the same tree and so I was meant to find my country in the past of my
43 Cf. M. Gaster, op. cit., Ms. C: (Reminiscences II), p. 40. See also Letter of M. Gaster to Artur Gorovei, October 30, 1929. 44 Ibid., p. 42. Cf. also Letter of tefan Vellescu to M. Gaster, March 13, 1885. 45 Cf. Un auditor al Atheneului, Cteva cuvinte despre conferinelee Ate ne ului, n Romnia, II (1885), 35, February 14, p. 2. See also Moses Schwarzfeld, Sketch , p. 3. 46 Cf. the integral text of this lecture in Buletinul Societii Geografice Ro mne, II (1885), p. 115118. 47 Cf. M. Gaster, Things that were, Ms. C: (Reminiscences II), p. 65. 48 Cf. Venetia Newall, The English Folklore Society under the Presidency of Haham Dr. Moses Gaster, in Studies in the Cultural Life of the Jews in England, Edited by Dov Noy, I. Ben-Ami, Jerusalem, 1975, p. 197-225 (Folklore Research Center Studies, V).

226

Virgiliu Florea

people and at the same time among the people where I was born49. We will only refer to his Romanian studies to which he meant to re turn entirely in his old age50, given the great complexity and variety of fields he had explored. Among specialists exists the opinion that Gas ters work can only be studied by separate portions. Gaster himself was always saying that Romanian studies had given him the greatest sa tisfaction, the highest recognition, including the title of Honorary mem ber of the Romanian Academy (1929)51. Preoccupied at first by linguistics and philologic research which he sent for publication to B.P. Hasdeu and Gustav Grber, Gaster deve loped his true vocation as a comparatist as far back as his Breslau stu dies as he himself confessed in his English mmoires (1930): It was during that time that I bought Dunlops History of Fiction, the Ger man edition by Liebrecht with his annotations. That opened my eyes and introduced me to the history of comparative literature. In my own copy I have added some notes and parallels but it opened the his tory of the world literature to me and that was the first impetus for the study of folklore and of comparative literature. I owe to this book more than I can say and the next work which furthermore enlarged my views and my studies was Benfeys introduction to his German edi tion, the translation of the Pantschatantra, and with that my studies be gan which I have continued to this very day. I then read also Max M ller and in fact more and more literature of fairy tales, Grimm of cour se and Hahn, Reinhold Khler and the Sicilian fairy tales with the annotations. This led me on to Ispirescu and on the copies of the first little edition which he gave me I have culled then the parallel literature. This is about fifty years ago52. In truth Gaster was captivated at this time by the theory of the brothers Grimm on the mythological origins of folktales. His first folkloric con tribution supports this thesis: propos de articolul dlui P. Is pi res cu Basme romne i basme franceze (1877). He made con ce ssions to the migrationist theory of Benfey and Max Mller, admitting that some tales, few in number, were borowed from abroad. He also ad mitted that he did not possess the entire chain of communication to fo llow them to their true origins53. As he engulfed himself in Hebrew studies, Gaster abandoned totally the theory of the brothers Grimm, adhering completely to that of Ben fey, adding to it some ideas of his own. His change of view is ob vi ous in his review of the Ispirescu edition ken place before that because it is plainly stated in of 188254, but it must have ta

49 Letter of M. Gaster to Bacalu, November 29, 1936 as an answer to the con gratulatory message he sent in the name of the Union of Jewish Youth of Romania. 50 Cf. Letters of M. Gaster to B. Bamberger from May 21 and September 13, 1926 and to his wife, Lucy Leah Gaster, July 23, 1926. 51 We believe that this is the place to mention the high distinctions he re cei ved from the Romanian Government like the medal Bene Merenti class II (1884) and classs I (1891 and 1924) and the quality of member of the Order of the Romanian Crown, the degree of commandor (1921), and Great Officer of the Romanian Crown (1930). 52 M. Gaster, Things that were, Ms. A (2): Reminiscences, p. 105-106. 53 M. Gaster, propos de articolul dlui P. Ispirescu Basme romne i bas me franceze, in Columna lui Traian, VIII (1877), p. 447-449. 54 M. Gaster, P. Ispirescu, Legende sau Basmele romnilor , in Revista pen tru istorie, arheologie i filologie, I (1882), p. 238-239.

Dr. M. Gaster: I Am a Bit of a Romanian Scholar

227

Literatura po pu lar romn55, a work which had been partly thought out during the time of his studies in Breslau. When he returned home, he read it in part in the Junimea group56 in the presence of Creang, Eminescu, Is pirescu, Slavici and of course B.P. Hasdeu a specialist in the field. Pu blished in 1883, the book was very well received both in the country57 and abroad especially in the scientific circles involving the great ro manists. It received rave reviews from Gustav Meyer58, Kristoffer Nyrop59, mile Picot60 and W. Rudow61, as a work unique in its manner. The Romanian Academy rejected it for a possible award, relying on the unfavourable report of a nonspecialist the bishop Melchisedec62 who did not even understand the patriotic motivation under lying the work which was to show that our people stands on the same level ma nian folk literature was of culture with other people of the West63. The rich Ro regarded as a link in a golden chain which uni tes all people64. Opting for an original methodology, that of especially according to its sources and in connection with

55 Cf. M. Gaster, Literatura popular romn. With an appendix: Voroava Ga ramanilor cu Alexandru Machedon by Nicolae Costin, Bucureti, Ig. Haimann, 1883, on which consult our work Din biografia unei lu crri centenare: Literatura popular romn de M. Gaster. Con tri buie documentar, in Anuarul de folclor, V-VII (1984-1986), Cluj-Napoca, 1987, p. 177-210. We will quote the second edition of this work published in Bucharest, Editura Minerva, 1983, with a preface and notes by the orientalist M. Anghelescu. 56 Cf. M. Gaster, Things that were, Ms. A (2): Reminiscences, p. 107; M. Gas ter n coresponden, p. 29: Letter of M. Gaster to Nicolae Cartojan from February 20, 1935. See Titu Maiorescu, nsemnri zilnice, Pu bli shed with an introduction, notes, facsimils and portraits by I. R du lescu-Pogoneanu, II (1881-1886), Bucureti, Editura Librriei Socec & Co., S.A., (1939), p. 123-125, 130, 148, 150, where the meetings of Ju nimea are mentioned when Gaster read fragments from Literatura popular romn. 57 Where it was reviewed by [Ioan Slavici], Literatura popular romn de Dr. M. Gaster (Bucureti, Ig. Haimann, 1883), in Educatorul, I (1883), 13, March 27, p. 104 (Bibliography); [G.I. Ionnescu]-Gion, D. dr. Gaster: Literatura popular romn (Haimann, Bucureti), in Ro mnul, XXIX (1885), January 8-9, p. 22-23 (Curierul literar) and Moses Schwarzfeld, Dr. M. Gaster, Literatura popular romn, in Anuar pentru israelii, VI (1883), p. 107-111. It was however not re viewed by the main journals of the time: Columna lui Traian, Con vor biri literare, Contemporanul, Revista pentru istorie, arheologie i filologie to which Gaster collaborated. 58 Cf. his review in the literary supplement of Mnchener Allgemeine Zei tung, 24, January 24, 1884, p. 347. We have used the French version of this review: [Gustav Meyer], Literatura popular romn, in La Ga zette de Roumanie, IV (1884), no. 676, January 20/February 1, p. 3 (Bibliographie). 59 Published in revue Romania of Gaston Paris, vol. XIX, 1885, no. 55-56, p. 149-155. We have used the Romanian version of this review: Kr. Nyrop, M. Gaster, Literatura popular romn , in Romnia liber, IX (1885), no. 2381 (June 28) and 2382 (June 29) (Partea literar). The review was published also in translation in: Contemporanul, IV (1885), no. 10-12, p. 463-470. 60 Cf. mile Picot, Literatura popular romn de M. Gaster , in Revue cri tique dhistoire et de littrature, XXIX (1885), tom XX, 34, August 24, p. 140-147. 61 Cf. W. Rudow, Literatura popular romn de M. Gaster, Bucureti, 1883, in Zeitschrift fr Romanische Philologie, XV (1891), p. 258-266. 62 Cf. Raportul P.S.S. Episcopul Melchisedec asupra operei Dlui Gaster, in Analele Academiei Romne, Seria II, tom V, edinele ordinare din 1882-1883 i Sesiunea general a anului 1883, Seciunea I. Partea ad mi nistrativ i dezbaterile, Bucureti, Tipografia Academiei Romne (La boratorii Romni), 1884, p. 163-170. 63 M. Gaster, Precuvntare la Literatura popular romn, Ed. Mircea An ghelescu, Bucureti, Editura Minerva, 1983, p. 3. 64 Ibid.

228

Virgiliu Florea

the literature of other peoples65 grouping and studying the entire folk literature of a people, Gaster uses a great number of manuscripts around 61, a c cording to the evaluation of ineanu66, belonging to esthetical, ethical and religious literature, establishing their origin and their constituent parts and insisting on the origin of folklore in written popular li terature. This time Gaster openly declares himself an adept of the mi grationist theory of Benfey, i.e. of an Indian or oriental origin of Eu ropean folktales. Gasters original contribution is the premise that an important part of folktales developed themselves out of short stories and novels, which the people gradually transformed into folktales. The he roes of those stories were given fantastic traits and supernatural faculties borrowed from ancient beliefs or from apocryphal plain literature or romances67. This origin dating back to novels and stories would ex the relatively young age of the stories and the great re sem blance between the tales of different peoples. The problem of circulation over large areas of popular tales was one of Gasters main concerns even after he settled in England. At the University of Oxford where he was appointed in 1886 with the help of Max Mller, and by the recommendation of Ascoli and Miklosich, the great kings of European philology68 as he called them, Gas ter lectured on the influence of Byzantine literature on Slavonic li terature and their combined influence on Romanian and universal li terature69. Attended by Max Mller and other great scholars, the lectures impressed their audience by the novelty of their outlook. There fore Gaster was offered funds to publish them in a volume called Il chester Lectures on Greeko-slavonic Literature and its Relation to the Folklore of Europe during the Middle Ages (1887). The editor, the famous Trbner, did not accept financial contributions from the au thor70. At about the same time, as a member of the Folklore Society, Gas ter again formulated the theory concerning the modern and literary ori gin of fokltales in several lectures71 and articles72 and also in the in troduction to his first English anthology of Romanian folktales Rumanian Bird and Beast Stories (1915), a first but massive attempt to in tegrate Romanian legends and stories in the universal circuit. Most En glish folklorists, as adepts of the anthropological theory on the origin of folktales formulated by Andrew Lang, also a member of the Society, re garded Gasters theory with great reserve73, but still they admired the novelty of the authors contribution and the determination with which, as an excellent connoisseur of south-eastern European literature74, he defended
65 Ibid., p. 4. 66 Cf. Lazr ineanu, Istoria filologiei romne. Studii critice de. C-o pre fa de B.P. Hasdeu, Bucureti, Editura Librriei Socec & Comp., 1892, p. 334. 67 M. Gaster, Literatura popular romn, p. 359. 68 M. Gaster, Things that were, Ms. A (2): Reminiscences, p. 67 and Ms. C: (Reminiscences II), p. 103. 69 M. Gaster, op. cit., Ms. C: (Reminiscences II), p. 104. 70 Cf. for other details Virgiliu Florea, M. Gaster i conferinele sale de la Uni versitatea din Oxford (1886), in Biblioteca i cercetarea, XII (1987), Cluj-Napoca, 1988, p. 121-138. 71 Cf. M. Gaster, The modern origin of fairy-tales, in The Folklore Jour nal, V (1887), p. 339-351. 72 Cf. M. Gaster, Szkely Tales. Introduction, in Folklore, IV (1893), p. 328-331. 73 Proven by the unsigned review to Ilchester Lectures on Greeko Slavonic Li terature and its Relation to the Folklore of Europe during the Middle A ges. By M. Gaster. London. 1887 (Trbner), 8vo, pp. 229, in The Fol klore Journal, V (1887), p. 358. 74 Ibid.

Dr. M. Gaster: I Am a Bit of a Romanian Scholar

229

his principles and ideas. Consequently, they e lected him president of the Society in 1907. To its benefit, he delivered two presidential addresses and he contributed to its publication around 30 works, many of them on Romanian folklore, but also an impressive num ber of reviews of books on semitic culture and east-European culture75. Their theoretical and methodological importance aside, his works con tributed to the spread of Romanian literature and folklore to wider au diences. To this purpose he contributed to several English encyclo pedias76 including the famous Encyclopaedia 77 so published a volume of Romanian folkltales Childrens Stories Britannica ; he al from Rumanian Legends and Fairy Tales (1922) the second edition Ta les of Wonder in 1933. He delivered a number of lectures and took part in organizing Romanian exhibits offering for display valuable pieces of his collection of folk art; he offered his assistance to those in En gland who were interested in the different aspects of Romanian culture. Dr. Gaster was also an ambassador of Romania to this country said D.N. Ciotori, special counsellor of the Romanian Legation in Lon don and a delegate of the Romanian Academy at the 80th birthday of the great scholar, because in England he made known Romanian life and literature, folklore and legend, during more than half a century78. Also during his English period he published Chrestomatie romn (1891) considered to be his masterpiece. He prepared it in advance, wor king on it for 10 years, parallel to his work on Romanian popular li te rature, accompanied by the publication of other old Romanian literature in different specialized journals79. The work sums up extracts from 100 manuscripts and almost the same number of printed works80. It also comprises unpublished dialect and folkloric texts, with a scientific aparatus in Romanian and French which made it ac ce sible to foreign researchers as a precious work instrument. This has be en proven by the special reception it was given through favorable reviews81 signed by Romanian specialists Romulus Ionacu82,
75 Cf. Allan Gomme, Dr. Moses Gaster. 16th September, 1856 5th March, 1939, in Folklore, 50 (1939), p. 205-206. See also Venetia Newall, op. cit., p. 197-225. 76 Among which New Gresham Encyclopedia and Encyclopaedia of Edu cation. 77 Cf. The Encyclopaedia Britannica. A dictionary of Arts, Sciences, Lite ra ture and General Information, Eleventh Edition, Cambridge, at the Uni versity Press, 1910 (vol. 1-14), 1911 (vol. 15-29), in which he pu bli shed articles on personalities of Romanian history and culture like: Alec sandri, Basarab, Brncoveanu, Cantemir, Cantacuzino, Cuza, Emi nescu, Ghica, Hasdeu, Mavrocordat, Sturdza, Vcrescu. He also wrote ar ticles on Romanian literature, on the Bogomils and on the Gypsies. 78 The written text dated November 1, 1936 of the Romanian diplomats speech kept in the Gaster archives in London: Above all, Dr. Gaster has been for us a great cultural ambassador. 79 Published especially in Revista pentru istorie, arheologie i filologie, but also in other famous foreign magazines: Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology or Archivio Glottologico Italiano of G.I. Ascoli etc. Cf. Bruno Schindler, List of Books and Papers of Dr. M. Gas ter, in Occident and Orient. Gaster Anniversary Volume, p. 21-36, published again under the title List of Publications of Dr. M. Gaster, in Gaster Centenary Publication. Edited by B. Schindler, Dr. Phil., Lon don, Percy Lund, Humphries & Co. Ltd., 1958, p. 23-40. 80 Lazr ineanu, op. cit., p. 388. 81 Only the review signed by A. Densuianu (Revista critic-literar, I, 1893, 4, p. 160-178) and an anonymous review in Literarisches Cen tral blatt, 1892, no. 1, also that of Al. Philippide in Literaturblatt fr ger manische und romanische Philologie, XIII, 1982, 4, p. 128-132 are, after our knowledge, negative. 82 Cf. Romulus Ionacu, O privire scurt asupra crestomaielor romne, in Gazeta Transilvaniei, LIV, 1891, 181, August 17/29, p. 1-3.

230

Virgiliu Florea

t.V. Na nul83, etc.84 and foreigners (Th. Gartner85, Wilhelm Meyer-Lbke86, Richard 87 gand90) and in many special Otto , mile Picot88, Jan Urban Jarnik89 and Gustav Wei 91 ma nian Academy rejected its nomination for an letters received by Gaster . The Ro award because of the li mited contribution of the author, as it was put by N. Ionescu92, dis re garding the difficulties implied by the editing of such a work and its enormous practical importance. At about the same time and in the same vein is Gasters attempt, on ly partly achieved, to publish, at the suggestion of Take Ionescu, his old time friend93, the famous Tetraevanghel al lui Radu de la M ni ceti, from 1574, kept in the collection of the British Museum. Even though it was ready to be printed in 189494, the work was unfortunately aban doned, because of the fall in Romania of the Conservative gover n ment and its replacement with a Liberal government led by D. A. Stur dza, the principal author of M. Gasters expulsion from the country. The work was however issued by the State printing Press in 1929 un der the incorrect title of Tetraevanghelul Diaconului Coresi of 1561, with out Gasters knowledge and agreement, and consequently he ha dnt been able to add the introduction and glossary so useful to such a work. A few years later, Gaster published in Grbers Grundriss his Geschi chte der rumnische Literatur (1901). It had been at that time tre mendously useful for giving foreign scholars a more exact image of Romanian literature and folklore. According to Gaster, the work re presented a first attempt to use over 500 manuscripts, some un known, some completely ignored, and it served as a basis and as a mo del for the great scholars of the Balkan Peninsula in describing their own national literature95.
83 Cf. t.V. Nanul, M. Gaster, Chrestomathie roumaine , in Revista So ci etii Tinerimea Romn, VIII, 1893, 2, p. 42-43. 84 Cf. Chrestomaia romn , in Amvonul, I, 1891, 27, p. 8; 28, p. 7-8; 29, p. 7-8; 30, p. 7-8; 31, p. 6-8. From indirect sources we know that re views have been published in: Adevrul and LIndpendance Roumaine. 85 Cf. Th. Gartner, M. Gaster, Chrestomathie roumaine, in Deutsche Li teraturzeitung, XIII, 1892, 22, p. 723-726. 86 Cf. Wilhelm Meyer-Lbke, Gaster M., Chrestomathie Roumaine, in Anzeiger fr indogermanische Sprach und Altertumskunde, I, no. 1, p. 29. 87 Richard Otto, Gasters rumnische Chrestomathie, in Beilage zur All ge meinen Zeitung, 1892, 14, p. 1-4; 15, p. 4-6. 88 mile Picot, Chrestomathie roumaine, in Romania, 21, 1892, 81, p. 113-119. 89 Cf. (Jan Urban Jarnik), Chrestomaie romn, in Athenaeum, 1892, 9-10, p. 287-288. 90 Cf. Gustav Weigand, Chrestomathie roumaine, in Zeitschrift fr ro ma nische Philologie, XVI, 1892, p. 265-268. 91 Signed by great scholars like: G.I. Ascoli, Kr. Nyrop, Gaston Paris, Gustav Grber. 92 Cf. N. Ionescu, Raport ctre Comisiunea premielor anuale, in Analele Aca demiei Romne. Dezbateri, Seria II, tom XV, 1892-1893, p. 339. 93 For whom Gaster also prepared Instruciunea n Englitera. A Report to the Ministry of Cults and Public Instruction, Bucureti, Tipografia Curii Regale F. Gbl Fii, 1893, 76 p., meant to stand, like works on education in other coun tries, as a basis for the reforming of the school system desired by Ta ke Ionescu, who had become Minister of Cults and Public Instruction. 94 Cf. Virgiliu Florea, Din istoricul editrii unui manuscris romnesc: Evan gheliarul de la British Museum (1574), in Biblioteca i cer ce ta rea, XI, 1987, Cluj-Napoca, 1987, p. 213-232. 95 Letter of M. Gaster to M. Boerescu, November 21, 1920. The data offered con cerns his entire Romanian studies. Was to be used in the introduction through which the Romanian minister was to present M. Gaster to the Bri tish public and his lecture Greek Influence on Rumanian Literature gi ven on November 23, 1920 at Kings College, University of London.

Dr. M. Gaster: I Am a Bit of a Romanian Scholar

231

Translated into Romanian for his personal use96, it was later prepared by Gaster as an edition97 which in the end did not get published and thus this important and much appreciated li terary history98 was relatively little used by Romanian scholars. In the summer of 1934, Gaster was visited by Prof. N. Cartojan of Bucha rest. At this time Gaster commited himself to an edition of Anton Pann the popular writer he was interested in all of his life. It was for the collection Clasicii romni comentai of the Scrisul Ro m nesc publishing house of Craiova. From this edition99, only volume one was issued in 1936, Povestea vorbii, accompanied by a vast intro ductory study, an important part of which refers to the life, de ve lopment and evolution of proverbs100. It also containes a biography of Pann, the best at its time. The second volume, only partly edited, was su pposed to contain O eztoare la ar, Nastratin Hogea and Hristoitia101. This volume was never finished due to the unsettling events lea ding to the second world war, when Gaster retired to the English coun tryside, far from his enormous library. He continued to publish un til the end of his life and some of his work were published after his death102. He died on March 5, 1939 while he was on his way, old and ill as he was, to deliver a lecture on Romanian folklore at the University of Reading. In an older letter, attached to his will, were written some tou ching lines by the unsteady hand of the scholar, who had dedicated his life to deciphering old Romanian manuscripts: As to the library, keep it undivided as long as possible. The longer you keep the greater will be the value. If possible, sell it to the Romanian Government. It will make Romania a great literary centre103.

96 Letter of M. Gaster to N. Condeescu, November 24, 1930. 97 An idea, probably suggested by the literary historian P.V. Hane who a nnounced Gaster on June 27, 1926, that he had contacted S. Benvenisti, the owner of the publishing house Ancora and that he had pleasantly received the offer to print Ist(oria) Lit(eraturii). See also the letter of M. Gaster to Artur Gorovei, from October 30, 1929, and the letter of Au rica Gellert to M. Gaster, from January 7, 1930. 98 Cf. Sextil Pucariu, Istoria literaturii romne. Epoca veche, Second edi ti on, completed with a critical bibliography and index, Sibiu, Tiparul i Edi tura Krafft & Drotleff S.A., 1930, p. 212. 99 Letter of M. Gaster to Bertha Gaster, May 8, 1935. 100 I. Mulea, Dr. M. Gaster folklorist, p. 210. 101 Cf. Virgiliu Florea, M. Gaster i N. Cartojan, in M. Gaster n cores pon den, p. 6. 102 Cf. Moses Gaster, More Rumanian Bird and Beast Stories. Translated by.., in Folklore, L, 1939, p. 259-263. Published posthumously by his son Theodor H. Gaster, a future great orientalist, these stories are dated Ja nuary 16, 1939, thus being translated only o short time before his death. 103 Unfortunately the circumstances after the war have made impossible the acquisition by the Romanian Government of the valuable Gaster li brary, which has remained in England and sold separately. Fortunately the Romanian part, around 3500 volumes, the one that interests us now, was bought around 1952 by the School of Slavonic and East European Stu dies, which has a section for Romanian language and literature. Cf. De nnis Deletant, A survey of the Gaster Books in the School of Slavonic and East European Studies Library, in Solanus (London), 1975, 10, p. 14-23. See also Idem, Fondul Gaster n Biblioteca Universitii din Londra, in Almanah Tribuna 76, p. 204207.

Repere etnografico-folclorice n vechea noastr lexicografie. I: Dicionarele latino-romne

Alin-Mihai Gherman
Universitatea 1 Decembrie Alba Iulia
naintea activitii colii Ardelene, se redactaser n literatura noastr veche trei dicionare latino-romne: Dictiones Latinae cum Valachica interpretatione a lui Teodor Corbea1, Lexicon marsilanum2 i Lexicon Compendiarium Latino-Valachicum a lui Grigore Maior3. Cu excepia lui Lexicon marsilianum, accesibil specialitilor prin ediia publicat, n 1932, de Carlo Tagliavini, celelalte dou lucrri, pstrate pn de curnd doar n manuscris, au fost puin accesibile cercettorilor, motiv pentru care, credem c o poposire asupra informaiilor etnografico-folclorice pot aduce unele contribuii utile pentru cei care se ocup de aceste domenii. Un prim fapt pe care trebuie s l subliniem este funcia de echivalare cultural pe care i-o asum aceste lucrri: avnd un puternic caracter enciclopedic, cele trei
1 Fiu al unui preot din cheii Braovului, Teodor Corbea (cca. 1670-ante 1725) a avut, alturi de fratele su, David, eminent diplomat al sfritului secolului al XVII-lea i primul deceniu al celui de al XVIII-lea, ansa unei foarte bune educaii la o coal de tip occidental. Cunosctor al latinei, maghiarei, slavonei, rusei etc. a fost secretarul de limb latin al lui Constantin Brncoveanu. n 1711 fuge n urma eecului campaniei lui Petru I n Moldova i ara Romneasc, alturi de Dimitrie Cantemir, Toma Cantacuzino i alii n Rusia, unde a funcionat ca secretar pentru limba romn n cancelaria lui Petru cel Mare. n urma lui rmn un mare dicionar latin-romn cu peste 37.000 de cuvinte-titlu latine (cea mai ampl lucrare lexicografic a literaturii noastre vechi) i o Psaltire n versuri compus n jurul lui 1705. I se mai atribue, printre altele i prima parte din Letopiseul rii Romneti de la 1688 (Anonimul brncovenesc) i alte lucrri, Dicionarul su a fost redactat ntre 1691-1702, mai probabil n prima parte a acestui interval din plata printelui Mitrofan, episcopul de Buzu. O ediie a lucrrii am publicat-o n 2001, la Edtura Clusium din Cluj-Napoca. 2 Redactat n Banat n jurul lui 1700. Fiind pstrat n coleia de manuscrse a contelui Luigi Ferdinando Marsigli, care a ntovrit trupele habsburgice n avansul lor n bazinul panonic din ultimele dou decenii ale secolului al XVII-lea (manuscrisul se afl la ora actual la Biblioteca Universitii din Padova). A fost numit de editorul su, Carlo Tagliavini Il Lexicon Marslianum. Dizionario latino-rumeno-ungherese del sec XVII. Studio filologico e testo i publicat sub egida Academiei Romne, n 1930. Lexiconul marsilian conine 2495 cuvinte-titlu latine. Va fi prezent n studiul nostru sub sigla L. M. 3 Nscut n Srvzel (jud. Satu-Mare), Grigore Maior a studiat la unul din colegiile iezuite din Ungaria, la Academia iezut din Cluj i, cu o burs datorat lui Inochentie Micu Clain, la Colegiul De Propaganda Fide din Roma. i-a redactat dicionarul ntre 1759 i 1765 (lucrarea avnd cteva intervenii manuscrise datorate prietenului su, clugrul Silvestru Caliani, dup aceast dat i pn n 1771 aflndu-se cu regim de detenie la Mnstirea Greco-Catolc din Muncaci (Munkaevo, Slovacia). ntre 1772 i 1782 a fost Episcop greco-catolic al Transilvaniei. A murit n 1784. Dicionarul su, ajuns n Bibioteca Arhimitropolei din Kollocsa (sudul Ungariei) a fost editat de subsemnatul n 2001, la Editura Universitii din Alba-Iulia. Dicionarul cuprinde cca. 12650 cuvinte-titlu latine. Pentru materialul extras de acolo vom folos sigla G. M.

234

Alin-Mihai Gherman

lucrri ncearc s actualizeze i s echivaleze n mintea cititorului imaginea Antichitii; dicionarul lui Corbea, n mod special, cuprinde i un numr foarte mare de nume proprii. Toate ncearc s echivaleze prin lexicul care era la ndemna autorului lor multe din cuvintele latine, ceea ce face ca referinele la lumea de la sfritul secolului al XVII-lea i din prima jumtate a celui de al XVIII-lea s fie i numeroase i semnificative. i, ntruct universul romnesc din aceast perioad era cu preponderen cel rural, terminologia etnografic i folcloric ptrunde masiv n aceste lucrri lexicografice, nu puine din cuvinte gsindu-i aici prima lor atestare n limba romn, mai ales n situaia n care, majoritatea textelor redactate n epoc fiind religioase, fortuit terminologia vieii cotidiene nu i gsea loc n acestea. Astfel, n dicionarul lui Teodor Corbea, articole de mbrcminte latine sunt denumite cu termenii care i erau familiari lui: cioareci, ndragi i alvari caliga, g.f.4 cioareci, lvari, ndragi [L.M.: ndragi; G.M.: cioareci], caligaris,-e de ndragi, de cioareci, caligarius,-a,-um ndrgesc,-, idem, caligatus,-a,-um ndrgesc,-, ciorecesc,-, Caligula, g.f. ndrgel, ciorecel; iar: numele mpratului Caius, tibiale, g.n. cioareci, lvari [G.M. oloari!]; cojoc este i el mult folosit de Teodor Corbea: diphthera, g.f. cojoc flocos pstoresc, pelliceus,-a,-um cojocos,-, de cojoc, pellicium, g.n. cojoc [G. M.: pelliceum cojoc, pelliculo,as astupu cu cojocu, pellio,-onis, g.m.: cojocari, pelliris, g.f. ilic de cojoc, pellitus,-a,-um cojocit,-, sau cu cojoc blnit, pieit,-, rheno,-onis, g.m.: cojoc, conte, cojoc de berbeaci, de areate; la fel i bobou gaunacum, vestimentum crassum, Varro bobou, laena, g.f. bobou, baeta, g.f. hain flocoas, nsturoas, bobou5 sau cmea: indusiatus,-a,-um cmat,-, cmos,-, indusium, g.n. cmea[L.M.: cmea; G.M.: cmea], subligaculum, g.n. ndrag, izmeane, cmoi [G.M.: cioareci, izmene]6 Dicionarele n cauz evoc un ntreg univers al vieii cotidiene a ranului, obiecte casnice sau de mbrcminte precum: procovi cento, g.m.: procovi crpit [G. M.: ol, pocrovii, gausapina, g.f. hain de vreame de ploaie, procovi [L.M.: pocrovi; G. M.: gausape undr, ub], obstragulum, g.n. acoperemnt, ol, procovi, sagma,-atis, g.n. procovi acoperitoare de a; sarec i cerg gausape, g.f. cerg, ptur, sarec, procovi, amphitapa, g.f. sarec flocoas de-amndoao prle, bardocucullus, g.m.: sarec, cilicinus,-a,-um din pr sut sarec, endromis, g.f. sarec [G. M.: endoronis undr], heteromaschalon, g.n. sarec care numai de o parte iaste proas; ol lodix, g.f. pocrovi, ol [G. M.: ol], lodicula, g.f. pocrovicioar, olior, lodix, g.f. pocrovi, ol suman symballata, g.n.pl. tol, sucman, conte lnos [la G. M.: sagulum sumnan] evoc la Corbea doar cteva din textilele care erau folosite pentru protecie de frig sau ploaie. Impresionant este i seria de sinonime care denumesc acoperemntul de pe capul femeilor (dar aici intrm i n teritoriul mbrcminii n general):,tergar chindeu pomisealnic pichir, nfram brobodealnic, zbranic, mantellum, g.n. pichiri, pomisealnic, chindeu, mfram, tergari, mantile, g.n.
4 Cu caractere grase (bold) au fost culese cuvintele sau poriunile de text scrise cu litere latine. Cu caractere nclinate (italice) am introdus comentariile noastre n citatul respectiv. 5 Maior nu cunoate acest cuvnt, n schimb folosete chepeneag, cuvnt necunoscut la Corbea. 6 La G. M. bracca cioarec.

Repere etnografice n vechea noastr lexicografie

235

tergari, pichir, chindeu, pomesealnic, mframL.M.: chengheu] subfibulum, g.n.; sive: suffibulum mfram cu copce n patru cornuri, instita, g.f. mfram, brobodealnic, giolgi, zbranic de pcatul fmeiei, linteum, g.n. mfram, hain dinainte, ur [L.M.: lepedeu], calyptra, g.f. acoperemnt, zbranic, brobodealnic, cidaris, g.f. zbranic turcesc, scofium. La fel de impresionant este i lista sinonimelor pentru sac i desagascopera, g.f. teac, ghiozdan, tulbi, bero, g.m.: tgr, sac, bulga, g.f. tgr, teil, traist [G.M: tac], canistrum, g.n. co, traist [G. M.: strai], corycium, g.n. ticsiu, teac, mantica, g.f. dsagi, traist, teil, burduf [G. M.: desagi, strai], manticula, g.f. dsgu, teail, burduf, pera, g.f. burduf de piiale, burduf de pit sau teac [G. M.: strai], sarcina, g.f. legtur, povar, mototol, tgr [L.M.: sarcin; G. M.: sarcin, povoar sic!], sacciperium, g.n. burduf, teac, dsag. La fel de variat este i seria sinonimic pentru covoraulum, g.n. pretari, conopeum, g.n. croam, zvast care o pun naintea cortului i a patului, cortina, g.f. pretari, fratilli,-orum, g.m.:pl. strane de covor i de pretariuri, gausape, g.f. cerg, ptur, sarec, procovi [L.M.: pocrovi; G. M.: undr, ub], instragulum, g.n. lepedeu, zvad, instratum, g.n. lepedeu de acoperit, acoperemntG. M.: aternut], integumentum, g.n. acoperemnt, lepedeu, plapom, linteanem, g.n. lepedeu, peristroma, g.n. pretari, lepedeu cu st!, toral, G.M.: lepedeu, boarf, siparium, g.n. zvaz spnzurtoare nainte, cerg acoperitoare de locul de jucat, covor, stragula, g.f. cerg, pocrovi, pocro [G. M.: ol], , tapes,-tis, g.m.: covor, pretari [G. M.: tapetum covor]. nfrumusearea prin coasere n culori a hainelor se numete la Corbea pui gur i prim: acupictor, g.m.: custori de pui sau de alalte, barbaricarius, g.m.: custori de chipuri cu pui, stori de mtase, lacinia, g.f. primuri, gure [dar G. M.: petic, crp], limbolarius, g.m.: croitori, primuitori, custori de gure, limbullus, g.m.: pimni, gure mici, gurioare (nu gura omului), limbus, g.m.: gure la rochiia fmeilor [L.M.: imul, G. M.: limus prim], segmentatus,-a,-um despicat, cu gure, cu brri, cu fioni mpodobit,- etc. A mpistri i a scrie cu dobitoace marcheaz i ele mpodobirea belluatus,a,-um cu dobitoace scris,-, zugrvit,-, ca un pretari, depingo,-is zugrvscu jos, mpistrezu cu pui [G. M.: zugrvesc], encaustus, g.m.: vopstori cu arderea, zugrav, zugrav mpistritori cu pui de stcle i de urcioare, encaustice, g.f. meterug de zugrvirea acestor fealiuri de zugrviri, museacus,-a,-um cu meterug mpistrit,-, cioplit,, musearius,-a,-um meter mpistritori, cioplitori,-re, vermiculatus,-a,-um ghizdav, picat, trceat,-, mpistrit etc. Ceramica ocup i ea un loc considerabil n terminologia romneasc cu care se echivaleaz diferiii termeni latineti: amphora, g.f. urcior, vas cu doao urechi [L.M.: canciol; G.M.: urcior], ansa, g.f. mnu de vas, antilena, g.f. preasn, averta, g.f. preasn, can, batiola, g.f. burcnel, batiocus, g.m. burcan, can, cantharus, g.m. nstrap [G.M.: cant], caprumculum, g.n. oal, urcior, capula, g.f. can cu mnu, can [G.M.: cup], capulo,-as cu itariul i cu cupa msuru, umplu, catinum, g.n. blid, crater, g.m. cup, phar, phar scobit [G.M.: cup], culullus, g.m. phar de gle, de crmid, urcior de but, cupa, g.f. cup, can [G.M.. cup], cyathus, g.m. phar [G.M.. phar], dyota, g.f. urcior de vin cu doao mnui, gabata, g.f. blid adnc, blid de acoperitt, hydria, g.f. vadr, urcior [L.M.: vas de ap; G.M.: vidr!], mansisterna, g.f. urcior de ap, vadr, mazon-

236

Alin-Mihai Gherman

muum, g.n. blid lat de pecie, mulctra, g.f. itari de muls, mulctrale, g.n. vas de muls, gleat [G.M.. mulctra, mulctrale: gleat, utar], nasiterna, g.f. vas de ap cu mnui, oenophorum, g.n. can, nstrap, vas de purtat vinul [G.M.: can, cup de vin], olla, g.f. oal [L.M.: oal; G.M.: oal], ollaris,-e de oal, olesc,-, ollula, g.f. oli, olioar [L.M.: olcu; G.M.: ulce], paropsis, g.f. blid [L.M.: blid], patera, g.f. potir, phar, patina, g.f. blid [G.M.: blid], phiala, g.f. phar cu flori [G.M.: fingie], poculum, g.n. phar [L.M.: phar; G.M.: potir, phar], poterium, g.n. phar, potir, pultarius, g.m. oal de hiert papa, blid de pap, samia, g.f. vas de pmnt, vas de hrburi, samiolus, g.m. vcior de pmnt, scutella, g.f. blidior, scutula, g.f. blidior, strchioar [G.M.: blidu], scutulatus,-a,-um blidiuros, cu strchioar, tros, trceat, brceat,-, scyphus, g.m. phar [G.M.: potir, phar], seris, g.f. vas de pmnt, oal de hrb, simplum, g.n. phar de pmnt, cu care au trit n jirtv, tegula, g.f. crmid, hrb acoperitori de case, gl [G.M.: crmid, tegl], testa, g.f. hrb, vas, gl [G.M.: vas de lut, chal, hrb], testaceus,-a,-um de hrb, de oale, testeus,-a,-um de hrb, de oale, testuactum, g.n. plcint coapt n hrb, n st, azm coapt supt st, supt coperemnt, testum, g.n. coperemnt, oal, st, cuptori de copt, urceolaris,-e de vas de pmnt, de urcior, urceolus, g.m. burcna, urciora [G.M.: urcior, ulce], urceus, g.m. urcior, vas de pmnt , num, g.n. cldare, urcior de aram, oal de hier etc. Dincolo de meteugul tradiional al olritului, menionm i civa termeni care denumesc obiecte provenite din atelierele fierarilor: ahenum, g.n. cldare, oal de hier [G.M.: cldare], cacabus, g.m. oal de hier, acoperemnt [G.M.: oal], coculum oal de hier, cucuma, g.f. cldare, oal de hier, cucumella, g.f. olioar de hier, tigi, culigna, g.f. scaf, gvan i oal, lebes,-tis, g.m. oal de hier, tigaie, tav [L.M.: cazan de pmnt; G.M.: oal de hier], plastice, g.f. meteug de oale, chipor formluit din tin, olrie etc. Dintre instrumentele muzicale de suflat cele mai cunoscute sunt buciumul, cimpoiul, surla7 i trmbia: nator, g.m. trmbita, ascauleus, g.m. bucintori, auletes, g.m. fluiera, bucinar, trmbita, surla, auleticus,-a,-um fluierresc,-, auldus, g.m. fluiera, buccina, g.f. bucin, trmbit [G.M.: bucin, trmbi], buccinator, g.m. bucintori, trmbita [G.M.: trmbia], buccino,-as bucinu [G.M.: trmbiez, bucinez], buccinum, g.n. trmbit, bucin, calamus, g.m. trestie, fluier de trestie, condeai [G.M. doar: trestie, condei], choraula, g.m. fluiera de jocuri, surlari, lutari, muzicaci [L.M.: chorea gioc], cicuta, g.f. fluier, cucut [G.M.: cucut, cimpoi], clango,-is trmbietezu [G.M.: clango tuba trmbiezu], clangor, g.m. glas de trmbit [G.M.: clangor tubae glas de trmbi], cornicen, g.m. bucin, crusculum fluiera, debuccino,-as bucinezu, trmbitezu, fistula, g.f. av; iar: fluier [G.M.: fluier]8, fistulo,-as gunos sntu; iar: fluieru [L.M.: fluier; G.M.: fluier, flator, g.m. sufltori, nfltori; iar: fluiera, trmbita [G.M.: sufltoriu], sibilo,-as uieru, fluieru [dar G.M.: vjiescu], sibilus, g.m. uierare, fluierare [dar G.M.: vjire], sifilo,-as, ant. pro sibilo uieru, fluieru, sistrum, g.n. clopol de aram, bucin strmb n care au zs popii eghipteneti n jrtva Isidisei [G.M.: drmb, imbal], subulo,-onis fluiera; iar: cerbule cruia nc nu i-au crescut coarne, syringa, g.f. fluier, bucin, syrinx,-cis, g.f. bucin, fluier [G.M.:
7 Corbea cunoate i surl cu sensul colib. 8 G.M. cunoate i fistulator fluiera.

Repere etnografice n vechea noastr lexicografie

237

syrinx, syringa scoc sic!], taratantara, g.f. glas de trmbit, tibia, g.f. ntiul os al pulpei, fluierul piciorului; item: surl, fluier [G.M.: fluierul piciorului; item: fluier], tibialis,-e fluierresc,-, de facerea fluierelor, tibicen, g.m. fluiera, surla [G.M.: cimpoiu], tibicina, g.f. fluierri, muiare de fluiera, de surla, tuba, g.f. trmbit, bucin [L.M.: trmbi; G.M.: trmbi, bucin; tuba caneo trmbitezu], tubarius, g.m. factori de trmbite, fctori de bucine, tubicen,-nis, g.m. trmbita, bucinari [L.M.: trmbia; G.M. trmbia], uter burduf, fluier, g.m. G.M.: burduf], utricularius, g.m. cimpoiari (fluiera cu burduf). Instrumentele cu coarde cunoscute de Corbea sunt cpuzul, luta, imbalul, aluta, psalterionul i chinfalul, ultimele dou fiind legate de instrumentele pomenite n Vechiul Testament. Lor le adaug Grigore Maior i cetera: Amphion, g.m. al lui Iupiteru sau al lui Miercurie fii de la Anioptul [sic!], gstoriul lutei i cpuzului, Anaxemor, g.m. lutari, viorari de la Magnesiia, Arion, g.m. un lutari mare pre care delfin n spinare l-au scos afar din mare, Aspendius, g.m. nume a unui cpuzari lutar, barbitum, g.n. cpuzu [G.M.: barbitus lut, ceter], chelyus, g.m. cpuzari, choraula, g.m. fluiera de jocuri, surlari, lutari, muzicaci, chorocitharistae, g.m.pl. lutari n hor, cithara, g.f. lut [G.M.: laut, ceter], citharista, g.m. lutari, citharistria, g.f. muiare (fat) muzica, juctoare cu ithera, citharizo,-as lutorescu, cpuzscu, citharoedicus,-a,-um de lut, lutresc,-, citharoedus, g.m. lutari [G.M.: lauta, cetra], fides, fidis, g.f. 3 decl. coard de lut, coard; iar: alut [L.M.: lut; G.M.: ceter], fidicen, g.m. alutari [L.M.: luta; G.M.: cetera], fidicina, g.f. alutreas, fidicinius,-a,-um alutresc,- de alutari, fidicula, g.f. cordioar, luti, lut mic[L.M.: lutul !], frequentamentum, g.n. ntru zcerea cu lut i n cntece al aceluia glas adease srguirea, lyra, g.f. lut, cpuz [G.M.: ceter, laut], lyricen, g.m. lutari, cpuzar [G.M.: cetera]i, lyricus,-a,-um lutesc,-, lyristes, g.m. lutari, Marsyas, g.m. un fluiera frighiian care cu Apollo au vrut n chip de veari a fluiera i a lutri; Apollo, pre dns biruindu-l, l-au belit de tot; iar: numele unii grle de la Frighiia, meseochorus, g.m. muzica stttori n miljocul ireagului, cpuzari, strunari, nablum, g.n. chimfal, lut care o chiiam i psalterion [G.M.: laut], nervinae, g.f.pl. coarde, coarde de lut, pandura, g.f. lut, cpuz [G.M.: ceter, laut], pandurizare a viora, a zce cu luta, a cpuza, a orgna, plectrum, g.n. pan de cpuz, arcu, nuia cu care bate la canon [G.M. arc], testudo,-nis, g.f. broasc stoas; iar: bolt; item: cpuz [G.M.: broasc cu st; item laut] etc. Iar dintre instrumentele de percuie se cunoate doar toba: i drmba, crora Grigore Maior le adaug un neologism timpan tympanista, g.m. doboari, mblmeari [G.M.: timpne], tympanizo,-as batu toba [G.M.: timpnez], tympanotriba, g.m. doboari, bttori de tob, tympanum, g.n. tob, imbal, drmb [G.M.: timpn]. Cntatul cu voce puternic, plin, primete la Corbea o definiie cel puin interesant: canorosus,-a,-um nglatec,-, adec n cntare unare, canorus,-a,-um nglat cnttori,-re [G.M.: glasnic]. Universul prediciunii, att de cultivat n Antichitate, este convertit n tlmcirile dicionarelor latino-romne din aceast perioad la unul familiar spiritului folcloric, cu observaia general c Grigore Maior, mai apropiat de spiritul iluminist, dar i ca om al Bisericii arat o evident rezerv fa de acest teritoriu al superstii-

238

Alin-Mihai Gherman

ei9: adamantis, g.f. ndrcit, vrjitoare iarb, addivino,-as prorocesc, vrjesc, auguraculum, g.n. loc de prorocire, adec de vrjire de lucruri viitoare, de gcit loc, auguralis,-e de prorocire, de prorocit, augurate noroceate, cu noroc, auguratio, g.f. gcire, prorocire [G.M.: prorocire], augurato gcieate, dup gcire, auguratus, g.m. gcitur, auguratus,-a,-um gcit,-, prorocit,-, augurium, g.n. gcire, augurium, g.n. gcire [G.M.: prorocire], auguro,-as gcescu [G.M.: prorocescu, vrjescu], auspex, g.m. gcitori de lucruri viitoare, auspicium, g.n. gcitur [dar G.M: nceput bun], auspicor,-aris gcescu, cum a proroci de nete lucruri viitoare; iar: ncepu [dar G.M.: ncep], ausppicialis,-e de gcit de lucruri viitoare, axinomnatia, g.f. gcitur sau vrjire prin topoar i struguri (cu care strujescu), botanomantia, g.f. gcitur cu ierburi, vrjitur, cheiromantia, g.f. gcitur de p palm i de p mn, divinatio, g.f. gcire de lucruri venitoare [G.M.: prorocire], divinator, g.m. gcitori, extispicium, g.n. gcire din maele vitelor celor de jrtv, faticanus, g.m. gcitori, gcitoriul rnduirei lui Dumnezu, fatiloquus,-i, g.m., -a gcitori,-re, vestitori afar de voia lui dumnezu, genethliacon, g.m. prorocire, urre de ceasul naterei, spunere de bucurie, vrjire, urre, genethliacus,-a,um prorocitori din natere,-re, urtori,-re, hariola, g.f.prorocitoare, gcitoare, hariolatio, g.f. gcire, prorocie [G.M.: prorocire], hariolor,-aris poruncescu, gcescu de lucruri viitoare [G.M.: prorocesc], hariolus, g.m. gcitori, prorocitori [L.M.: vrjitor; G.M.: proroc]a, haruspex,-cis, g.o. gcitori, gcitoare din vedearea maelor vitelor, haruspica, g.f. gcitoare, haruspicina, g.f. nvtur de gcituri, haruspicinus,-a,-um de gcit de lucruri viitoare, haruspicium, g.n. gcire de ceale viitoare den privirea maelor sau din vedearea [sic!], hydromantia, g.f. gcire sau prorocire den ap, ignispicium, g.n. gcire sau prorocire din foc, metoposcopus, g.m. gcitori din privirea frunei i a obrazului, necromanteia, g.f. gcire din privirea morilor sau ngroprilor, necromantes, g.m. gcitori sau prorocitori de mori, de pogrebanii, necromanticus,-a,-um ntrebtori de pogrebanii (de murituri) p gcitori (prorocitori), physionomia, g.f. prorocire, gcire din lucrurile firnice, praedictio, g.f. nainte zceare, prorocire, gcire [G.M.: prorocire], praedivinatio, g.f. nainte gcire, prorciren, praedivino,-as nainte gcescu, praesagitio, g.f. nainte smre, gcire, praesagus,-a,-um nainte smtori,-re, gcitori,-re, praesciens,tis, g.o. nainte tiutori,-re, praescientia, g.f. mai dinainte tiina gcitorilor, tiut de gcit, praescio,-is mai dinainte tiu, prognostes, g.m. gcitori, care tie spune lucruri viitoare, prognosticon, g.m. smnul lucrurilor viitoare, pyromantia, g.f. gcire din foc, pythonicus, g.m. care gceate prin dracul, sau din care spune diiavolul gcituri viitoare, omen,-nis, g.n. gcire, prorocire de urmarea bunului sau raului noroc, gcitur din graiul cuiva [G.M.: smn] etc. Regsim i folclorul magic tipic romnesc farmec, descntec, vraj: cantamen, g.n. vrjitur, vraj, descntec, catamance, g.f. fealiul ierbii, cu care muierile thessalineance au frmcat ibomnicii, excanto,-as descntu, farmecu [G.M.: descnt], exorcismus,-i, g.m. silire cu jurmnt, silire, gonire de drac,
9 Semnificativ este diferena n definire a nsui termenului superstitio: La Corbea este cinstire de Dumnezu viclean, farmc, teamere mare, n timp ce la Grigore Maior ea este definit mult mai ferm: boboan, nchiinarea bozilor. La fel, noiunea de previziune a unor fapte este circumscris de Corbea cu gcire, n timp ce Grigore Maior accept doar termenul legat de religie prorocire: vaticinatio, g.f. gcire [G.M.: prorocire], vaticinator, g.m. gcitori [G.M.: prorocesc], vaticinium, g.n. spunere de ceale viitoare, gcire, vaticinor,-aris gcescu.

Repere etnografice n vechea noastr lexicografie

239

exorcisso,-as farmecu, afar silescu, hippomanes, g.m. bucat de carne spnzurtoare p fruntea mnzuleului, pre care, ndat de cum fat, o rumpe iapa jos, cu care multe farmece gonesc vrjitorii, incantamentum, g.n. descntare [G.M.: descntare, vraj, descntec], incantator, g.m. descnttori [G.M.: descnttoriu], incanto,-as descntu [G.M.: descnt]10, incentio, g.f. cnttur; iar: descntare, magia, g.f. frmctur [G.M.: drce, boboan, vrje], magice,-es, g.f. nvtur drceasc, vrjitur, magicus,-a,-um de drcii, frmctoresc,-, vrjitoresc,- [G.M.: vrjitoriu], magus, g.m. nelept ndrcit, frmctori, descnttori [G.M.: vrjitoriu], percantatrix, g.f. cnttoare; iar: descnttoare, pharmaceutria, g.f. frmctoare, saga, g.f. zgr, frmctoare, dscnttoare, strigoaie [L.M.: strigoaie; G.M.: strgoaie], sortilegium, g.n. gcire cu darea sorlor [G.M.: fermectur], sortilegus, g.m. gcitori cu darea sorlor, alegtori ceva cu sori [G.M.: fermectoriu], superstitiose, adv. frmctoreate, superstitiosus,-a,-um frmccios,- [G.M.: vrjitoriu], trivenefica, g.f. strgoaie frmctoare ndrcit [G.M.: strgoaie], veneficia, g.f. strgoaie ndrcit, frmactoare [G.M.: vrjitoare], veneficus,a,-um frmctori,-re, ndrcit,- [G.M.: vrjitoriu] etc. Bineneles, universul legat de deochi este i el prezent: carmen, g.n. vear: iar: cntec, deochiiare [G.M.: ver, cntare], effascinatio, g.f. deochiiare [G.M.: gheocheare], effascino,-as deochiiu [G.M.: gheochiu], fascinans,-tis, g.o. deochietori,-re, legtori,-re, fascinatio, g.f. deochiiare, legare [G.M.: gheochiare], fascino,-as deochiiu, legu [G.M.: gheochiu], fascinum, g.n. deochiiat, legtur [G.M.: gheocheal], praefiscine, adv. nedeochiiat etc. Un ntreg univers al bocetului ne este evocat de traducerea unor cuvinte latine care nu aveau neaprat sensul pe care l ia cuvntul n folclorul romnesc plngerea morilor: aggemo,-is,-ui m tnguiesc (spre ceva), m bocescu, gemu (spre ceva), delamentor,-aris bocescu, tnguiescu, deplango,-is foarte m bocescu, deploro,as plngu, m bocescu [L.M.: jelesc; G.M.: plng], elegia, g.f. vear plngcios, bocitori, cntare, alaghie [sic!], elegidion, g.n. verule de bocit, elegus,-a,-um de vearuri de tnguit, elgiacus,-a,-um de cntare de bocit, elegiographus, g.m. scriitori de eleghii, de vearuri de bocit, fletus,-a,-um plns,-, bocit,- [L.M.: fletus plnsoare; G.M.: plnsoare], glubo,-is bocescu, G.M.: jelesc], illacrymo,-as tare plngu, bocescu [G.M.: lcrmez], lachrymabundus,-a,-um lcrmtorealnic,, bocealnic,-, lachrymatio, g.f. lcrmare, bocire, plngere [G.M.: lcrmare], lachrymose lcrmieate, bocieate [dar G.M.: cu lacrmi], lachrymosus,-a,um lcrmos,-, lcrmicios,- [G.M.: lcrmos, lamentabilis,-e tnguicios,-, bocitorealnic,-, lamentae, g.f.pl. veteribus pro lamenta-tionibus bocire, bocitur, plngere, lamentarius,-a,-um pornitori spre bocire,-re, lamentatio, g.f. bocire, tnguiare [G.M.. plngere]], lamentatus,-a,-um bocit, Tnguiat,-, lamentor,-aris bocescu, plngu, lamentum, g.n. ponosluire bocitoare [G.M.: plnsoare], lessus,us, g.m. bocire, suspinare, luctifer,-a,-um aductori de bocete, de tnguiri,-re, luctificus,-a,-um fctori de bocete,-re, luctisonus,-a,-um cu glas de tnguire (sau cu sunet), luctus,-us, g.m. bocire, tnguiare, plngere, amrre, jale, jelire [G.M.: jal !, jlire], lugendus,-a,-um bocealnic,-c, lugeo,-es plngu, m amrscu, jelescu, lugetur, imperso. s boceate, s jeleate, lugubris,-e de bocit, de jelit, monodia, g.f. cntare de ngropciune bocitoare, opploro,-as nainte-i plngu, m
10 G.M. cunoate i incantatus descntat.

240

Alin-Mihai Gherman

bocescu spre dns, plorabundus,-a,-um olecitori,-re, bocitori,-re, plngtori, plorandus,-a,-um plngtorealnic, plorator, g.m. plngtori, ploratus,-a,-um plns,-, ploratus,-us, g.m. plns, plngere, ploro,-as plngu, m oleciescu, praefica, g.f. fmeaie plngtoare de mort tocmit n simbrie (sau nderepttoare de jale), quiritatus,-us bocire, vietare, pare cu glas de vai, quirito,-as strgu, ponosluiescu, cvirituseanilor m jeluiescu, de la romani ajutori ceiu etc. Teodor Corbea nu folosete n dicionarul su cuvntul colind; el apare ns n Lexicon Marsilianum canticum colind11, fiindu-i cunoscut i lui Grigore Maior cantatio cntare, colind12. Un grup de cuvinte pe care l ntlnim doar n Dicionarul latin-romn al lui Teodor Corbea ridic, ns, o problem deosebit, att pentru lingviti, ct i pentru folcloriti. Este vorba de: assa vox glas pustiu, fr de scule dinuitor, incino,is,-nui cntu spre dns sau mpreun cu unealte dinuiescu13, lallo,-as lliescu, dinuiescu14, minurizatio, g.f. dinuire15, minurizo,-as dinuiescu, vitulor,-aris m bucuru, diniescu16, Toate sunt n relaie cu noiunea de a cnta i n toate recunoatem sensul verbului a doini i derivatele sale doinire, doinitor, anterioare cu dou decenii cunoscutei consemnri a cuvntului doin fcute de Dimitrie Cantemir n Descriptio Moldavi. Dar fonetismele sunt cel puin contrariante i, dup tiina noastr, nemenionate de alte surse. Dicionarul limbii romne (DLR). Serie nou cunoate verbele a se dina17cu sensurile a se mica, a se cltina ntr-o parte i cealalt, a se legna i a se da pe ghia i a dinui18 cu sensurile: a continua s existe, a se prelungi n timp i, (livresc), a subzista; de asemenea mai menioneaz o serie de cuvinte din familia lui a dina (dinare, dinat, din, dinial, diniat, dinu toate avnd la baz sensul de a se legna) i dinui (dineal, dinuire, dinuitor, toate avnd la baz sensul a continua s existe, a se prelungi n timp). O excepie o face cuvntul atestat n Oltenia (Bistria-Drobeta-Turnu Severin) cu sensul de mldios, derivat de DLR din a dina19. Nici a dina, nici a dinui nu au n dicionarele noastre o etimologie cert i nici una din forme nu face trimitere la doin, a doini. n situaia n care aceast parte a dicionarului nu a fost nc editat, nu putem dect s bnuim c nu se face vreo legtur ntre aceste cuvinte i familia cuvntului doin. Ori formele pe care le ntlnim la Corbea sugereaz o asemenea relaie. Ca la toate cuvintele cu etimologie necunoscut, trebuie luat n calcul i posibilitatea originii dacice a acestui cuvnt. Ea a fost evocat de Hasdeu i Cihac, asociind cuvntul romnesc cu lituanianul dain cntec, cntec popular, dar considerat neconvingtoare de Alexandru Cio11 n ediia lui C. Tagliavini este incorect transcris: kenticul, dar reluat corect n indicele lexical romnesc. La Corbea: canticum, g.n. cntec. 12 La Corbea: cantatio, g.f. cntare. 13 G. Guu, n Dicionar latin-romn, Bucureti, Editura tiinfific, 1983, p. 594: a face s se aud un cntec, a intona, 14 Ibidem, p. 680: a cnta nani-nani. 15 Cuvntul nu exist la G. Guu, care cunoate doar: minrio a ciripi, a gurui. 16 G. Guu a treslta de bucurie. 17 Tom I, partea 3-a, p. 90. 18 Idem, p. 91. 19 Idem, p. 91)

Repere etnografice n vechea noastr lexicografie

241

rnescu20, care ofer o alt etimologie cel puin improbabil: sl (sb.) daljina care are sensul de deprtare. La fel de improbabil este explicaia oferit de Scriban de la germanul medieval don, ton ca i cea a lui Tiktin, care l consider ca un derivat de la un *doire <lat. dolre. Formele din dicionarul lui Corbea evoc o apropiere a cuvintelor dinui i doini. Dac aa stau lucrurile, trebuie cutat o etimologie comun. Din nou putem reveni la ideea unui cuvnt care aparine substratului dacic al limbii romne, forma din lituanian daina cntec, cntec popular, descntec, colind (care are o bogat familie de cuvinte din care amintim: dainavimas cntnd ncet, murmurnd etc.) este o confirmare doar a unei origini comune indoeruropene, i o explicaie poate veni de la forma indoeuropean d- menionat de Gerhard Kbler n Indogermanisches Wrterbuch21 tradus flich, flieen adic curgtor. Ori asocierea care se poate face cu sinonimul doinei cntec lung, intuit de muzicologi, dar neluat n seam de filologi, ne poate conduce la o explicaie etimologic comun. Categoric, suntem n faa unor supoziii i cercetri viitoare le vor confirma sau infirma. Oricum aceste cercetri nu se vor putea face prin ignorarea materialului oferit de vechea lexicografie romneasc, pe care dorim s o investigm n aceast direcie i n alte studii.

20 Dicionarul etimologic al limbii romne, Bucureti, 2001, p. 297. 21 p. 181.

Evreii n istoriografia romn i maghiar

Ladislau Gymnt
Universitatea Babe-Bolyai
Apariia problematicii evreieti n istoriografia romn i maghiar este strns legat de afirmarea, la sfritul secolului al XVIII-lea i prima jumtate a secolului al XIX-lea, a tendinelor de integrare a comunitii evreieti n societatea european modern prin dobndirea emanciprii civile. Procesul de formare a identitii naionale evreieti din Transilvania n prima jumtate a secolului al XIX-lea prezint, la o analiz comparativ a surselor aduse la lumin de cercetarea ultimelor decenii prin examinarea documentelor programatice ale micrilor de emancipare ale vremii, un sistem argumentativ izvort din filosofia Luminilor, cu accent pe drepturile omului i toleran, cernd un echilibru ntre ndatoririle i beneficiile publice, introducnd argumentul pragmatic al interesului statului i societii n general de a-i integra toi membrii n calitate de ceteni utili i loiali, contieni de drepturile i ndatoririle lor deopotriv. Liberalizarea economiei prin nlturarea celor mai anacronice piedici medievale ale modernizrii ndruma politica oficial n acelai sens raional. Mentalitatea nobiliar prevalnd ns n perioada menionat n vederile componenilor elitei politice a vremii, dreptul istoric reprezenta nc un argument important n luarea deciziilor. Aceast stare de fapt determin liderii de opinie ai evreilor din Transilvania s apeleze la argumentaia istoric a prezenei n teritoriile pe care le locuiesc nc din vechime, invocndu-se totodat statutul mult mai favorabil de care s-au bucurat n evul mediu, statut pierdut nu din vina lor, ci pe nedrept, ca urmare a vicisitudinilor vremurilor trecute. Ei solicit deci nu drepturi sau privilegii noi, ci rentoarcerea la o situaie pe care au avut-o odinioar i a crei restaurare, n conformitate cu dreptul istoric, este o ndatorire moral a guvernanilor. n timp ce reprezentanii iluminismului romnesc, ai colii Ardelene, urmresc realizarea acestui obiectiv prin crearea unei istoriografii naionale care s ofere argumentaia istoric a programului naional de emancipare, evreii din Transilvania, la rndul lor, i propun completarea arsenalului argumentativ al programului formulat prin aducerea n discuie a dovezilor istorice care atest vechimea locuirii evreieti n acest spaiu, statutul mai favorabil deinut n evul mediu, pierdut fr a se fi fcut vinovai de vreun act care s justifice un atare abuz, cu concluzia fireasc a ndreptirii unei reveniri la drepturile de care s-au bucurat odinioar. n spiritul acestor aspiraii i necesiti este formulat i publicat ntr-un organ de pres braovean, la nceputul anului 1846, tocmai n momentul n care speranele ntr-o rezoluie favorabil a noii diete se nfiripau n opinia public evreiasc, un memoriu adresat de fruntaii evrei celebratului istoric al vremii, contele Iosif Kemny, pentru a cerceta i scoate la lumin dovezile i mrturiile dinuirii lor istorice n principat. Ei solicit aceasta, ntruct evreii cel mai vechi popor din istoria universal

244

Ladislau Gymnt

chiar dac nu snt foarte numeroi n Transilvania, nu pot lipsi din istoria acesteia, ca i din cea a ntregii Europe. Ca punct de plecare se invoc tradiia legendar a chemrii lor de ctre Decebal, dup distrugerea Templului din Ierusalim, pentru a lupta mpreun mpotriva romanilor, toponime ca Aiud, Tlmaciu sau Beclean fiindu-le atribuite drept dovezi ale unei atari colonizri timpurii. n evul mediu, ei s-ar fi bucurat de un statut social favorabil sub regele Andrei al II-lea, fiind nc acceptate cstoriile mixte n Ungaria, iar n Transilvania, nainte de Reforma religioas, fiind recunoscute dou religii cretine (cea catolic i cea ortodox), precum i religia iudaic. Ceea ce doresc acum evreii, ntr-un moment n care toate naiunile se strduiesc s scoat la lumin istoria lor pentru a trage nvminte i a se consola, pentru a se raporta la modele demne de urmat, pentru a-i furi un viitor din rmiele trecutului, este o judecat neprtinitoare, o istorie care s-i fereasc de greelile naintailor i s ofere o direcie pentru viitor, astfel nct s intre cu pruden i raiune n rndul popoarelor europene. n condiiile n care problema emanciprii se impune tot mai mult n atenia opiniei publice i a vieii politice din Transilvania, o importan deosebit dobndete atitudinea i iniiativa celor direct interesai, a comunitilor evreieti, n vederea conturrii unor soluii viabile. Concomitent cu lupta zilnic dus pentru supravieuire la nivel local, fruntaii evrei formuleaz revendicri de anvergur mai larg, referitoare la ntregul principat i pregtesc o aciune petiionar la nivel dietal n vederea promovrii cauzei emanciprii civile. Ei solicit i obin din arhivele principatului copii ale documentelor ce atest drepturile i privilegiile dobndite de comunitatea evreiasc din partea principilor Transilvaniei n secolul al XVII-lea, care pot constitui precedente pentru mbuntirile solicitate n statutul propriu. Pe baza acestor premize, este naintat dietei de la Sibiu din 1837 1838 un memoriu n numele comunitii evreieti din Alba Iulia, singura legal recunoscut de legile principatului, n care se solicit drept de locuire pretutindeni n ar, practicarea liber a agriculturii, meteugurilor i comerului, trecerea tuturor evreilor din Alba Iulia sub patronajul episcopiei romano-catolice, conform privilegiilor pe care le dein din vremurile precedente. Dei nu lipsesc n actul revendicativ naintat dietei referirile de ordin istoric, ele privesc ns doar istoria general mai veche sau mai nou a poporului evreu (expulzrile medievale, Sanhedrinul din epoca napoleonian, progresele emanciprii n Europa i America), fr a aborda ns istoria specific a comunitii evreieti transilvnene. Cum n mentalitatea nobiliar a factorilor de decizie din forul legislativ al principatului, crora li se adresau revendicrile formulate, dreptului istoric i revenea o pondere important, fruntaii evreilor ardeleni i propun completarea arsenalului argumentativ al programului formulat prin aducerea n discuie a dovezilor istorice care atest vechimea locuirii evreieti n acest spaiu, statutul mai favorabil deinut n evul mediu, pierdut fr a se fi fcut vinovai de vreun act care s justifice un atare abuz, cu concluzia fireasc a ndreptirii unei reveniri la drepturile de care s-au bucurat odinioar. Aceste elemente i gsesc locul ntr-un nou memoriu, naintat n 1851 guvernului de la Viena, caracterizat prin accentul pus pe latura istoric, argumentndu-se, ntr-un spirit ce amintete izbitor de alte acte programatice similare ale micrilor naionale revendicative din epoc (de pild Supplexul romnesc i memoriile care i-au urmat), prin referinele la vechimea evreilor n principat i drepturile deinute anterior, pierdute prin vicisitudinile vremurilor, fr a se fi fcut vinovai de fapte care s justifice o atare degradare a statutului lor.

Evreii n istoriografia romn i maghiar

245

Dup aceste antecedente, n care rolul istoriei se instrumentalizeaz n vederea dobndirii unor obiective social-politice de vital nsemntate, dup realizarea n practic a acestora prin emanciparea civil dobndit de evreii din Ungaria i Transilvania n 1867, cercetarea istoric intr pe fgaul unor preocupri tiinifice menite a reconstitui evoluia unei convieuiri de peste o jumtate de mileniu, documentate prin surse de tot mai mare varietate i anvergur, scoase la iveal de demersuri inspirate de pozitivismul dominant al epocii. n acest proces de considerabil lrgire a bazei documentare privind istoria evreilor din Transilvania, n prim-plan se situeaz arhivele instituiilor de stat, centrale i provinciale, care conin un mare numr de documente privitoare la structura demografic i socio-profesional a societii evreieti, locul evreilor n viaa economic i social, statutul lor juridic, dezbaterile dietale asupra situaiei evreilor, politica oficial n raport cu ei, memoriile i petiiile naintate de comunitile evreieti n vederea mbuntirii acestei situaii, cu obiectivul strategic al dobndirii drepturilor ceteneti. Materialul documentar provenit din astfel de surse oficiale arunc lumini i asupra structurilor interne ale societii evreieti, n condiiile n care oficialitatea intervine pentru reglementarea unor conflicte sau pentru impulsionarea tendinelor de reform.. Informaii mult mai bogate n aceast ultim privin ne ofer arhivele comunitilor, n msura n care ni s-au pstrat, ele avnd mult de suferit, mai ales n nordul Transilvaniei, ca urmare a perioadei Holocaustului. Ele ne dezvluie evoluia organizrii comunitare, raporturile ntre comuniti i rabinat, statutele i modul de funcionare al instituiilor de cult i nvmnt, ca i tendinele de nnoire a acestor structuri, cu inerentele conflicte ntre adepii tradiiei i inovaiei. Cronici ale vieii comunitare coloreaz informaia arhivistic prin pitorescul amnuntului semnificativ i nota de subiectivitate inerent abordrii memorialistice. Ceea ce aduce ns cu deosebire epoca la care ne referim din punctul de vedere al lrgirii sferei documentrii este proliferarea presei periodice, o surs de mare importan att prin informaiile pe care le furnizeaz, ct i prin atitudinile i mentalitile pe care le reflect ntr-un mod mai direct i mai liber dect actele oficiale. Pe lng multitudinea tirilor i datelor privitoare la prezena evreiasc n contextul economic, social, demografic, politic sau cultural pe plan local, provincial, al Imperiului Austriac, al Europei sau la nivel global, presa ofer prilejul unor dezbateri de idei privind prezentul i viitorul societii evreieti, n care reprezentanii diferitelor orientri au posibilitatea de a-i expune i confrunta punctele de vedere n probleme cruciale ca emanciparea, asimilarea, naturalizarea, reforma cultului i a instituiilor comunitare, o mai bun cunoatere a punctelor de vedere reciproce permind i bree semnificative n zidul despritor al prejudecilor persistente. Avnd n vedere aceste posibiliti documentare cuprinztoare i interesul din ce n ce mai marcat asupra problematicii evreieti, preocuprile istoriografice consacrate vieii evreilor din aria la care ne referim apar i iau amploare n jumtatea de veac premergtoare primului rzboi mondial. O lucrare deschiztoare de drum a lui Leopold Lw din 1874, care pune n circulaie documentaia esenial privind lupta de emancipare a evreilor din Ungaria i confruntrile dintre tendinele de reform intern i partizanii tradiiei, este urmat, peste cinci ani, de o prim ncercare de sintez a istoriei evreilor din aceast parte a Europei, datorat lui Josef Bergl, care ofer un bun punct de plecare pentru preocuprile monografice ulterioare, centrate pe anumite zone sau problematici. Astfel, n cadrul amplei micri monografice din

246

Ladislau Gymnt

ultimele dou decenii ale secolului al XIX-lea i primii ani ai secolului urmtor, lucrrile consacrate istoriei unor comitate (Arad, Bihor, Solnoc-Dbca, Slaj) sau orae ( Arad, Cluj, Gherla) aduc la lumin informaii relevante i importante privind viaa i statutul comunitilor evreieti din zonele respective n decursul evoluiei lor n timp. Treptat, acestor iniiative din mediul neevreiesc li se asociaz tendina tot mai marcat a unor istorici evrei de a pune n valoare tradiiile comunitii proprii. Apar astfel lucrrile, indispensabile pn astzi pentru cercettor, ale lui Mathias Eisler privind evreii din Marele Principat al Transilvaniei (cu deosebit privire asupra evoluiei istorice a instituiei ef-rabinatului i organizarea comunitar intern, n lumina izvorului de importan unic reprezentat de Pinkasul comunitii din Alba Iulia), ca i cele ale lui Iacob Singer i Mauriiu Lwy pentru istoria evreilor din Banat i Timioara. O lucrare bine documentat, util pn astzi, consacr n 1912 arhivarul oraului Oradea, Ludovic Lakos, istoriei evreilor din acest centru de mare tradiie pentru viaa comunitar. Abordarea unor problematici specifice aduce realizri relevante prin prelucrarea monografic a istoriei instituiilor de nvmnt evreieti, ca i prin reconstituirea aportului i participrii evreilor la revoluia de la 1848. Pe baza materialului acumulat, apar n mod firesc aspiraiile spre sintez. ntr-o prim ncercare de abordare de sine stttoare a perioadei care ne intereseaz aici, Sigismund Groszmann aduce n 1916-1917 o imagine general a istoriei evreilor din Ungaria i Transilvania la mijlocul secolului al XIX-lea, cu accent deosebit pe problema emanciprii i a reformelor interne. Istoria evreilor din Ungaria a lui Ludovic Venetianer, publicat n 1922, rmne pn astzi o referin sigur att din punct de vedere documentar, ct i prin interpretrile sale. Lucrarea enciclopedic a lui Petru Ujvri din 1929 reprezint o contribuie unic n genul ei, la care cercetarea recurge cu folos. Concomitent, n epoca dintre cele dou rzboaie mondiale continu direciile de cercetare consacrate din perioada anterioar, cu prelucrri monografice locale sau abordarea unor probleme ca emanciparea sau prezena evreiasc n evenimentele revoluiei de la 1848. O literatur cu tent antisemit analizeaz materialul documentar cu intenionalitatea tot mai vdit a justificrii unei politici maligne prin instrumentalizarea istoriei. n condiii istorice asemntoare debuteaz preocuprile privind istoria evreilor n vechea Romnie (incluznd Moldova, ara Romneasc, Dobrogea, Bucovina, Basarabia). Iluminismul evreiesc, care debuteaz la mijlocul secolului al XIX-lea cu deosebire prin activitatea multilateral i laborioas a lui Iuliu Barasch, supranumit pe drept cuvnt Mendelssohn al Romniei, impulsioneaz interesul pentru istoria proprie mai cu seam n condiiile n care problema emanciprii ceteneti devine preocuparea dominant a societii evreieti din aceast parte a Europei n jumtatea de secol premergtoare primului rzboi mondial. Dup ce speranele puse n rezolvarea favorabil a acestei aspiraii, pe temeiul participrii entuziaste i semnificative evreieti la efortul Rzboiului de Independen din 1877-1878 i a sprijinului internaional din partea Marilor Puteri, se dovedesc nentemeiate, cercetarea istoric i argumentele pe care ea le poate oferi dezbaterii politice contribuie la apariia i proliferarea preocuprilor de aceast natur. O Societate istoric Iuliu Barasch, iniiat n 1886 de Moses i Elias Schwarzfeld, lanseaz proiectul ambiios al publicrii unui corpus de izvoare privind istoria evreilor din Romnia, care s stea la baza unei serii complete de descrieri ale comunitilor existente din toate punctele de vedere, dup

Evreii n istoriografia romn i maghiar

247

un plan unitar, rezultatele urmnd a fi comunicate opiniei publice romneti i evreieti deopotriv prin publicaii periodice: Analele Societii istorice Iuliu Barasch, Anuarul pentru israelii, Revista israelit. O ediie a responselor rabinice din secolele XVI-XVII figura de asemenea printre proiectele formulate. Rezultatele concrete, chiar dac nu au reuit s materializeze ntru totul cele proiectate, au oferit totui, printr-o serie de contribuii de valoare durabil, att documentar ct i interpretativ, privind structurile economice i demografice ale societii evreieti din spaiul romnesc, instituiile comunitare reprezentative n decursul evoluiei lor istorice, contribuia evreiasc la dezvoltarea cultural din aceast parte a Europei, un impuls iniial fertilizant i inspirator pentru conturarea unei astfel de linii de preocupare istoriografic. n pofida atmosferei ncrcate de tensiunile politice ale vremii i a polemicii acute pe tema emanciprii ceteneti, ecouri semnificative se nregistreaz i n istoriografia romneasc a epocii, prin contribuia semnificativ a unor personaliti de prim-plan de talia lui Bogdan Petriceicu-Hadeu, autor al unei Istorii a toleranei religioase la romni, i mai cu seam a lui Nicolae Iorga, care elaboreaz prima sintez dedicat Istoriei evreilor n rile noastre, n anul 1913. Dup primul rzboi mondial, n noile cadre politice ale Romniei Mari i n condiiile emanciprii civile consfinite pentru evrei de Constituia din 1923, preocuprile de istorie revin i aici n limitele fireti ale unor cercetri tiinifice mai bine delimitate fa de obiectivele politice imediate. O Societate de Studii iudaice, iniiat de M. A. Halevy, editeaz revista Sinai, care dobndete un real prestigiu tiinific prin calitatea publicaiilor pe care le gzduiete n paginile sale. ncepe o munc de construcie a temeliilor documentare ale unei istorii a evreilor din Romnia, o prim colecie de izvoare privind secolele XVIII-XIX fiind editat de Scarlat Callimachi i S. Cris Cristian. Dup tragicele cezuri provocate de perioada celui de-al doilea rzboi mondial i a Holocaustului, aceast direcie este continuat n 1947 de o colecie documentar publicat de Lazr Rosenbaum privind perioada 1476-1750. Instaurarea regimului comunist (mai cu seam n varianta sa stalinist) pune ns un adevrat embargo asupra cercetrilor privind istoria evreilor n ambele istoriografii care constituie obiectul prezentei noastre analize. Investigarea istoriei evreilor din spaiul acesta se transfer n centre tiinifice situate n afara lui, fie c e vorba de universiti din Israel, din Statele Unite sau din Europa Occidental. Producia acestora se concentreaz asupra unor aspecte demografice, sociale, dar mai cu seam asupra comunitilor grav afectate de Holocaust, o literatur a crilor memoriale consacrate acestora, inegal ca realizare tiinific i acribie, aducnd totui la lumin numeroase date, fapte, mrturii utile reconstituirii istoriografice veridice. Toat aceast producie este repertorizat ntr-o extrem de util bibliografie privind istoria evreilor din Romnia, publicat n 1991 de Centrul Goren Goldstein de la Universitatea din Tel-Aviv i a crei continuare este n pregtire la Centrul Carmilly din Cluj. Dup 1990, n noile condiii politice generate de prbuirea comunismului, se nregistreaz o adevrat renatere a cercetrilor privind istoria evreilor. Subiectul devine, pentru prima oar, parte integrant a curriculei universitare, pentru a-i gsi apoi locul i n programa nvmntului preuniversitar, mai cu seam prin predarea Holocaustului i a nvmintelor sale. O adevrat reea de instituii specializate la Cluj i Bucureti, la Iai i Craiova, la Budapesta, Pcs, Miskolcz sau Debrein,

248

Ladislau Gymnt

se adaug celor de la Universitatea Ebraic din Ierusalim, de la Diaspora Research Institute din Tel-Aviv, de la Oxford, New York, Berlin, Paris, Montpellier etc. Publicaii de specialitate de o remarcabil continuitate i incontestabil nivel tiinific (Studai Judaica de la Cluj, cu 16 volume aprute n perioada 1990-2008, Studia Hebraica din Bucureti, Studia et Acta Historiae Judaeorum Romaniae din Iai, Mult s Jv, Hungaria Judaica din Budapesta, Uj Kelet din Ierusalim) ofer posibilitatea comunicrii rezultatelor i confruntrii critice de opinii. n acest context favorabil, munca de editare a izvoarelor nregistreaz progrese evidente. Colecia Izvoare i mrturii referitoare la evreii din Romnia, iniiat de Centrul de istorie de pe lng Federaia Comunitilor Evreieti din Romnia, a ajuns n cele cinci volume publicate pn la anul 1850. Alte colecii paralele ale aceluiai Centru public volume de documente privind evreii din Romnia la sfritul secolului XIX i primele dou decenii ale secolului XX, precum i din tragica i disputata perioad a anilor 1940-1944, marcate de dictatura antonescian. O colecie de documente iniiat la Iai editeaz material documentar relevant privind nregistrrile statistice privitoare la prima jumtate a secolului al XIX-lea n Moldova. O serie de publicaii de documente n regeste a fost inaugurat la Cluj cu dou volume referitoare la evreii din comitatul Satu Mare n secolul al XVIII-lea. Cea mai important contribuie de aceast natur n cadrul istoriografiei maghiare este monumentala colecie Monumenta Hungariae Judaica (Magyar-Zsid Oklevltr), ajuns la volumul XVIII. Instrumente de lucru de mare utilitate a realizat Centrul de cercetare iudaistic de la Budapesta din cadrul Academiei Ungare, prin editarea repertoriului arhivistic privind sursele istoriei evreilor din Ungaria, a repertoriului presei evreieti de limb maghiar, a tipriturilor mrunte de referin evreiasc, a registrelor de stare civil rabinice. i n istoriografia ungar a ultimelor decenii referinele la perioada Holocaustului au dobndit o poziie de prim-plan, publicndu-se, pe lng numeroase mrturii documentare i de istorie oral sau local, recensmntul general al comunitilor evreieti din Ungaria realizat n aprilie 1944, n preajma distrugerii lor prin Holocaust. Pornind de la acest temei documentar din ce n ce mai larg i mai relevant, contribuiile monografice i cercetrile consacrate unor domenii tematice sau arii teritoriale circumscrise pregtesc terenul pentru realizri care s vizeze sinteza dorit a istoriei evreilor din aceast parte de lume. Preocuprile struitoare ale profesorului Carol Iancu din Montpellier au generat, timp de peste patru decenii, cuprinderea istoriei evreilor din vechea Romnie i din Romnia Mare ntr-o serie de sinteze care ofer o imagine realizat pe baze metodologice bine definite i respectate a perioadei istorice cuprinse ntre 1866-1940. Perioada nefast a ascensiunii antisemitismului i a Holocaustului n Romnia i gsete o reflectare profund n opera regretatului istoric Jean Ancel, ntemeiat pe o documentare de o cuprindere, profunzime i acribie greu egalabil. De un interes deosebit se bucur n ultimii ani problematica evreiasc din perioada comunist, att prin publicaii documentare (ca de pild cea coordonat de Lucian Nastas sau cea editat de Harry Kuller), ct i prin tentative de sintez ca cea datorat lui Liviu Rotman. Istoria evreilor din Transilvania a beneficiat de monografia deschiztoare de drum a profesorului Moshe Carmilly, incluznd perioada 1623-1944, pe urmele cruia centrul de la Cluj care i poart numele a adncit cercetarea n domeniul problematicii luptei pentru emancipare, a istoriei nvmntului, a crii, a tiparului

Evreii n istoriografia romn i maghiar

249

evreiesc din Transilvania. O colecie a responselor rabinice din Transilvania pentru perioada 1630-1944, realizat n limba ebraic la Ierusalim de Yitczok Yosef Cohen, pune la dispoziia cercettorilor o surs indispensabil reconstituirii veridice i n profunzime a contribuiei evreieti din aceast parte de Europ la tezaurul iudaismului universal. Tot n afara spaiului geografic la care se refer s-a realizat i cea mai ambiioas ncercare de sintez privind istoria evreilor din Ungaria. Este vorba de lucrarea lui Raphael Patai, The Jews of Hungary: History, Culture, Psychology, publicat la Detroit n 1996, cu trei sptmni nainte de decesul autorului, care, n tineree, a susinut prima tez de doctorat la nou-nfiinata Universitate Ebraic din Ierusalim. Aceast tentativ temerar de cuprindere a opt secole de istorie evreiasc n toat complexitatea ei, meritorie prin anvergura ntreprinderii i prin punctul de referin pe care l ofer preocuprilor din domeniu, a suscitat ns n mod firesc ample discuii n cercurile de specialitate, care relev dificultile metodologice i de interpretare pe care le implic o sintez realizat la nivelul exigenelor istoriografice ale vremurilor noastre. Concluzia care se impune n urma acestei foarte rapide treceri n revist a rezultatelor nregistrate n decurs de circa un secol i jumtate de ctre dou istoriografii cu numeroase elemente comune, dar i semnificative diferene specifice n domeniul abordrii istoriei evreilor dintr-un spaiu comun ce aparine Europei Central-Rsritene, este evidentul progres n privina crerii, lrgirii i aprofundrii bazei documentare, n crearea unor structuri instituionale specializate, a unor publicaii periodice ce i-au ctigat recunoatere i prestigiu, ca i incontestabilele realizri monografice, pariale, consacrate unor segmente de istorie bine delimitate i elucidate n bun msur. Acolo unde ns ambele istoriografii rmn nc datoare este viziunea de sintez care s integreze istoria evreilor din acest spaiu n istoria iudaismului universal i n istoria general a societilor n care numeroase generaii evreieti i-au adus contribuia la o evoluie generatoare deopotriv de progrese incontestabile, de valoare general-uman, dar grevat i de ntunecate momente de crunt restrite pentru toi cei ce au trit n aceste locuri. Este o datorie pe care o nou generaie de istorici, crescut i educat n noile cadre instituionale create, are misiunea de onoare de a o mplini.

Ziua, ceasul despririi. Un cntec de lume i compoziia Walachisches Volkslied de Arthur Schott
Gottfried Habenicht
Johannes Knzig-Institut fr Ostdeutsche Volkskunde - Freiburg i. Br.
n cadrul unei sesiuni tiinifice a Filialei Cluj a Academiei Romne n 1960, Ion Talo a prezentat o comunicare despre prima colecie de basme romneti, culese n sudul Banatului de Arthur Schott. Ele au fost publicate n limba german n 1845 la Stuttgart1, evident sub impresia i nrurirea ediiei de basme germane a frailor Grimm, aprut n dou volume, n 1812 i 1815, ct i a Mitologiei germane din 1835 a acelorai autori. Comunicarea lui Ion Talo, cu titlul: Arthur Schott i culegerile lui de poveti romneti, a strnit un viu interes n rndurile specialitilor romni, att datorit importanei temei abordate, ct mai ales datorit amploarei informaiilor oferite. Pe ct de anevoios a fost procesul de documentare n circumstanele existente n acei ani n Romnia, pe att de meritorie i s-a dovedit soliditatea. Textul comunicrii a aprut trei ani mai trziu n Revista de folclor2. Demn de relevat este i pasajul final al articolului, n care autorul promite publicarea ntr-un viitor apropiat a unei ediii complete a povetilor romneti culese de Arthur Schott. Ion Talo s-a inut de cuvnt: dezideratul a fost realizat n 1971, cnd Ion Talo public, n colaborare cu Rolf Wilhelm Brednich, prima ediie complet a culegerilor de poveti romneti3: complet, pentru c ntre scoarele acestei noi ediii au fost incluse i cele 23 de poveti aprute ulterior publicrii volumului, n revista beletristic Hausbltter ntre 1857-1859, provenind dintr-a doua edere a culegtorului n Banat. Pe de alt parte, cartea nu mai cuprinde comentariile pe drept socotite a fi depite, tributare colii mitologizante, ale celui de al doilea autor, Albert Schott, i de asemenea au fost lsate la o parte paginile cu largi explicaii asupra limbii i istoriei romnilor din Banat. Cnd aborda tema coleciei de basme romneti a frailor Schott, n 1960, Ion Talo se afla la nceputul carierei tiinifice. n anii ce au urmat, el a publicat, pe lng o serie ntreag de studii, marea monografie asupra Meterului Manole4. Prin
1 Arthur und Albert Schott: Walachische Mhrchen/ herausgeben von/ Mit einer einleitung/ ber das volk der Walachen/ und einem anhang/ zur erklrung der mhrchen./ Stuttgart und Tbingen, J.G. Cottascher Verlag 1845, XVI+384 S. (Citat n continuare: Walachische Mhrchen). 2 Ion Talo: Arthur Schott i culegerile lui de poveti romneti. n: Revista de folclor, 8.1963, nr. 3-4, p. 156-165. 3 Arthur und Albert Schott: Rumnische Volkserzhlungen aus dem Banat. Mrchen, Schwnke, Sagen.[Poveti populare romneti din Banat. Basme, Snoave, Legende.] Neuausgabe besorgt von Rolf Wilhelm Brednich und Ion Talo. Bukarest, Kriterion Verlag, 1971, 335 S. 4 Ion Talo: Meterul Manole. Contribuie la studiul unei teme de folclor european.Vol. I, Bucureti,

252

Gottfried Habenicht

modul n care a abordat aceast tem n ntreaga ei complexitate multinaional, i pornind de la bogatul arsenal universal de credine i superstiii cu privire la jertfa zidirii, lucrarea reprezint una dintre cele mai importante realizri n cercetarea cntecelor epice romneti. Astzi, cnd Ion Talo srbtorete 75 de ani de via, el poate privi cu mndrie asupra contribuiei sale la folcloristica romneasc, rezultat al unei munci de cecetare intens timp de o jumtate de veac. Prin comunicarea prezentat cu 49 de ani n urm, Ion Talo a redeteptat interesul cercettorilor pentru prima colecie der basme romneti, n trecut prea puin utilizat de romni5. Prilejul de a reaminti prin rndurile de fa de preocuprile srbtoritului n legtur cu fraii Schott, mi face o nespus bucurie. * n introducerea ediiei de la 1845 a crii frailor Schott au fost publicate i ase texte de cntece. Asupra unuia dintre ele ne vom opri n cele ce urmeaz, dar, nainte de aceasta, socotim necesar s prezentm pe scurt momentele mai importante ale vieii lui Arthur Schott, aa cum ni le-a prezantat Ion Talo n amintita comunicare i cum au fost preluate i n postfaa volumului Rumnische Volkserzhlungen, editat n colaborare cu Rolf Wilhelm Brednich6. Arthur Schott s-a nscut la 27 februarie 1814 la Stuttgart ntr-o familie de funcionari superiori cu vederi liberale. n ciuda unor nclinaii vdite nspre poezie i muzic, studiaz la Academia de agricutur de la Stuttgart-Hohenheim, lucrnd, dup absolvire, pe moia contelui Alexander von Wrttemberg, de care-l leag aceleai interese spre poezie. Arthur Schott ntreine relaii amicale cu poei cunoscui ai romantismului din Suebia: Uhland, Schwab i Lenau, i scrie el nsui poezii. n 1836 cunoate, la vrsta de 22 de ani, Banatul, fiind angajat ca administrator al moiei Bissingen de la Jam, dar locuiete probabil la Oravia, centru administrativ i cultural, unde locuiau mai toi inginerii i funcionarii minelor din jur. Cu viu interes urmrete manifestrile populare, cltorete prin Muntenia i Transilvania i este receptiv la tot ce-l nconjura. La Oravia se mprietenete cu farmacistul Karl Knoblauch, care-i atrage atenia asupra frumuseii povetilor romneti. Cu ajutorul lui Knoblauch, care-i servete drept mijlocitor i traductor, Arthur Schott ncepe s culeag basme, iar dup ce nva romnete, noteaz textele i de unul singur. n afar de Knoblauch este de remarcat numele unui advocat la Oravia, Draguescu, de la care Schott a cules un mare numr de basme, fiindu-i-le povestite de acesta n german, i al lui Fridolin Nunny, gewerk [membru al unei cooperaii miniere] la minele din Oravia. n 1841, Arthur Schott se ntoarce n Germania, lucrnd din nou
Editura Minerva, 1973; vol. II: Corpusul variantelor romneti. Bucureti, Editura Grai sei Suflet Cultura Naional, 1997. 5 Ion Talo: Arthur Schott i culegerile lui..., op. cit., p. 157. 6 Ion Talo: Arthur Schott i culegerile lui..., op. cit., p.157-159; Brednich und Talo: Rumnische Volkserzhlungen..., op. cit., p.317-319. Date biografice de asemenea n: Heinz Stnescu: Arthur Schott. n: Neue Banater Zeitung, Bukarest, 19.1975, Nr. 3928, S. 3 = NBZ-Kulturbote); Miljan Mojaevi: Arthur Schotts Verse und Reisebericht ber Serbien und ber das Banat (1841-1850). Beograd 1990. (Serbische Akademie der Wissenschaften und Knste/ Sonderschriften, Bd. 603, Klasse fr Sprache und Literatur, Bd. 42, n limba srb, cu rezumat german; nu a fost vzut); Gottfried Habenicht: Anmerkungen zu zwei Liedkompositionen von Arthur Schott. n: Jahrbuch fr ostdeutsche Volkskunde, 35.1992, S.221-241.

Ziua, ceasul despririi

253

pe moia contelui Alexander von Wrttemberg. Acesta moare n 1844, iar Arthur Schott pleac din nou n Banat. n 1850 se ntoarce n Germania, unde public, n acelai an, un volum de poezii proprii i compune piese pentru voce i pian7, dup care emigreaz n America, unde face parte dintr-o comisie de stabilire a granielor Statelor Unite. Moare n 1875 i e nmormntat n apropiere de Washington. Fratele su Albert, cu care a editat Walachische Mhrchen, moare n 1847. Cele ase cntece sunt reproduse n Walachische Mhrchen la p. 30-35. Primele trei sunt preluate din Rspunsul publicat de Eftimie Murgu la a doua ediie a polemicii cu Sava Tkly8, ele avnd paralel i traducerea n latin, pentru a demonstra prin evidentele coincidene latinitatea limbii romne. Nu ne vom ocupa de aceste texte, ele nefcnd obiectul articolului de fa. Arthur Schott le consider de altfel fragmente, i propune ateniei cititorilor alte trei cntece, numerotate de el cu IV, V i VI, pe care le-a obinut prin mijlocirea lui Fridolin Nunny: de aceea cititorul este invitat s se bucure de cteva cntece complete, care mi-au fost comunicate prin amabilitatea domnului Fridolin Nunny, membru al unei cooperaii miniere n localitatea montan Oravia, n scopul publicrii lor n cartea noastr9. Alturi de textele romneti ale celor trei cntece se afl traducerile n german, fraii Schott cutnd s redea ct mai exact coninutul fiecrui vers. Scopul este i aici lingvistic: dorina de a prezenta cititorului strin exemple de limb i poezie romneasc, aa nct oriicine s-i poat face o idee asupra latinitii limbii romne, fapt de care autorii erau deplin convini10. Cu privire la primul dintre cele trei cntece din Walachische Mhrchen , numerotat cu IV i ntitulat Fiica muntana/ Die tochter des gebirgs, cu nceputul: Nu sciu de que msbocotsce/ Peptul ne ncetatu, Fridolin Nunny l-a asigurat pe Schott, c acesta ar fi un cntec popular, notat din gura locuitorilor de munte. n realitate este un text cult despre suferinele dragostei, cu o structur strin metricii populare romneti, fiind compus din apte strofe de cte 4 versuri, rndurile impare avnd cte 8, iar cele pare cte 5 silabe; versurile au o rim ncruciat. Cntecul V din Walachische Mhrchen poart titlul Impartire a florilor/ Die vertheilung der blumen. El se compune din dou pri distincte, dar e reprodus n trei segmente, al treilea innd de fapt de partea a doua: 1) Apoteoza florilor
7 Gottfried Habenicht: Anmerkungen..., op. cit. 8 Eftimie Murgu: Widerlegung der Abhandlung, welche unter dem Titel vorkmmt: Erweis, da die Wallachen nicht rmischer Abkunft sind, und die nicht aus ihrer italienisch-slavischen Sprache folgt. Mit mehreren Grnden vermehrt, und in die walachische Sprache bersetzt durch S[ava] T[kly] in Ofen 1827; und Beweis, dass die Wallachen der Rmer unbezweifelte Nachkmmlinge sind; wozu mehrere zweckmige kurze Abhandlungen; endlich eine Anmerkung ber die in dem Anhange vorkommende Antikritik desselben S. T. beygefgt werden. Verfat Von E. Murgu. Ofen, gedruckt mit knigl. Ung. Universitts-Schriften 1830.) [Combaterea studiului aprut sub titlul: Dovad c valahii nu sunt de obrie roman i c acest lucru nu reiese din limba lor italo-slav. mbogit cu mai multe argumente i tradus n limba valah de ctre S.T. la Buda n 1827; i dovad, c fr nici o ndoial valahii sunt urmaii romanilor, n care scop cteva scurte studii potrivite, i n sfrit adugat o adnotare asupra anticriticii cuprins n anex a aceluia S.T. Scris de E. Murgu. Buda, tiprit cu Scrierile Universitare regale ungare 1830]. XX + 156 S., Musikbeilagen: 3 romanische (walachische) Tnze, 2 romanische Schferarien, eine raizische (sdslavische) Poeten-Arie und 3 raizische Tnze. 9 Walachische Mhrchen..., op. cit., p. 32 c. 10 ...dient aber wieder nur dazu die behauptung romanischer herkunft frs walachische zu besttigen. Vezi: Walachische Mhrchen..., op. cit., p. 33.

254

Gottfried Habenicht

(Florilor, o florilor); fiecrei fete i se ofer cte-o floare, anume: 2) Flora primete vioreaua (Ochii blndi, si gur c serina), Ileana ruja (Ruja, ruja, cum esci plin cu focu), iar 3) Maria crinul (Maria, animir tua aa e de curata). Versurile nu sunt organizate n strofe. Primul segment cuprinde 10 versuri octosilabice, majoritatea catalectice (deci apte silabe, pe alocuri degradate), segmentul secund se compune din opt versuri de zece, respectiv 11 silabe, iar al treilea tot din opt versuri de cte zece i opt silabe (Maria trebuie socotit drept exclamaie, i ca atare n afara primului vers al segmentului al treilea). Versurile rimeaz fie mperechiat, fie deloc. Textul este de origine cult, dar cu oarecare tent popular. Fridolin Nunny nu a putut furniza informaiile dorite asupra provenienei acestui text, dar, dup prerea sa, conine expresii care mai de grab sunt munteneti. Cntecul VI este ntitulat Nu me uita/Vergiss mein nicht. * Ziua, ceasul despririi: Varianta A. Reproducem aici cntecul VI, Nu me uita/Vergiss mein nicht, pe care-l vom numi n cadrul expunerii noastre varianta A, mpreun cu traducerea ntr-o german ce caut s redea ct mai fidel formele gramaticale i topica romneasc11: 1 ioa, ciasul disparirei, Tag (der) stunde (die) scheidens (des) Insemnat cu mna tu. Gezeichnet mit hand deiner, Lam aflatu cu intristar: Sie hab ich gefunden mit betrbnis, Dar te rogu: nu m uita! Doch dich bitte: nicht mich vergiss! 2 i si fi tu fie une, Sre a te va arunca, Socoesce ch ie sprietenu, i te rogu: nu m uita 3 Gata snt pharul morii Pentru tene l gusta Nu ceru alta respletire, Dar te rogu: nu m uita! 4 Luna e lumina lumei, Dar tu sci lumina ma; icu la luna, i sascund, Daro ie: nu m uita! Und das seist du, immer wo Schicksal (das) dich wird schleudern, Denke dass (ich) dir bin freund, Und dich bitte: nicht mich vergiss! Bereit bin, kelch (den) todes (des) Fr dich ihn kosten; Nicht begehr ich andren lohn, Doch dich bitte: nicht mich vergiss! Mond (der) ist licht der welt (der), Aber du bist licht meines; Sag ich zum mond dass (er) sich verberge, Doch zu dir: nicht mich vergiss!

Fridolin Nunny cunoscuse cntecul dintr-un periodic din Transilvania, i, dup opinia sa, nu poate fi socotit cu absolut certitudine drept cntec popular, chiar dac poate fi considerat de obrie popular12.
11 Walachische Mhrchen..., op. cit., p. 35. 12 Vom ersten derselben versichert herr Nunny mit bestimmtheit dass es ein volkslied sei, aus dem munde der bergbewohner aufgeschrieben; was das zweite betrifft, so weiss er davon nur so viel zu sagen dass manche ausdrcke mehr der mundart der eigentlichen Walachei angehren; das dritte ist nach seiner angabe einem walachischen blatt entnommen das in Siebenbrgen erscheint, und es liegt ihm, wenn es auch nicht mit bestimmtheit als volkslied anzusehen ist, doch wenigstens ein solches zu grunde. Vezi: Walachische Mhrchen..., op. cit., p.33.

Ziua, ceasul despririi

255

Indicarea provenienei dintr-o foaie ce apare n Transilvania s-a dovedit corect. Aa se gsesc tiprite n Foaia literar a lui George Bari mai multe versuri ale unor autori anonimi, printre care i cea aici n discuie, cu urmtoarea noti nsoitoare: Cine ar ti s ne numeasc pe izvoditoruiul acestui cntec are s primeasc de la Oare cine un galben. Noi l-am scris aici din rostul unei persoane, dup ediia cum spune a cntecelor tiprite de d. Pan [sic!] din Sibiu, cci pe la noi se cnt de atia ani, n multe chipuri i schimonosit13. n acelai loc Ovidiu Papadima, dintr-a crui studiu am preluat aceast noti, i continu expunerea, rednd nceputul poeziei n cauz, pe care, de altfel, a identificat-o i n Poeziile deosebite ale lui Anton Pann din 1831 la p. 20-23: Ceasul cel de desprire nsemnat cu mna ta, L-am nles cu mhnire, Ci te rog nu m uita, i de asemenea se afl reprodus o alt variant n Biblioteca rumneasc de la Buda a lui Zaharia Carcalechi: Zioa, ceasul despririi nsemnat cu mna ta L-am aflat cu ntristare i te rog nu m uita...14 Versurile variantei A se compun, ca cele ale poezie populare, din opt, iar cele catalectice, din apte silabe n succesiune trohaic. Altfel ns dect n poezia popular, cntecul este organizat n strofe aici: n patru; fiecare strof cuprinde patru versuri, cele impare de opt i cele pare de apte silabe, cu rima ncruciat (1-3 i 2-4). Al patrulea vers: Dar te rogu: nu m uita!, care revin n finalul fiecrei strofe, uneori uor variat, are funcie de refren. n mod evident, cntecul din Walachische Mhrchen, varianta noastr A, nu este un cntec popular n accepiunea curent a termenului; el este creaia unui poet cult al crui nume a rmas necunoscut. Ca factur, tonus i coninut, cntecul se nscrie ntre cntecele de lume. * Cntecul de lume s-a cristalizat ca gen n ultimul sfert al veacului XVIII-lea. Pe plan cultural, aceast perioad a fost marcat n rile Romne prin existena unei puternice influene orientale. Circumstanele sunt ndeajuns cunoscute, aa nct nu vom insista asupra lor. Vom nota doar c, pe trmul muzicii, cea turceasc s-a bucurat de o deosebit preuire, ea fiind promovat n primul rnd la curtea domnitorului, de unde i-a croit drum n saloanele boierimii. Dar aceast cale de difuzare nu a fost singura: o serie ntreag de factori - de pild relaiile multiple pe plan economic i comercial cu Poarta i desele rzboaie purtate de turci cu Rusia i Austria - au dus la infiltrarea unor elemente ale muzicii turceti chiar i n cele mai ndeprtate aezri rurale ale Munteniei i Moldovei. Odat cu venirea domnitorilor fanarioi este cultivat i muzica greceasc. Afinitile cu grecii au fost prezente chiar i dincolo de religie, unde, n afar de apartenena celor dou popoare la ortodoxie, a existat i o identitate a cntrilor
13 Foaie literar, I.1838, sem. I, p. 160. Apud: Ovidiu Papadima, op. cit., p. 129. 14 Biblioteca rumneasc, Buda, 1834, partea V, p. 57. Apud: Ovidiu Papadima, ibidem.

256

Gottfried Habenicht

bisericeti. n special ultimul sfert al veacului al XVIII-lea aduce cu sine un nou aspect: anume, n urma intensificrii legturilor comerciale cu apusul, drept consecin a libertilor pe plan economic asigurate principatelor romne prin pacea de la KuciukKainargi (1774), crete continuu i influena cuturii europene. Amintitele rzboaie ale ruilor i austriecilor cu turcii aduc n rile Romne, odat cu ofierii acestor ri, o puternic influen cultural european. n ultimul sfert de veac al XVIII-lea ncep s vin echipe de teatru n ar, se organizeaz baluri, i n casele romnilor nstrii devin obinuite leciile de muzic european15. Pn i domnitorul Alexandru Ipsilanti (prima domnie n ara Romneasc ntre 1774 i 1782) se vede nevoit s in seama de noile mprejurri i s ntrein o orchestr de tip european, chiar dac gusturile sale i ale marii boierimi arat incontestabil o vdit nclinare spre muzica oriental i o cras lips de nelegere n recepionarea celei apusene. Prezena diverselor muzici: turceti, greceti, autohtone i apusene este descris n mod deosebit de plastic de Franz Joseph Sulzer n a sa Istorie a Daciei transalpine: nc un mic adaus despre mesele i muzica la meselor lor! Am spus deja, c la mesele lor mari trebuie s rsune laolalt muzica turceasc, greceasc, valah i german, coral, cntec i tunuri, ntr-un cuvnt, tot ceeace e n stare s zguduie auzul. La mesele domnitorului n zile obinuite totul decurge ceva mai linitit, dar niciodat fr muzica turceasc i arareori fr cea german, n cazul n care acesta ntreine o asemenea muzic, despre care fapt mi este cunoscut un singur exemplu al domnitorului actual al Valahiei, i i despre acesta se zice c a lichidat iari muzica german. Firea nestatornic a grecului nu se poate delecta mai mult de o jumtate de an cu o singur distracie. Nici mcar n-avuseser rbdarea s se uite la un dans n ntregime al celor mai buni dansatori ai lor, sau s asculte o simfonie ntreag a muzicienilor notri. Cu mirare am auzit adeseori, i am comptimit pe aceti biei oameni, care au fost obligai s ntrerup un Adagio la mijloc i s cnte n locul lui un Allegro sau un dans unguresc, s ia n mn, n locul cornului, fluierul traversier i imediat, n continuare, n locul acestuia harpa16
15 Octavian Lazr Cosma: Hronicul muzicii romneti, 7 vol., Bucureti, Editura Muzical, 19731986. Aici: vol. I, p. 399-415. 16 Franz Joseph Sulzer: Geschichte des transalpinischen Daciens, das ist: der Walachey, Moldau und Bessarabiens, im Zusammenhange mit der Geschichte des brigen Daciens als ein Versuch einer allgemeinen dacischen Geschichte, mit kritischer Freyheit entworfen von ..., ehemaligem k.k. Hauptmann und Auditor. Erster oder geographischer Theil. Wien, Rudolph Grffer, 1781 (vol I i II) 1782 (vol. III). Partea secund a lucrrii a rmas nepublicat, o copie, legat n cinci tomuri, se afl la Biblioteca Academiei Romne (Manuscrise germane, 35). Citatul de mai sus: vol III, p. 338c.: Noch ein kleiner Zusatz von ihren Tafeln und Tafelmusik! Ich habe schon gesagt, dass bey den groen Tafeln die trkische, griechische, walachische und deutsche Musik, Choral, Gesang und Kanonen, mit einem Worte, alles was das Gehr in Erschtterung setzen kann, zusammen klingen msse. Bey alltglichen Tafeln des Frsten luft es etwas stiller, aber niemals ohne die trkische, und selten ohne die deutsche Musik ab, wenn anders der Frst eine solche unterhlt, wovon mir aber ein einziges Beispiel an dem heutigen Frsten in der Walachey bekannt ist, und auch dieser soll der deutschen Musik schon wieder Abschied gegeben haben. Das flatterhafte, unbestndige Gemth des Griechen wird nie ein halbes Jahr an einer Unterhaltung sein Ergtzen finden. Nicht einmal hatten sie die Gedult, einen ganzen Tanz von ihren besten Tnzern anzusehen, oder eine ganze Symphonie von unsern Tonknstlern anzuhren. Mit Verwunderung hrte ich es oft, und bedauerte diese guten Leute, da sie mitten in einem Adagio aufhren, und ein Allegro, oder einen ungerschen Tanz aufspielen, anstatt der Waldhrner die Querflte und gleich wieder fr diese die Harfe ergreifen mu-

Ziua, ceasul despririi

257

Aceasta este atmosfera n care se contureaz noua specie de cntece, cu caracteristici stilistice distincte: cntecul de lume17. Cntecul de lume a luat natere sub influena creaiei poetice turceti i greceti, cristalizndu-se drept un produs specific culturii romneti din perioada cuprins ntre ultimul sfert al veacului al XVIII-lea i mijlocul secolului urmtor, avndu-i apogeul pe la 1830. Accepiunea noiunii cntec de lume implic dup cum arat autorii studiului introductiv la recent apruta publicaie de cntece romneti din colecia Peregrin, Ion Talo i Gottfried Habenicht -, trirea luntric a ntregului background social i cultural specific romnesc 18 al vremii. Sublinim aceast prere, tiind desigur c Ovidiu Papadima incadrase fenomenul ntr-un context larg multinaional19. Totui, nicieri nu s-a conturat un gen de cntece, care s nmnuncheze ntr-o simbioz att de caracteristic elementele autohtone cu influena oriental i apusean. Textele lirice, adesea cu un pronunat caracter senzual-erotic, sunt poezii culte, creaii ale Vcretilor, a lui Costache Conachi i a altor poei ai timpului, iradiind din mediul marii boierimi, al crei gust l reflect, n cercuri din ce n ce mai largi. Influena oriental se vdete i n melodiile folosite. Termenul ,,cntec de lume este folosit i anterior perioadei amintite, dar ntrun sens mai larg, el desemnnd un cntec cu tematic laic, n opoziie cu cntecul religios. Aa este consemnat ntr-o Cazanie a Patilor de la 1561 urmtorul apel adresat credincioilor: ,,nu zavistuirii nici s o cinstii cu giocuri sau cu cimpoi sau cu alute sau cu cntece lumeti20 Cu acelai neles de cntec profan, laic, lumesc, etnomuzicologul Gheorghe Ciobanu amintete corespondeni ai termenului: musica civilis, musica vulgaris, i weltliche Musik la germani, vilgi nek la unguri, smata exoterik la greci21. Nici unul din aceti termeni nu reflect ns categoria de cntec de lume romnesc; considerm c termenul e intraductibil, el putnd fi redat n alte limbi cel mult n parafraz22. Cntecul de lume s-a bucurat de o larg rspndire n prima jumtate a secolului al XIX-lea datorit lutarilor. Ei reprezentau muzica autohton la curtea domten... Cu privire la Sulzer vezi: Gottfried Habenicht: Valoarea contribuiei lui Franz Joseph Sulzer la cunoaterea folclorului romnesc. n: Revista de etnografie i folclor, 14.1971, Nr. 5, p. 391-98, rez. francez. 17 Cntecul de lume a fost cercetat ncepnd din anii 50 ai secolului al XX-lea n mod consecvent de Gheorghe Ciobanu. Folclorist i cercettor interesat n elucidarea influenelor orientale asupra muzicii romneti, totodat un profund cunosctor al muzicii psaltice i a notaiei neumelor bizantine, a publicat o serie de articole la tem n diverse reviste de specialitate, reunite mai apoi n: Gheorghe Ciobanu: Studii de etnomuzicologie i bizantinologie, 2 vol., Bucureti, Editura Muzical, 19741979. Dintre volumele publicate de el asupra cntecului de lume sunt de relevat: Gheorghe Ciobanu: Anton Pann. Cntece de lume . Transpuse din psaltic n notaie modern, cu un studiu introductiv de ..., Bucureti, 1964 ; Culegeri de folclor i cntece de lume. Bucureti, Editura Muzical, 1976 (Izvoare ale muzicii romneti, I); Cntece de lume/ secolele XVIII-XIX. Bucureti, Editura Muzical, 1985 (Izvoare ale muzicii romneti, IX). De asemenea vezi i: Ovidiu Papadima: Anton Pann . Cntecele de lume i folclorul Bucuretilor. Studiu istoric-critic. Bucureti, Editura Academiei, 1963. 18 Gottfried Habenicht i Ion Talo: 60 de cntece romneti din colecia Treufest Peregrin (1863). Ediie critic, introducere, bibliografie de, Cluj-Napoca, Argonaut, 2008 (Myrobiblon), p. 15. 19 Ovidiu Papadima, op. cit., p. 32c. 20 Reprodus dup Gheorghe Ciobanu: Cntece de lume (Izvoare IX), op. cit,. p. 13. 21 Idem, p. 14. 22 Gottfried Habenicht i Ion Talo: 60 de cntece romneti, op. cit., p. 15.

258

Gottfried Habenicht

nului. Franz Joseph Sulzer descrie n felul urmtor o scen tipic la curtea lui Ipsilanti: Mult vreme stau cu toii n linite, de abia c ndrznesc s se uite n ochii despotului sau s vorbeasc unul cu cellalt, cci nici el nu glsuiete dect arareori , pn ce n cele din urm strig: S vin iganii! De ndat acetia sunt prezeni i intoneaz hore greceti sau romneti.23 Fiind nevoii s satisfac cerinele mediilor sociale diferite care le solicitau cntarea, lutarii au transmis elemente de repertoriu promovat la mesele boierilor n mediul mahalalelor. Aici a avut loc, sprijinit i de ali factori i suferind multiple influene, degradarea genului, ducnd la configurarea altor categorii de cntece specifice, ca de pild aa zisele cntece de mahala24. Datorit lutarilor, toate procesele de prefacere n circuitul oral, tipice cntecelor populare, se pot constata i n cazul celor de lume, fr s se ajung la integrarea lor n tezaurul folcloric propriu zis. Elementele specifice de versificaie din folclorul romnesc, caracteristicile lui melodico-ritmice, vocabularul, toate acestea sunt deosebiri fundamentale fa de cntecul de lume, n care pot fi ntlnite rime ncruciate, organizri strofice, melodii i ritmuri cu turnuri preluate din muzica oriental i mai trziu i din cea apusean. Teoretizarea acestor diferene a avut loc trziu, n secolol al XX-lea, dar trebuie s artm c Anton Pann identifica, printre cntecele publicate de el, unele care provin din mediu rural, folosind pentru ele termenul de stene25. Dar i pentru el popular nsemna tot ce se cnta n popor, indiferent de proveniena cult, lutreasc sau autentic popular a cntecelor. Pe la 1850 interesul pentru cntecul de lume scade. n afara aa numitelor cntece de mahala ncep s apar romane i lagre de provenien strin, mai apoi i local, acestea dinuind doar n anumite cercuri i disprnd dup un timp. Ovidiu Brlea apreciaz astfel acest fenomen: ntrarea trzie a rii noastre n zona de influen a culturii apusene a avut urmri salutare pentru cultivarea repertoriului folcloric, scutindu-l de intruziuni crturreti att de caracteristice liricii din centrul i apusul Europei. Au circulat i la noi cntece oreneti, dar ptrunderea lor n straturile populare a fost sporadic i mai ales de durat efemer26. * Ziua, ceasul despririi: Varianta B. n cadrul investigaiilor sale n fondul de manuscrise la Biblioteca Academiei Romne, Gheorghe Ciobanu a depistat sub cota Ms. rom 3244 f. 7rv un cntec de lume provenit din perioada de nceput a secolului al XIX-lea, care este o variant la Ziua ceasul despririi din Walachische Mhrchen. De bun seam c acest cntec deamor, al crui autor a rmas, precum am artat, necunoscut, s-a bucurat n prima jumtate a veacului al XIX-lea de o relativ mare rspndire, i aceasta de-

23 Lange Zeit sitzt alles in der traurigsten Stille, kaum getraut man sich dem Despoten in die Augen zu sehen, oder auch nur miteinander zu sprechen: weil auch er selbst nur gar selten seine Stimme hren lt; bis er endlich ruft: Zigeuner her. Sogleich sind diese zur Hand, und stimmen die griechischen oder walachischen Choren an... Franz Joseph Sulzer, op. cit., vol III, p. 338. 24 Ovidiu Brlea scoate n eviden cntecele mechereti drept produs suburban. Vezi: Ovidiu Brlea: Folclorul romnesc. 2 vol., Bucureti, Editura Minerva, 1981-1983, aici: vol. II, p. 226c. 25 Gheorghe Ciobanu: Anton Pann: Cntece de lume, op. cit., p. 31. 26 Ovidiu Brlea, op. cit., vol. II, p. 265.

Ziua, ceasul despririi

259

sigur datorat lutarilor27, drept care s-a ajuns la crearea de variante distincte i la contaminri. Redm cntecul, pe care-l numim Varianta B28:

1 Zioa, ceasul despririi, nsemnat cu mna ta, L-am aflat cu ntristare, Deci te rog, nu m uita! 2 ns mergi unde te-ateapt Cu dorin ca i-a ta, Ca s afli mulumire, Deci te rog, nu m uita! 3 Norocirea n tiut C-n tot felul s-a lupta, n necazuri s te-arunce,
27 Gheorghe Ciobanu l public ca fcnd parte din repertoriul celebrului Barbu Lutarul. Vezi: Gheorghe Ciobanu: Barbu Lutarul. Contribuii la cunoaterea vieii, activitii i a repertoriului pe care l-a cntat. n: Revista de folclor, 3.1958, p. 99-133, note muz., rez. rus i engl., acolo p.119c. Republicat n: Gheorghe Ciobanu: Studii de etnomuzicologie, op. cit., vol. I, p. 185-223 (fr rez.), acolo p. 207c. Republicat n: Gheorghe Ciobanu: Cntece de lume (Izvoare IX), op. cit., p. 122c (nr. 72). 28 Transcrierea dup: Gheorghe Ciobanu: Cntece de lume (Izvoare IX), op. cit., p. 122c (nr. 72)

260

Gottfried Habenicht i te rog, nu m uita! 4 N-au fost zi ca s lipseasc Amrt a m-ntrista, De-a ta soart ptima, Deci te rog, nu m uita! 5 Ori i unde de vei merge, Ori i ce de vei afla, Inima s nu i-o plece, i te rog, nu m uita! 6 pe mine ori i unde Soarta m va arunca, Socotete c-i sunt slug, i te rog, nu m uita! 7 Gata sunt pharul morii n tot ceasul a gusta, n jertfire pentru tine, Deci te rog, nu m uita! 8 i doresc din suflet toate, nct nu- i pot arta Fericire pmnteasc, Deci te rog, nu m uita! 9 Fie-i cerul cu priin, Fie-acum a-i arta, Pentru c i sunt dorit, Te rog dar, nu m uita!

Varianta B se compune din nou strofe, are deci cinci strofe n plus fa de varianta A. Strofa a patra din varianta A, Luna e lumina lumei, nu figureaz n B, iar primelor trei strofe ale variantei A le corespund strofele 1, 6 i 7 din B. i n aceast variant versurile amintesc cel puin n ceeace privete organizarea lor trohaic ct i numrul silabelor (8 n versurile numr impar, i catalectice, 7, n cele pare; versul al treilea din ultima strof e deteriorat) de sistemul de versificaie al poeziei populare romneti. Dar att - cci rima ncruciat i organizarea evident n strofe sunt strine poeziei populare i trdeaz proveniena cult a textului. Fiecare strof cuprinde cte patru versuri, dintre care ultima, Deci te rog, nu m uita!, este refrenul ce revine aproape neschimbat n fiecare strof. n ceea ce privete melodia, redat n original n notaie psaltic, este ndreptit presupunerea unei origini orientale, a crei atmosfer o degaj n mod evident. Strofei de text, format din patru rnduri, i corespunde o strof melodic din patru rnduri diferite: abcd, fiecare din ele avnd o alt structur modal:

Ziua, ceasul despririi

261

n afara acestei structuri i a bogiei ornamentale, intervalele de secund mrit descendent (cis2-b1; fis1-es1), secunda mic cu funcie ornamental (f2-ges2f2) ct i formula cadenial final descendent b1-a1-fis1-es1-d1 sunt elementele care subliniaz caracterul oriental al melodiei. n fiecare dintre cele patru rnduri melodice, mersul este sinuos, cu tendin descendent la captul rndurilor. Apogeul melodiei se afl n rndul doi, unde este atins f2 (ges2 este doar un scurt element ornamental). De remarcat n acelai rnd melodic ambitusul de cvint micorat f2 (ges2) h1. * Ziua, ceasul despririi: Varianta C. Tot n Biblioteca Academiei Romne Gheorghe Ciobanu a identificat n cuprinsul manuscrisul grecesc 370 patru cntece romneti, datnd de la nceputul secolului al XIX-lea, pe care le-a cercetat n cadrul unui studiu, transcriindu-le din notaia psaltic n cea linear29. Unuia dintre cntece i lipsete textul, iar la altul sunt consemnate dou versururi: Primavara kind sosesti/ Inima me se topesti; la al treilea: Puiculita me yupita,/ e yest trista si mahnita? sunt redate opt versuri; al patrulea cntec, cel care se afl aici n atenia noastr i pe care l-am denumit Varianta C, l redm aici30:

29 Gheorghe Ciobanu: Cntece romneti inedite de la nceputul secolului al XIX-lea. n: Revista de folclor, 2.1957, Nr. 2, p. 77-90, rez. rus i engl., note muz., facsimile. Republicat n: Gheorghe Ciobanu, Studii de etnomuzicologie, op. cit., vol. I, p. 171-184 (fr rezumate). Republicat n: Gheorghe Ciobanu: Culegeri de folclor i cntece de lume (Izvoare I), op. cit., p. 244 (Nr. 23). Republicat n: Gheorghe Ciobanu: Cntece de lume (Izvoare IX), op. cit., p. 121c (Nr. 71). 30 Transcrierea dup Gheorghe Ciobanu, Cntece de lume (Izvoare IX), op cit., p. 121 (Nr. 71).

262

Gottfried Habenicht 1 Zioa, tzasul despartziri Insemnat ku muna ta, |:L-am aflat ku intristare, Detz te rog, nu mu-uita!:| 2 Ah Nuritze, karle pune, Dar inima mea s-a ta Fie in vek ne despertzite Si te rog nu ma uita! Si te du unde te-astapta Totz ai tei, la casa ta.

Textul este mai scurt dect cel al variantelor A i B. El se compune din dou strofe, cea dinti de patru versuri, ultimele dou repetndu- se, iar cea de a doua de ase versuri. Doar prima strof corespunde cu celelalte dou variante de mai sus, i versul penultim (i te du unde te-ateapt) l putem identifica la nceputul celei de a doua strofe din varianta B; alte elemente comune nu sunt. Repetarea ultimelor dou versuri ale primei strofe, pentru a corespunde melodiei de ase rnduri melodice, indic un proces de contaminare a dou cntece diferite. Contaminarea cu un alt cntec de lume este evident, i credem c putem afirma, c strofa Zioa, tzasul despartziri este aici inclus ntr-un cntec organizat n strofe de cte ase versuri. Contaminarea pare s fi avut loc nainte de momentul n care Ion Ghica, vorbind ntr-o scrisoare ctre Vasile Alecsandri despre ce cnt lutarii pe la spartul balului la Curte n 1827, citeaz dou cntece: Ai, Ilean, la poian/ S culegem buruian i Ah! Nurio, cale bun,/ Dar te rog nu m uita31, al doilea cntec citat nmnunchiind elemente att ale strofei ntia ct i a celei de a doua din varianta noastr C. Melodia, notat n original n scriere psaltic, nu amintete ntru nimic melosul popular romnesc i nu arat nici influene orientale. Este conceput n mod ionic n do major -, are un ambitus mare de duodecim, mersul melodic este mixt, iar din punctul de vedere al organizrii formale, cele ase rnduri melodice urmeaz schema: ab cd cdvc. Stilul este bogat ornamentat, i dac facem abstracie de aceste elemente, scheletul melodiei se prezint foarte simplu i se rezum numai la civa piloni:

Aceast melodie este conceput n mod indiscutabil sub nrurirea melodicii apusene. Identificarea mai multor variante diversificate ale cntecului n tiprituri i n manuscrise ne ndreptete s conchidem, c Ziua, ceasul despririi a circulat i
31 Apud: Gheorghe Ciobanu: Studii de etnomuzicologie, op. cit., vol. I., p. 179.

Ziua, ceasul despririi

263

pe cale oral, bucurndu-se probabil de o rspndire destul de larg. Din nefericire nu ne sunt cunoscute dect dou melodii, i acestea cu caractere diferite. Dovedit ni se pare i difuziunea transcarpatic a cntecului. Circulaia lui pe cale oral i n mediile intelectualitii bnene o putem presupune, cu toate c din aceast parte a rii nu deinem alte informaii dect cele din Walachische Mhrchen, i acestea se reduc doar la relatarea destul de lapidar a lui Fridolin Nunny. * Arthur Schott compozitor Am artat c dup cea de a doua edere a sa n Banat, soarta l-a dus pe Arthur Schott, n 1850, din nou la Stuttgart. Anii de la apariia volumului de basme (1845) i pn la emigrarea n America, petrecut tot n anul revenirii lui la Stuttgart (1850), a fost pentru el o perioad creatoare, n care a scris poezii am amintit volulul tiprit n 1850 - i a compus muzic. Una dintre compoziiile lui a nsemnat un moment deosebit - o cotitur neateptat - n soarta cntecului care a fost subiectul rndurilor de mai sus: anume, Arthur Schott folosete textul ca punct de plecare pentru o compoziie pentru voce i pian! Am artat mai sus, c n Walachische Mhrchen textul este redat paralel i ntr-o traducere german ce urma fidel vocabularul i topica originalului romnesc. Desigur c n aceast form nu putea fi vorba de o poezie care s-ar fi putut folosi drept baz pentru compoziia unui Lied, i ca atare Arthur Schott a purces la redactarea lui ntr-o german fluent, pstrnd ns ntru totul coninutul, ba chiar i structura metric a originalului romnesc. Rima n schimb este inexistent n versiunea aceasta Schott desigur i-a dat seama, c o prelucrare pe mai departe a textului ar fi mers n detrimentul redrii exacte a coninutului. Putem totui afirma, c cele patru strofe, aa cum Schott le-a pus n muzic, corespund ntocmai originalului romnesc. Compoziia a aprut la Stuttgart n cadrul volumului V al unui album muzical cu titlul Orpheon editat de Th. Tglichsbeck32. Anul apariiei albumului nu e cunoscut, dar presupunem c a vzut lumina tiparului ntre 1845, deci dup apariia volumului de basme, i 1850, anul plecrii lui Arthur Schott n America. Redm aici compoziia lui Arthur Schott, mpreun cu textul n forma prelucrat: 1 Tag und Stunde bittrer Trennung, die bezeichnet deine Hand, sind nun da mit meinem Kummer, bitte nur: vergi mein nicht! 2 Wo du immer seyst auf Erden, wo dein Schicksal hin dich drngt, denke, dass ich stets dir Freund bin; bitte nur: vergi mein nicht!

32 Th. Tglichsbeck: Orpheon. Album fr Gesang mit Pianoforte in Original-Compositionen der berhmtesten deutschen Tonsetzer. Hrsg. von... Fnfter Band, mit Beitrgen von...[urmeaz numele a 18 compozitori, printre care i cel al lui Arthur Schott], ... und mit dem Portrt Conradin Kreutzers in Stahlstich. Stuttgart, Verlag von Karl Gpel, o. J., p. 32, Nr. 175.

264

Gottfried Habenicht 3 Auch den herben Kelch des Todes, freudig trink ich ihn fr dich und verlange drum nichts weiter, bitte nur: vergi mein nicht! 4 Licht der Welt der Mond mag heien, aber mein Licht, das bist du. Mag der Mond sich auch verbergen, bitte nur: vergi mein nicht!

Ziua, ceasul despririi

265

Sub titlul tipriturii originale se afl remarca: din limba valah transpus n versuri i pus n muzic de Arthur Schott, celui interesat s vad textul original, indicnu-i-se n subsol sursa: Walachische Mhrchen. Seria de albume publicate de Tglichsbeck, unde, ntr-al cincelea volum, se afl i compoziia lui Arthur Schott, a rspuns unei cerine largi ale societii de la mijlocul secolului al XIX-lea n aproape ntreaga Europ. Aa precum n secolul al XVIII-lea n casele nobililor, aa se fcea acuma pretutindeni muzic n casele burgheze, bunul ton cernd ca tinerele fete s tie s cnte la pian. Odat cu aceasta ia o amploare nebnuit literatura pentru pian i pentru voce i pian. Continund tradiia clasicismului vienez, epoca romantismului n muzic se distinge, n special n Germania, prin cultivarea n mod deosebit a compoziiilor pentru voce i pian. Lied-urile lui Schubert i Schumann, dei scrise adesea pe texte ale unor poei nu neaprat de renume, dar ntr-un stil apropiat de cntecul popular sau chiar fiind cntece populare33, au contribuit la ncetenirea termenului Lied i n afara Germaniei, el denumind un gen caracteristic de compoziie pentru voce i pian ct i o form muzical34. i n provinciile romneti ale primei jumti a secolului al XIX-lea se poate constata interesul crescnd pentru formele de cultur european. nc spre sfritul secolului al XVIII-lea ni-se semnaleaz un nceput de muzic pianistic n unele case boiereti rzlee, dar de abia n casele burgheze ale veacului urmtor pianul i ctig un loc din ce n ce mai mportant, i, paralel cu aceasta, ncep s apar i piese pentru acest instrument scrise de autori autohtoni35. Totui, primele compoziii romneti pentru pian au fost scrise cu un alt scop: Eftimie Murgu este primul care public, n 1830, n deja citatul Rspuns, trei dansuri romneti i dou arii pstoreti (Schfer Arien), scond n eviden, prin comparaie cu cele srbeti, caracterul lor romnesc. Nu tim, cine i-a aranjat lui Murgu melodiile pentru pian; remarcm ns factura naional a melodiilor ca trstur important, scriitura pianistic fiind nepretenioas, simpl, i n acest caz irelevant36. Dup 1830 o serie ntreag de muzicieni compun pentru pian pe baza tiparelor muzicii apusene, dar, n majoritatea cazurilor i aceasta este o not aparte , folosindu-se de melodii romneti (sau crezute a fi romneti). Desigur mai toi s-au izbit de greutatea mbinrii unui melos bazat pe o gndire orizontal i cu o estur modal cu verticalitatea armoniei occidentale, bazat pe gndirea major-minorului, dar experiena acumulat n
33 Epoca romantismului german se distinge printre altele i prin atenia dat cntecului popular. Nu putem insista aici, amintim doar Achim von Arnim und Clemens Brentano: Des Knaben Wunderhorn. Alte deutsche Lieder gesammelt von ..., Heidelberg, Mohr und Zimmer, 1806 (Bd. 1)-1808 (Bde. 2-3). 34 n anii 1950-60 s-a practicat n Romnia sporadic i scrierea n forma lid, adaptat la ortografia romneasc (aa, dup amintirea mea, n Contemporanul). S-a revenit ns la lied, care i este singura form consemnat n dicionarele mie accesibile, de pild n: Dicionarul limbii romne moderne. Bucureti, Editura Academiei, 1958; sau n: Florin Marcu i Constant Maneca: Dicionar de neologisme. Bucureti, Editura tiinific, 21966. 35 Faptele sunt general cunoscute, le consemneaz mai toate istorii ale muzicii romneti. Amintim aici: George Breazul: Patrium carmen. Contribuii la studiul muzicii romneti. Craiova, Scrisul Romnesc, f. a. [1941], (Melos, 1); Octavian Lazr Cosma: Hronicul muzicii romneti, Bucureti, Editura Muzical, 1973-1986, 7 vol., pentru perioada vizat vezi vol. 2 i 3. 36 Melodiile din Eftimie Murgu au fost reproduse n diverse rnduri, ultima oar, dup cunotinele mele, n: Ciobanu, Izvoare, I, p. 28-30.

266

Gottfried Habenicht

cursul trecerii anilor face ca valoarea artistic a creaiilor s creasc continuu. Printre compozitorii demni a fi numii sunt: Franz Ruszitski, eful tabului otirii din Iai, ntr-a crui Musique orientale. 42 Chansons et Danses moldaves, valaques, grecs et turcs (1834) se afl 36 de piese romneti; C Stelianu, de la care ne-a parvenit o suit de hore; Henri Ehrlich, ntr-a crui colecie de Airs nationaux roumains sunt nmnunchiate cntece romneti din toate provinciile; Johannes Andreas Wachmann, care a publicat la Viena Romania. Recueil de danses et dairs valaques originaux i Bouquet de mlodies valaques originales; i, poate cel mai important, Carol Miculi, pianist-concertist, profesor de pian la Cernui i la Lemberg, cu o bogat oper pianistic influenat de Chopin, al crui elev a fost la Paris. Din opera lui citm aici: Hor n Moldova, Douze airs nationaux roumainsi Quarante-huit airs nationaux roumains (1848-54)37. De notat, c interesul pentru trsturile naionale n muzic a fost n acea perioad general n Europa; era timpul n care s-au nfiripat aa zisele coli naionale, de pild n Rusia (Glinka), Norvegia (Grieg) sau n Boemia (Smetana). Muzica cu trsturi maghiare este propagat pe larg n toat Europa de Franz Liszt, care n acest loc fie amintit este autorul nu numai a unor rapsodii maghiare, ci a compus i o rapsodie romn38. Europa era deci sensibilizat i intereasat n recepionarea unor muzici cu amprente naionale diferite. Aceasta era atmosfera n care Arthur Schott a compus Walachisches Volkslied. Fridolin Nunny a pus, ne amintim, un semn de ntrebare n dreptul calitii de popular n cazul cntecului Nu me uita. Asemenea scrupule nu i-a fcut Arthur Schott, de ndat ce i-a declarat compoziia n mod hotrt drept Volkslied. l putem nelege, deoarece n Europa central, i n special n Germania, sfera noiunii este neleas mult mai cuprinztoare dect n folcloristica romneasc, mai precis, n Germania sunt considerate populare i creaii ale unor poei cunoscui39, adic i ceeace n romn e denumit poporan. Deci compozitorul a conceput popular n sensul care-l avea n Germania. E adevrat c Arthur Schott participase la manifestrile populare ale bnenilor: la eztori, la clci, la nedeie40, i, prin urmare,avusese prilejul de a cunoate cntecul popular romnesc tradiional. Dar s nu uitm, c nici intelectualii localnici nu fceau vreo distincie ntre cei doi termeni, aa cum avea s fac, mai trziu, B. P. Hasdeu. Compoziia era deci prezentat n Germania drept Walachisches Volkslied, i cei i mai ales cele care puneau pe pupitrul pianului albumul lui Tglichsbeck, l nelegeau ca atare. n ce msur ns Arthur Schott a satisfcut ateptrile? Pentru a rspunde, vom analiza cteva aspecte ale compoziiei. Conceput n sol major, melodia se desfoar n ambitusul unei octave d1-d2, cadennd final pe g1. Are un mers sinuos, notele succedndu-se de regul treptat, rareori se pot remarca salturi (trei cvarte perfecte descendente, o sext mare i o septim mic, ambele ascendente). Melodia cuprinde o singur fraz (8 msuri),
37 Mai pe larg a se vedea subcapitolul Creaia pentru pian n: Octavian Lazr Cosma, op. cit., vol 3, p. 331-347. Vezi i: Viorel Cosma: Muzicieni romni. Compozitori i muzicologi. Lexicon. Bucureti, Editura Muzical, 1970. 38 Octavian Lazr Cosma, op. cit., vol 3, p. 209c. 39 Vezi: John Meier: Kunstlieder im Volksmunde. Materialien und Untersuchungen. Halle a. S., 1906. Reprographischer Neudruck: Mit einem Nachwort von Rolf Wilhelm Brednich. Hildesheim . New York, Georg Olms Verlag, 1976. (Volkskundliche Quellen, VIII: Volkslied). 40 Ion Talo: Arthur Schott i culegerile..., op. cit., p. 158.

Ziua, ceasul despririi

267

divizat n dou semifraze de cte 4 msuri, iar cele dou semifraze n cte dou motive de cte dou msuri. Fiecrei semifraze i corespund dou versuri de text. Drept cntec strofic, melodia se repet ca atare identic la fiecare strof nou de text. Apogeul melodiei, punctul ei culminant, se afl la nceputul semifrazei secunde, unde este atins nota cea mai nalt, d2. Motivul secund al primei semifraze poate fi neles drept o transpunere variat la secunda superioar a celui dinti. Pe plan armonic, prima semifraz pleac de la treapta I-a, trecnd prin V i ntorcndu-se la I (primul motiv); ea devine mai interesant n motivul secund, unde pleac de la V7, ncercnd o incursiune spre relativa minor (treapta a VI-a) prin introducerea sensibilei acesteia (dis) n cadrul acordului de septim dominant a acestei tonaliti, semifraza sfrind n aceast atmosfer, fr ca s se realizeze trecerea. Urmtoarele patru msuri - semifraza a doua ncep, ca n prima semifraz, cu acordul de tonic, I, dar apariia foarte curnd a notei cis2 marcheaz o incursiune nspre tonalitatea dominantei, tendin ns curnd abandonat. Trecnd prin treptele IV i V ale tonalitii de baz, se cadeneaz pe tonic. De remarcat mersul cromatic descendent al basului n primul motiv al aceste fraze secunde. nceputul piesei - nainte de ntrarea vocii -, este marcat de pian, care cnt neschimbat prima semifraz, pe cnd, dup terminarea primei strofe, pianul reia semifraza secund, dar modificnd suportul armonic: primul motiv se ndreapt, prin introducerea notelor gis i f, n cadrul unui acord dominant de non defectiv, nspre la minor, pe cnd motivul secund reprezint cadena clasic IV-V-I. Pianul dubleaz n tot decursul piesei melodia cntat de voce. n ceeace privete structura ritmic a piesei, ea ni-se prezint deloc variat, rezumndu-se la o succesiune neschimbat de optimi n cadrul msurii de 2/4, i doar ntr-un singur loc nspre finele melodiei seria de optimi este ntrerupt de o optime cu punct (cu fermat) i o aisprezecime. Ornamente nu sunt, partitura indicnd doar pentru pian n dou locuri grupete superioare. Analiza compoziiei lui Arthur Schott nu relev elemente muzicale romneti. Nu gsim n ea turnuri melodice tipice ori ornamente (care de obicei abund n cntecele romneti). El n-a introdus niciunde inflexiuni modale sau anumite intervale, ca de pild secunde mrite41, pentru a crea un anumit colorit, dei toate acestea le aflase cu siguran n timpul ederii sale n Banat. Arthur Schott a creat aadar o pies ce nu depete atmosfera convenionalitii unei literaturi pentru voce i pian de la mijlocul secolului al XIX-lea. Dar aceast constatare nu trebuie neleas ca un repro; dimpotriv, compoziia de care ne-am ocupat constituie dovada legturii sufleteti a compozitorului cu inuturile n care i-a petrecut o parte din cei mai frumoi ani ai tinereelor, mai mult, care i-au adus celebritatea i pe care el le-a fcut cunoscute n lume. Am putea crede totodat c liedul compus de el este un suspin dup o iubire pierdut. Altfel nu s-ar putea nelege de ce a selectat tocmai acest text pentru compoziia lui.

41 Scara minor de re cu treapta a patra mrit (deci cu un interval de secund mrit ntre treptele 3 i 4) este o caracteristic a dialectului muzical bnean. Vezi: Tiberiu Alexandru: Muzica popular bnean. Not monografic (cu un Catalog al nregistrrilor din Arhiva de Folklore a Soc. Compozitorilor Romni). Bucureti, Editura Cercul bnenilor, No. 2, f. a. [1942], p. 41; acelai: Muzica popular romneasc. Bucureti, Editura muzical, 1975, p. 64.

Adrian Marino und sein Europakonzept

Klaus Heitmann
Universitt Heidelberg Wer sich in der aktuellen rumnischen Literatur- und Geisteswelt auch nur ein wenig auskennt, dem braucht nicht gesagt zu werden, wer Adrian Marino ist. Nur kurz zur Erinnerung: Der 2005 im Alter von 84 Jahren in Cluj verstorbene Herderpreis-Trger kann als der prominenteste rumnische Vertreter der Komparatistik, der vergleichenden Literaturwissenschaft, gelten. Wie kaum ein anderer hat er sich schon unter den widrigen Umstnden der Diktatur um den Austausch und die Knpfung von Kontakten zwischen der rumnischen und der internationalen Geisteswelt bemht; wovon neben zahlreichen Buchverffentlichungen die von ihm gegrndeten und geleiteten Cahiers roumains dtudes littraires (1973-1980) Zeugnis ablegen. Darber hinaus war er ein unermdlicher Kmpfer fr die Modernisierung und Europisierung Rumniens. Dieses Anliegen verfocht er mit Bchern wie Prezene romneti i realiti europene (1978), Pentru Europa. Integrarea Romniei. Aspecte ideologice i culturale (1995; dies eine Sammlung zwischen 1968 und 1994 in rumnischen und auslndischen Periodika erschienener Essays), Revenirea n Europa. Idei i controverse romneti 1990-1995 (1996), Al treilea discurs. Cultur, ideologie i politic n Romnia. Adrian Marino n dialog cu Sorin Antohi (2001) und Libertate i cenzur n Romnia (2005). Seinem Europa-Konzept, das im Folgenden in den Grundlinien zu skizzieren sein wird, liegt eine bestimmte kritische Diagnose der historischen, sozialen und kulturellen Gegebenheiten in Rumnien zugrunde. Einen Schwachpunkt, ja das Grundbel in der Verfasstheit der Nation sieht er in der seit jeher bestehenden und noch heute fortdauernden ruralen Strukur der Gesellschaft: Structura Romniei actuale este nc de esen rural, cu toate fenomenele sale negative. Hier existiere noch jene buerliche Kultur, die in Westeuropa wie in den USA, wo es den traditionellen Bauern nicht mehr gebe, verschwunden sei. Wie knne man, fragt er, von Globalisierung in einem Lande reden, wo die Menschen noch an Wunder glauben, an Bumen und Wnden Ikonen sehen und mit den Paparude Regenzauber betreiben? Die lndliche buerliche Gesellschaft sei eine comunitate tradiional nchis, mit der entsprechenden Mentalitt: nmlich einer mentalitate rural, etnicist, naionalist, xenofob, izolaionist, populist-egalitarist. Diese prge sich in Theorien vom nationalen Spezifikum wie der des Smntorismus aus, in einem starren, verhrteten sentiment romnesc, in einem obsessiven Identittsdenken. Wollen wir aber, fragt Marino weiter, das Dorfmuseum Europas bleiben? Weg mit Mioria, sagt er sinngem. Das Lmmlein gehre nicht in die europische Zoologie. Solange Rumnien fundamental buerlich bleibe, habe es keine demokratische Zukunft. Die Werte des Brgers und des Individuums gingen aus von Entbuerlichung, deruralizare,

270

Klaus Heitmann

und Entprvinzialisierung, deprovincializare. Daraus knne erwachsen, meint er, was uns not tut: Tugenden wie Strenge, Przision, Organisation, Beharrlichkeit, Pnktlichkeit, Seriositt, Abkehr von Improvisation, Oberflchlichkeit, Pfuscherei und Dilettantismus. Es herrsche im Lande das Gesetz der geringstmglichen Anstrengung, des Notbehelfs. Marino brandmarkt den Mangel an Ernsthaftigkeit bei seinen Landsleuten. Fiindc lum totul, pn la urm, n fars. Und: Wir mssen uns auch einen bestimmten Stil des urbanen, sozialen Verhalten im Alltag aneignen; es lernen, uns zivil und gesittet zu benehmen. Der Kritiker stellt bestimmte ideologische Barrieren Europa gegenber heraus, die nicht erst durch den Kommunismus errichtet wurden, sondern schon seit 1918 in dem repressiven Nationalstaat. Er verweist auf eine ganze antieuropische Ideologie der Rechten, die sich in der Zwischenkriegszeit entwickelt und in der Periode des Ceauescu-Kommunismus fortgesetzt habe. Er nennt Nae Ionescu, Constantin Noica und Petre uea. Als typisch zitiert er Nae Ionescus Forderung nach Abkoppelung Rumniens von der Weltpolitik und Selbstabschlieung, O decuplare a noastr de politica mondial; o nchidere a noastr ct mai departe mpins. Angefhrt wird auch Noicas Aversion gegen den materialistischen Westen, seine philosophische Verachtung der Germania untului, in einer Zeit, da man in Rumnien Hunger litt. Ebenso seine Vorstellung von der fiin romneasc, der Marino Ciorans ironische Pendants wie das sentiment paraguayan al fiinei oder das Seinsgefhl auf den Fidschi-Inseln oder Samoa entgegenhlt. - Fr die Gegenwart, die Zeit nach 1989, diagnostiziert Marino eine massive Neuauflage der Ideologie vom Typ Nae Ionescu. Er konstatierte 1992: Ea domin i de departe cultura romn actual. Zugleich aber war es fr ihn nach Wiedergewinnung der Freiheit beklemmend, zu beobachten, ct de profund comunizat este poporul romn, wie tief greifend der Einfluss des Kommunismus auf das rumnische Volk ist. Von authentischer Hinwendung zu Europa konnte er 2001 in einem Gesprch mit Sorin Antohi nichts feststellen. Vielmehr erschien ihm die aktuelle rumnische Europapolitik gekennzeichnet durch simulare und exploatare. Er sah hier Duplizitt am Werk. Europa gelte als die Milchkuh. Man akzeptiere offiziell die europischen Normen, Gesetze und Prinzipien in der geheimen Absicht, sie nie anzuwenden. Als modernes quivalent der alten reaktionren boierime von 1848 und zutiefst antiliberal identifiziert er die neue privilegierte Schicht, die Nomenklatur der Industrie und des Bankwesens. Die erwhnten Defizite: Oberflchlichkeit, Dilettantismus und Vorliebe frs Improvisieren sieht der Literaturwissenschaftler auch im kulturellen Bereich. Er fragt sich, ob die rumnische Kultur in ihrer vorherrschenden Richtung in Europa wettbewerbsfhig sei. Daran zweifelt er angesichts des Faktums, dass in ihr das Fragment, das Feuilleton und die Publizistik vorherrschen, dazu die im Ausland wenig gefragte Dichtung. Was fehle, sei der Sinn fr das Konstruktive, fr die groe Synthese, von dem er sich selbst stets habe leiten lassen (und in der Tat, so muss man hinzufgen, hat Marino vor allem mit seiner monumentalen sechsbndigen Darstellung Biografia ideii de literatur, 1991-2000, etwas in Rumnien, ja wohl im modernen Europa berhaupt Beispielloses geschaffen). Er kann sich somit als eine Art erratischen Block sehen: Marele meu divor fa de cultura romn actual este deci c eu am profesat idea de construcie, n dezacord cu publicistica dominant (.) Prin urmare, cultura romn actual mie nu mi d satisfacie. Nu m regsesc n ea. M simt singur. Wie in der rumnischen Literatur berhaupt, so sei auch die

Adrian Marino und sein Europakonzept

271

Auslandswerbung fr sie durch Dilettantismus und Improvisation gekennzeichnet. Wir Rumnen verstehen es nicht, unsere Kultur zur Geltung zu bringen, ihre Werte zu propagieren. Nicht nur, dass es hier an Professionalitt fehle, sei da noch das Problem, dass der Kulturapparat fr das Ausland immer noch derselbe sei wie vor 1989, und mit derselben Einstellung wie ehedem: antiwestlich, antiliberal, antipluralistisch. Auf der anderen Seite bt Marino aber auch Kritik an Europa (was fr ihn gleichbedeutend ist mit Occident). Als Wissenschaftler, speziell Literaturwissenschaftler, beschwert er sich darber, dass der kulturelle Austausch durchweg auf einer Einbahnstrae verlaufe. Warum mssen wir immer die auslndische Forschung zur Kenntnis nehmen, wahrend man im Ausland unsere Forschung ignoriert, mchte er wissen. Und warum wrden die realen rumnischen Beitrge zur westlichen Kultur bersehen? Marino kennt Europa sehr gut; kaum ein Land, das er nicht schon vor 1989 bereist htte. Dennoch aber ist, wenn er von Europa und dem Abendland spricht, fast ausschlielich Frankreich gemeint. Die angelschsische Welt und der deutsche Sprachbereich kommen in seinen berlegungen zum Thema Europa nicht vor. Die franzsische Sprache war ihm von Kindheit an so prsent wie die rumnische; er hat mehrere Bcher direkt auf Franzsisch verfasst. Aber die Liebe zu dem Land, in dem er geistig verwurzelt war, blieb eine unerwiderte Liebe. Das war eine der groen Enttuschungen seines Lebens. Er musste immer wieder demtigende Erfahrungen mit arroganten westlichen - sprich: franzsischen - Kulturinstitutionen und einem, wie er sich ausdrckt, neokolonialistischen berlegenheitskomplex machen. Ein lngeres Zitat dazu: Nu pot fi trecute cu vederea (...) unele atitudini iritante ale complexului de superioritate occidental. Unii funcionari profund mediocri, necompeteni, de pe la unele servicii ale unor ambasade, institute, biblioteci au uneori i din nefericire o atitudine superioara, distant, unii ar spune, poate, chiar neocolonialist. Au venit n Romnia s ne civilizeze, s ne cultive, s ne aduc n secolul 20 etc. Aceeai atitudine se observ, uneori, i la unii confereniari strini, la unii participani la colocvii, seminarii i congrese, unde o anume suficien i chiar arogan intelectual este destul de perceptibil. Unter den Belegen, die er fr diese Attitde anfhrt, findet sich eines der bekanntesten franzsischen RumnienBcher der Zwischenkriegszeit, und zwar das Stdteportrt Bucarest (1935), aus der Feder des bekannten Schriftstellers Paul Morand. Hier werde eine franzsische Kolonie beschrieben, urteilt Marino. Er geht soweit, Arroganz und Chauvinismus als Wesensmerkmale des om francez hinzustellen. Die franzsische Kultur ist fr ihn im Niedergang begriffen. S-ar prea c actuala cultur francez d semne de epuizare sau de sterilitate. Sollen wir Rumnen, meint er, wirklich nichts als les ternels suiveurs de la culture franaise sein ? Derartige Ausbrche von Erbitterung und Enttuschung halten den Kritiker selbstverstndlich nicht davon ab, seinen Landsleuten die Hinwendung zu Europa nahezulegen. Dabei wei er natrlich, dass schon unter dem kommunistischen Regime die Rumnen von Europa trumten. Aber von was fr einem Europa trumten sie, und was ertrumten sie sich von ihm? Fr die meisten Rumnen war seinerzeit Europa synonym mit strintate. Das war damals eine zutiefst zwiespltige, auch suspekte Vorstellung. Denn aus der Fremde kommt fr eine rurale, geschlossene Gesellschaft ja das Unbekannte, Beunruhigende. Und dennoch hat dieses Europa jahrzehntelang das Bewusstsein der Rumnen fasziniert, traumatisiert. Nicht mit seinen

272

Klaus Heitmann

spirituellen Werten, sondern mit den materiellen, konomischen der Welt des Konsums, unter dem Signum Coca Cola. Wogegen alle antikapitalistische Propaganda nichts vermochte. Dazu Marino: Wir mssen radikal unterscheiden zwischen den geistigen Werten, dem Europa spiritului, und denen der europischen Konsumgesellschaft, zu der sich nach Jahrzehnten wirtschaftlichen Elends verstndlicherweise die Rumnen besonders hingezogen fhlten - was in Frage zu stellen und mit Noica als Europa untului zu verachten es eines totalen Realittsverlustes bedurfte. Man msse das europische Modell, das model cultural european, in all seinen historischen Komponenten verstehen; als, wie man gesagt habe, ein dreidimensionales Modell: griechisch in der Tiefe, lateinisch in der Breite, christlich in der Hhe. Europa aa cum se impune ea contiinei noastre culturale actuale reprezint rezultatul unei tradiii i al unui patrimoniu de valori spirituale comune milenare. Unii l-au definit printr-o imagine tridimensional: Europa este elin n adncime, latin n extensiune, cretin n nalime. Diesem Europa eigneten als essentielle ideologische Werte zu: Demokratie, Freiheit, Menschenrechte, Pluralismus, freie Marktwirtschaft. Fr die bernahme dieses von ihm leidenschaftlich propagierten kulturellen Modells gebraucht Marino den Ausdruck a aduce Romnia acas. Was fr ihn nur scheinbar paradoxerweise quivalent ist mit a intra n Europa. Europa, so will das besagen, gewinnt man nicht, indem man die Heimat Rumnien verlsst, wie es Caragiale tat. Oder der mit einem heftigen Inferiorittsgefhl behaftete Emil Cioran, dessen ans Krankhafte grenzende Verachtung des rumnischen Volkes deswegen, weil es nicht europisch sei, auf eine seelische Gleichgewichtsstrung schlieen lasse - falls sie nicht nur Pose gewesen sei. Wie aber soll sich nun diese aducere acas Europas vollziehen? Wie soll sie aussehen? Was ist fr sie ntig? Was ist im Hinblick auf sie zu tun ? Darauf gibt das Vorwort zu Pentru Europa von 1995 konzise Antworten. Vier Punkte werden hier aufgelistet. Erstens: O afirmare energic a Europei. Das heit: ein starkes persnliches Engagement des Einzelnen fr dieses Ideal aus einer rumnischen Perspektive. Zweitens: un punct de vedere european corespunztor momentului istoric pe care-l parcurgem. Das heit eine auf die aktuelle Situation in Europa ausgerichtete Perspektive. Drittens: o atitudine i un stil militant prin propagarea de idei active i, uneori polemice, exprimate n mod civilizat, polemic exclusiv de idei i nu de persoane. Das heit eine kmpferische, aber rein ideen- und nicht personenbezogene Werbekampagne fr die Europa idee in zivilen Formen. Viertens: A fi n acelai timp romn i european. Das heit: So viel vom rumnischen Bewusstsein assimilierbare Werte und Haltungen wie mglich ins Land bringen, und zwar in allen Ttigkeitsbereichen, mit aller berzeugung und Energie. Rumne und Europer zugleich sein, das ist fr den Programmatiker das Basiskonzept. Er betont sehr stark, dass es keine Kultur der reinen Synchronisierung mit dem Westen und keine mechanische Nachahmung fremder Modelle geben darf. Ausgangs- und Bezugspunkt fr die europenizare seien die nationale Kultur und die nationalen Traditionen. Fr die knftige politische und kulturelle Orientierung Rumniens legt Marino gleichfalls ein Vierpunkteprogramm vor. Erstens: berwindung der Isolierung Rumniens auf allen Ebenen. Zweitens: Entschiedene Hinwendung zum Westen und zu den euroatlantischen Strukturen. Drittens: allmhliche Integration in Europa und gut berlegte Loslsung von der sfera de influen rus, profund negativ. Die Gegenposition also zu dem hassenswert genannten frheren Schlagwort Lumina vine

Adrian Marino und sein Europakonzept

273

de la Rsrit. Viertens: Schaffung einer stdtischen und lndlichen Mittelschicht, allein dazu imstande, effektiv europische Bestrebungen und berzeugungen zu hegen. Diesen Punkt nennt Marino kapital. Denn: Este absurd s predici ideea european unei comuniti rurale, etniciste i latent xenofobe. Momentan habe sich nur erst eine sehr schmale stdtische Intellektuellenschicht diese Idee zu eigen gemacht. Weiterhin heit es im Vorwort von 1995, verwirklicht werden knne das Europamodell nur in einem offenen, demokratischen, pluralistischen Rechtsstaat mit reeller Gewaltenteilung, wo die Freiheit Vorrang habe vor der populistischen Gleichheit, in einem Staat der Menschenrechte mit einer echten Marktwirtschaft, wo das Privateigentum garantiert und nicht nur geschtzt werde, in einem Staat, in dem kommunistisch-kollektivistische Strukturen beseitigt oder durch Dezentralisierung, Kapitalisierung und echte Privatisierung weitestmglich zurckgedrngt wrden. Mit seiner Syntheseformel A fi n acelai timp romn i european hat Marino in die Diskussion eingebracht, was er selbst als Al treilea discurs bezeichnet, mit einem Syntagma, das ihm Sorin Antohi vorgeschlagen hatte und das er als Titel fr das Buch von 2001 whlte. Der dritte Diskurs, das besagt: o romnitate deschis. Negativ gesprochen: Weder das eine noch das andere. Nmlich: nici autohtoniti, naionaliti, troglodii, etniciti i aa mai departe, nici imitatori, discipoli eterni ai oricrui profesora francez venit aici n service civil. Was der dritte Diskurs propagiert, ist romnism prin europenizare sau europenizare prin romnism. Dies bedeutet Einheit in der Verschiedenheit, wechselseitige Implikation und Integration von european / universal und naional . Das Europakonzept bestimmt in spezieller Weise auch das Denken und die Aktivitten des komparatistisch orientierten Literaturwissenschaftlers Marino. Wenn er insbesondere als solcher in den Jahren der Diktatur hervortrat, so seinem eigenen Bekenntnis zufolge, weil das fr ihn die einzige Mglichkeit des intellektuellen berlebens und des Schritthaltens mit der europischen Ideenwelt war. Zu seinen bedeutendsten einschlgigen Leistungen aus dieser Zeit sind die bereits erwhnten, von ihm gegrndeten und geleiteten Cahiers roumains dtudes littraires, mit denen er, leider ohne groen Erfolg, eine Brcke zwischen rumnischer und internationaler Literaturwissenschaft zu schlagen hoffte. Programmatisch war sein 1982 in Paris erschienenes Buch Etiemble ou le comparatisme militant. Im Anschluss an den eigenwilligen franzsischen Fachvertreter Ren Etiemble, der in Frankreich eher eine Auenseiterposition einnahm, entwickelte er hier das Konzept einer kmpferischen Komparatistik, definiert als studiul literaturii dincolo de graniele unei singure ri. Im gleichen Sinne wie Etiemble trat er fr eine deprovincializare der Literaturwissenschaft ein, fr eine die engen Grenzen der Einzelliteratur sprengende, universale, wie wir heute sagen: globalisierende Wissenschaft ein. Ihr wies er die Aufgabe zu, die traditionelle Klassifizierung und Hierarchisierung der Literaturen in majore und minore aufzuheben. Die europische Literatur lasse sich nicht einengen auf einige groe westeuropische Literaturen. Die mitteleuropischen und osteuropischen Literaturen seien nicht weniger europisch. Osteuropa gehre auch zu Europa. Marino schlo sich der Vision einer literatur european im Sinne Goethes, Giuseppe Mazzinis und Abel-Franois Villemains an. Den deutschen Terminus verwendend, tritt er fr ein literarisches Weltbrgertum ein. Das besagt, dass der Komparatist auch gegen den traditionellen Eurozentrismus seines Faches Einspruch einlegt. Wiederum eines Sinnes mit Etiemble und seinem comparatisme plantaire,

274

Klaus Heitmann

verficht er einen auch auereuropische Kulturen und Literaturen erfassenden und umfassenden policentrism. Eurocentrism ist fr ihn eine Form von zumindest kulturellem Imperialismus und Kolonialismus, vor allem in Gestalt der verbreiteten Auffassung, wonach nur the western heritage als Forschungsgegenstand in Frage komme. Westeuropa drfe nicht als Metropole des menschlichen Geistes und Motor der Welt verabsolutiert werden. Mit diesem weitherzigen Konzept erwarb sich Marino freilich in westlichen, d.h. franzsischen Fachkreisen wenig Sympathie. Wiederum wurde er von Frankreich enttuscht. Die Komparatistik, auf die er dort bei Kongressbesuchen stie, war durch die Bank jene, ber die er hinausfhren wollte. Es erbitterte ihn festzustellen, wie gleichgltig und geringschtzig man in Paris ber die rumnische Literatur und Kultur hinwegging. Er erinnert sich: Revenind la francezi, nc odat, pe mine m-a decepionat profund i lipsa lor de interes real fa de cultura romn; de sensul comparatismului romnesc nici nu mai vorbesc. Lor li se prea foarte natural ca toat lumea s fac comparatism dup modelul francez, ceea ce nu este deloc obligatoriu i, n acelai timp, nu acceptau ca un tip din Est s le dea lor lecii. Seinen Lebensabend verbrachte Marino mit der Arbeit an einem Buchprojekt ber die Geschichte der aducere acas, der Heimfhrung Europas nach Rumnien. Als Titel hatte er gewhlt: Libertate i cenzur n Romnia. Es war ihm nicht beschieden, es zu Ende zu fhren. Fertig geworden und erschienen ist nur der erste Teil mit dem Untertitel nceputuri. Als Verfasser dieser Zeilen ihn Ende Mai 2002 in Cluj besuchte, schilderte er ihm Anliegen und Absicht des geplanten Buches. Es sollte eine engagierte, pldoyerhafte Geschichte des liberalen Denkens in Rumnien werden, o carte militant, angajat n aprarea i afirmarea libertii de contiin, de gndire i exprimare, eine Botschaft fr Europa im Geiste der Mnner von 1848, un mesaj pentru Europa n spirit neopaoptist. Auf nceputuri sollten noch zwei weitere Teile folgen, der eine fr die Zeit von 1848 bis zum Aufkommen der faschistischen und der kommunistischen Idee, der andere die Gegenwart betreffend. Insgesamt wollte er den Nachweis erbringen, dass es in Rumnien eine praktisch unbekannt gebliebene alte proeuropische, liberale Tradition gab, die gleichsam underground habe existieren mssen und sich der Zensur wegen nicht in gedruckter Form uern konnte. Zutage trete sie aber in Korrespondenzen, Autobiographien, diplomatischen Dokumenten, Zensur-, Polizei- und Konsularberichten. Der Buchtitel Libertate i cenzur spielt darauf an, dass es immer schon dou Romnii ideologice gegeben habe: ein antidemokratisches, intolerantes, mystisches, fundamentalistisches und demgegenber ein liberales und rationalistisch-kritisches Rumnien. Als essentielle Tatsache arbeitet der Verfasser heraus, dass die Europaidee auch in der rumnischen Kultur ihre Geschichte hat, und zwar seit dem achtzehnten Jahrhundert. Man werde sich dessen inne, wenn man das ltere rumnische Schrifttum von einer anderen als der blichen sthetischen Warte aus lese. Diese sthetische Perspektive sei einseitig, exklusivistisch, reduktionistisch, daher unvollstndig und somit falsch. Rein literarsthetisch gesehen, habe die Literatur Siebenbrgens (und nicht nur Siebenbrgens) keine oder kaum Bedeutung. Wohl aber in ideologischem Hinblick. Von diesem her stelle sie sich unversehens in ganz anderem Licht dar. Somit nimmt Marino eine Neubewertung der lteren Literatur vor. Mit seiner Sichtweise stellt sich der Literarhistoriker in dezidierten Gegensatz auch zu bestimmten einheimischen, meist jngeren Epigonen des westlichen, namentlich US-amerikanischen Liberalismus,

Adrian Marino und sein Europakonzept

275

bar jedweder Kenntnis der rumnischen Geistesgsschichte. Es erschienen, moniert er, ganze Bcher ber den Liberalismus ohne eine einzige Erwhnung Rumniens. Ceea ce este inadmisibil i o dovad de semidoctism i servilism ideologic umilitor. Der Band Inceputuri zeigt mit einer Flle von Belegen auf, wie die idee european in Rumnien mit der Aufklrung aufkam, wobei Europa kein geographischer Begriff war, sondern ein geistiger Pol. Marino spricht hier von o adevrat ruptur, mutaie i revoluie spiritual, einem salt calitativ pe plan spiritual. Er macht den ersten Paradigmawechsel in der Kultur- und Zivilisationsgeschichte der rumnischen Lnder aus, in Gestalt des bergangs von der berkommenen, archaischen, patriarchalischen, feudalen Mentalitt, der mentalitate pravoslavnic, zum europischen Ideal einer Europ luminat. Dieses habe am Ende des Jahrhunderts feste Form und Gestalt angenommen. Europa, lumin und progres seien solidarische und synonyme Vorstellungen geworden. Auf einem doppelten Weg habe die Aufklrung eingewirkt: auf dem griechisch-katholischen in Siebenbrgen, auf dem griechischen in der Walachei und der Moldau. An bekannteren Namen erscheinen unter anderem Costache Conachi, Gheorghe Lazr, Ion Budai-Deleanu, Constantin Diaconovici-Loga, Dimitrie ichindeal, Ienchi Vcrescu, Dinicu Golescu und natrlich die Autoren der Siebenbrgischen Schule. Ich muss darauf verzichten, die Beweisfhrung des Buches hier, sei es auch nur in den groen Linien, zu referieren. Sie mndet ein in die revolutionre Bewegung des Jahres 1848 und das politische Denken ihrer Wortfhrer, der paoptiti, der ersten rumnischen Intellektuellengeneration cu contiina european deplin. Die Achtundvierziger revoltierten so Marino mit unbersehbarem Gegenwartsbezug gegen eine politische pseudo-clas politic, gegen einen egoistisch-mittelmigen, karriereschtigen und evident korrupten politicianism balcanic. Bei allen ihren nicht nur verbalen Extravaganzen urteilt er zeichnete sie ein bis in die Gegenwart unerreichter Idealismus aus, o intransigen, o puritate de intenii i un idealism neegalate nici pn azi n sfera democrat-liberal. Es finden sich bei ihnen Bekenntnisse und Bekundungen wie dieses von Alecu Russo 1851: Ochii i gndul prinilor se nvrteau la Rsrit. Ai notri snt intii spre apus. Dazu Marinos Kommentar: La fel i azi. Mai limpede i concis nici nu se poate spune. Was ihm fr die Gegenwart erforderlich scheint, ist die Wiederaufnahme der immer noch nicht zu Ende gefhrten, noch immer nicht ans Ziel gelangten Bewegung von 1848. Sein Europakonzept fllt zusammen mit einem neopaoptism. Weitere Aufschlsse dazu darf man von des Autors Rechenschaftsbericht ber sein Leben erwarten, einem noch unverffentlichten Konvolut von vielen hundert Manuskriptseiten, das er mir, wohl verschnrt und zur postumen Drucklegung bestimmt, gezeigt hat. Man darf darauf gespannt sein.

Lidentit culturelle de loralit lcriture. Les enjeux politiques de lmergence dune culture aroumaine crite
Corina Iosif
Folklore Archive Institute of the Romanian Academy, Cluj
1. Minorit ethnique et diaspora La construction dune dimension politique lidentit ethnique aroumaine, ne peut pas tre prise en compte que en relation avec le caractre complexe du sentiment dappartenance des Aroumains au peuple roumain. Nous partons du concept didentit ethnique vue comme processus dynamique se construisant dans le rapport lautre. Dans la mesure o, comme lcrit Barth, les acteurs utilisent des identits ethniques pour se catgoriser eux-mmes et pour catgoriser les autres, dans le but dinteraction, ils forment des groupes ethniques.1 Lanalyse du processus dmergence dune identit ethnique aroumaine, dans les conditions politiques et historiques daprs la chute du rgime communiste, doit prendre en compte la prsence dune conscience nationale2 roumaine qui a caractris les groupes dAroumains venus sinstaller en Roumanie. Paralllement, lanalyse porte sur la construction dune communaut aroumaine comme systme social distinct, par rapport la socit qui lenglobe. A lencontre de laffirmation dappartenance la nation roumaine3, le systme communautaire qui sest organis au sud de la Roumanie suppose lexistence des frontires, aussi bien linguistiques que sociales. Ces frontires lui confrent un caractre distinct et sous certains aspects lopposent la socit globale. Sur lidentit ethnique vient sarticuler un discours de la diaspora. Clifford4, daprs Safran, numre les traits caractristiques suivants de la diaspora: la prsence dune histoire de la dispersion, lexistence de mythes et de souvenirs du pays dorigine, lalination dans le pays daccueil, le dsir dun ventuel retour, lappui offert sans cesse au pays dorigine et lidentit collective dfinie en grande mesure travers cette relation. En analysant le phnomne de la diaspora, il faut prendre en compteles discordances existant entre le discours et lexprience historique relle.
1 Cf. Barth, Fredrik, 1995 (1969). Les groupes ethniques et leurs frontires in Poutignat et StreiffFenart, Thories de lethnicit, Paris, PUF, p. 211. 2 Jean-Franois Gossiaux rsume la dfinition weberienne du rapport entre la nation et le groupe ethnique de manire suivante: La nation est un groupe ethnique dot dune volont dexistence politique, le groupe ethnique se caractrisant quant lui par la croyance en une origine commune (Gossiaux, 2002, p. 50). 3 Le Dictionnaire Explicatif de la Langue Roumaine (DEX) dfinit le premier sens du mot Aroumain comme Personne faisant partie de la population de langue roumaine qui vit au sud de la Pninsule Balkanique (en Epire et Macdoine). (DEX, 1975, Editura Academiei Republicii Socialiste Romania). 4 Clifford, 1997, pp. 246 ss. et 274.

278

Corina Iosif

Le dplacement des Aroumains de leurs territoires dorigine en Roumanie, du point de vue administratif et politique, peut-tre considr comme une immigration. Les groupes aroumains ont t installs dans un espace gographique, culturel et politique nouveau, qui leur tait, de fait, quasiment inconnu. Aprs limmigration, les colons se sont replis sur des modles dinteraction prexistants en construisant des rseaux dchange qui ont compos la charpente dun systme communautaire. Ce systme a concentr de multiples communauts de populations lorigine disperses dans la pninsule balkanique. Je dirais donc en minspirant de Clifford que des lieux diffrents sont devenus un lieu unique de rfrence symbolique travers la circulation incessante des gens, de largent, des biens et de linformation. Les populations originellement disperses dans lespace balkanique ont attribu cet espace la qualit de lieu de rfrence travers lexprience de lmigration et la mmoire de la transhumance. Tandis que les populations aroumaines installes en Roumanie dressent des frontires entre elles et la socit daccueil, le discours justificatif de leur prsence sur ce territoire est celui durapatriement. De plus, depuis la chute du rgime communiste, et malgr la dfinition de la roumanit qui intgre les Aroumains la nation roumaine, ceux-ci restent souvent assimils aux minorits ethniques par les mdias et par lopinion publique, qui font une distinction entre la majorit du peuple et une minorit qui nest pas toujours intgre ni assimile la majorit nationale. Il y a donc demble une contradiction entre la ralit sociale de lintgration des Aroumains dans la socit roumaine, et le discours politique qui a accompagn et justifi leur prsence sur le territoire roumain. Cette situation ambigu caractrise leurs discours identitaires aussi bien que les stratgies politiques et culturelles promues par les institutions reprsentatives des Aroumains (associations, fondations, formes denseignement, stations de radio, etc.). A partir de ces observations prliminaires, on peut affirmer que si la communaut des Aroumains constitue une diaspora, la relation quelle entretient avec le territoire daccueil est contradictoire, car, au moins dans lidologie, le territoire daccueil joue le rle dun territoire originaire.5 Un des traits principaux des comportements diasporiques, savoir le dsir dun retour dans le pays dorigine, manque ici. Dans le modle danalyse de la diaspora propos par Safran et repris par Clifford, du point de vue de la relation lespace originaire, deux dimensions du comportement diasporique sont particulirement importantes pour notre enqute. La premire concerne les mcanismes de construction dune mmoire collective qui englobe dune manire privilgie le souvenir des lieux originaires et de lhistoire de limmigration. La seconde concerne lmergence dun mouvement conjugu dune bonne partie dorganisations et des institutions aroumaines en vue de laffirmation dune ethnie aroumaine (diffrencie de lethnie roumaine). Ce mouvement a pris, du moins en Roumanie, des formes de plus en plus institutionnelles aprs la chute du rgime communiste. Lun des ses principaux appuis est prcisment la relation avec lespace dorigine. Gossiaux dcrit les Aroumains (Valaques) de Macdoine comme un groupe ethnique partag entre deux dfinitions antinomiques: une conception territoriale
5 Cette observation t faite par Irina Nicolau, lors dune discussion que nous avons eu durant lanne 1997.

Lmergence dune culture aroumaine crite

279

et une conception nationale de lentit ethnique quils constituent.6 Lattachement des Aroumains lEtat dont ils sont les ressortissants est un fait qui prend souvent laspect de strotype. Maislaffirmation dune forte identit nationale qui les rattache ltat de juridiction va de pair, dans le cas des Aroumains, avec lexercice dune diffrence ethnique, qui peut sincarner dans des systmes communautaires puissants, comme cest le cas en Roumanie. Ce type de bipolarit caractrise par une relation divergente entre lidentit ethnique et lidentit nationale, laisse place la manipulation de lidentit, et, en premier lieu, par les sujets eux-mmes. Deux mouvements connexes caractrisent la dynamique de la dtermination ethnique des Aroumains de Roumanie aprs 1989: la dfinition de lethnie (en fait, de la nation aroumaine) et laffirmation dune culture crite, dune culture savante aroumaine travers la constitution dune langue littraire unifie et dune orthographe unanimement accepte. Les formes narratives du discours sur la construction dune identit culturelle aroumaine signes dune volont politique des Aroumains prennent presque chaque fois comme point de dpart lide selon laquelle les Roumains et les Aroumains sont deux nations distinctes. Ces mouvements identitaires concernent autant les Aroumains de la diaspora roumaine et ceux rests dans lespace dorigine (partag aujourdhui entre la Grce, lAlbanie, la Bulgarie du sud et la Macdoine), que les groupes disperss dans diffrents pays et sur diffrents continents. Ils sont par consquent, selon le pays dorigine, dexpression linguistique diffrente et ont un lien avec la culture de lEtat et de la socit lintrieur de laquelle ils se sont forms. Les intellectuels autochtones, comme lcrit Gossiaux, servent naturellement de porte-parole ceux dont ils partagent lunivers linguistique et culturel.7 Ils contribuent donc une prise de conscience par la communaut de ses intrts et de son identit commune. Dans les cadres dune histoire qui, souvent, nest pas galement partage et dun univers linguistique qui gnre souvent des dbats lorsquil sagit du passage lcriture8, les repres identitaires procdent des domaines de la culture orale. Celle-ci apparat comme le plus petit dnominateur commun dans ce processus de construction identitaire. Les diffrents genres des arts vivants, comme la chanson par exemple, peuvent tre considrs, de ce point de vue, comme autant de filtres de lexprience vcue o senracinent les vidences identitaires des Aroumains. Autrement dit, les discours idologiques portant sur lidentit aroumaine trouvent un cadre dexpression dans les genres de la culture orale. Les origines de ce nouvel essor dun nationalisme aroumain sont multiples. Il sest affirm, le plus souvent par le biais du nationalisme roumain, la suite des guerres balkaniques et paralllement la constitution des Etats-Nations dans la pninsule Balkanique. On ne peut le comprendre en dehors du contexte politique mondial et des volutions qui confrent aux minorits ethniques des statuts politiques et, par consquent, des cadres politiques et administratifs ncessaires laffirmation de leur image publique. Une culture assigne est lgitime, et une culture lgitime acquiert des droits politiques quelle doit affirmer dans le cadre prtabli des lois
6 Gossiaux, 2002, p. 173. 7 Gossiaux, 2002, p. 58. 8 Les dbats portent sur des opinions divergentes non seulement dans lobtention dun accord sur les rgles de la graphie, mais aussi sur lunit du vocabulaire.

280

Corina Iosif

concernant les minorits ethniques.9 Ainsi, du moins en Roumanie, la dfinition de lidentit aroumaine, passe progressivement du domaine de la diversit culturelle celui de la diversit ethnique. Dans les pages suivantes, nous centrons lanalyse sur quelques aspects que nous considrons comme parmi les plus importants de la construction politique de la communaut aroumaine de Roumanie. Il sagit dabord de la cration dune mmoire collective et de sa place dans la naissance dune culture aroumaine crite, et implicitement savante. Il sagit ensuite du processus dmergence des institutions reprsentatives des Aroumains en Roumanie. Nous tudions comment le discours collectif et lidologie qui le sous-tend peuvent influencer le fonctionnement de la communaut dans son ensemble. 2. Histoire vcue, mmoire raconte Si on considre lhistoire moderne des Aroumains partir de leur premier mouvement national qui a dailleurs chou de la fin du XIXme sicle et du dbut du XXme sicle10, on peut dire quelle a t vcue par ses sujets de deux manires diffrentes: si leur vie communautaire se dployait au sein dune culture orale exprime en aroumain, leurs relations avec lextrieur (en grande partie des rapports administratifs, politiques, commerciaux ou de nature intellectuelle) passaient par une langue trangre (la langue du pouvoir) et souvent par lexpression crite de cette langue. Le nouvel essor du mouvement identitaire aroumain sest dclench durant la priode de rorganisation des espaces nationaux des pays de lEst, et de la reconfiguration de leurs frontires tatiques. Ce mouvement a comme enjeucentral la langue, car laffirmation dune identit ethnique aroumaine a d passer par la constitution dune langue crite et unifie et la substitution de lcriture loralit dans laffirmation dune culture aroumaine. Laroumain tait utilis par tous les groupes aroumains de lespace balkanique. Des communauts parpilles dans lespace du fait des dplacements lis la transhumance restaient pourtant en contact grce aux relations dalliance et aux rapports commerciaux. Des modes de communication propres loralit reliaient ces diffrentes communauts disperses. Il faut donner toute son importance la diffrence entre cultures orales et cultures crites, comme le recommande Goody11, parce que cela soulve la question du rle de lindividu dans la cration. Cest partir de cette diffrence que nous allons dvelopper deux thmes : dune part, la construction de la mmoire collective travers la cration de chansons la demande et, par consquent, le personnage du
9 Le processus travers lequel les groupes ethniques acquirent une identit politique en devenant aujourdhui des minorits ethniques (souvent sous limpratif de la prservation des cultures en voie de disparition, comme les Istro-roumains) ou des minorits nationales sinscrit dans le contexte politique mondial concernant le problme des minorits. 10 Selon le discours dune partie des leaders aroumains, il y a trois moments de la rsurrection aroumaine: le premier, qui daterait de la deuxime moiti du XVIIme sicle, sest termin avec la destruction de la ville Moscopole; le deuxime aurait commenc en 1864 avec louverture de la premire cole roumaine en Macdoine; enfin le troisime dbuterait avec la parution du premier numro de la Revue Zborlu a Nostru [Notre parole], en 1983 (Traian, 2002, p. 220). 11 Goody, 1977, p. 73.

Lmergence dune culture aroumaine crite

281

rhapsode en tant quhomme-mmoire12 et, dautre part, la place de cet art dans le passage de loralit lcriture. Une des pratiques communautaires les plus importantes des Aroumains est la cration de chansons la demande comme lieux par excellence de la mmoire collective.13 Ce type de mmoire qui ne contient pas ncessairement la ralit historique des vnements auxquelles elle fait rfrence, mais la reprsentation de ces faits produite et vhicule par les membres de la communaut nexiste pas en dehors du groupe. Ce sont les individus qui reconstruisent et proclament en permanence lactualit de cette mmoire. Cette reconstruction sopre partir de donnes ou de notions communes qui se trouvent dans notre esprit comme dans celui dautrui et passent sans cesse de lun lautre. Lart de la chanson compose sur commande est une illustration exemplaire de ce processus de transmission et actualisation de la mmoire collective. Lexemplarit de ce processus rside, nous semble-t-il, tant dans son ampleur que dans son importance politique. Les connaissances que les personnes interviewes dtenaient sur les diffrents groupes ou individus sappuyaient souvent sur les informations vhicules par les chansons. Chaque fois quune histoire exemplaire tait invoque pour caractriser un groupe ou un autre, cette exemplarit tait prouve par lexistence de la chansonmmoire. Soulignons deux aspects de cet art des chansons. Cest dabord une pratique sociale grce laquelle les Aroumains parvenaient vhiculer sur un territoire assez vaste la Dobroudja et dans certains cas dautres rgions des Balkans galement un fonds dinformations touchant la vie communautaire. Cette pratique eut pour effet dengendrer une certaine homognisation culturelle. Cest ensuite la production du supportde ces informations: les chansons proprement dites. Leur contenu, musique et texte, rpond des thmes et des genres musicaux prexistants14. La cration puis la circulation de ces chansons engendrent un mouvement didentification individuelle la communaut. Leur circulation instaure une frontire dmarquant la communaut aroumaine, au sein de laquelle elles sont confines, de la socit globale roumaine. En effet, ces chansons sont destines tre vhicules entre Aroumains, puisquelles sont porteuses dinformations qui ne concernent que les individus appartenant cette communaut. En consquence, la charge informationnelle et le poids motionnel de ces chansons sont perus uniquement par leurs destinataires: les Aroumains. Les conventions ainsi dresses, comme dit Cohen, deviennent des frontires travers et par leurs rinvestissements en valeurs symboliques.15 Caraiani et Saramandu16 classaient ces chansons selon leur thmatique: chansons damour et de langueur amoureuse, de sparation et de dpaysement, dhumour, de bergers et de caravanage, de brigandage, de groupes sociaux et ethniques, et en12 Le Goff, 1988, 1977, p. 113. 13 Toutefois, je dois signaler que cette rflexion sappuie sur des exemples qui viennent dun seul sous-groupe aroumain: les Gramosteni. 14 Je prcise toutefois, et cest important, que ces chansons composes sur commande ne sont pas forcment des variations sur des airs dj connus. Certes elles peuvent tre reprises de mlodies venues de divers milieux et de divers mdias audiovisuels, mais elles peuvent aussi prsenter des mlodies originales. 15 Cohen, A.P., 1983, p. 50. 16 Caraiani, Gh. Nicolae, Saramandu, Nicolae, 1982. Folclor Aromn Grmostean, ed. Minerva, Bucureti.

282

Corina Iosif

fin, de chagrin et de guerre (en dehors des chansons lies aux pratiques rituelles). Je complterai cette classification par thmes en introduisant deux autres critres: le contexte de production (les raisons qui mnent la cration dune chanson) et la personne du crateur. Les situations et les vnements qui sont prtexte chanson peuvent tre: les vnements tragiques qui ont marqu la vie dune communaut, les vnements tragiques ou heureux qui ont marqu la vie dune famille,enfin, des situations qui peuvent engendrer la critique sociale la suite de la transgression des normes morales, par exemple telle ou telle rgle de la vie communautaire (cest dans cette catgorie que lon retrouve les chansons humoristiques ayant pour fonction dnoncer une sanction morale). En fonction des exigences cres par les commandes dune nouvelle chanson, il y a deux situations possibles. La premire est celle des chansons faites sur commande. Une famille est commanditaire de lexpression publique dun vnement quelle vit, quil soit heureux (mariage, naissance, enrichissement) ou malheureux (dcs subit, maladies, etc.). Quand la chanson nest pas crite et compose par quelquun appartenant la famille en cause, le chef de famille fait appel un rhapsode professionnel. Celui-ci reoit les informations dtailles sur les circonstances dans lesquelles lvnement sest produit. Il sagit surtout des dtails que la famille propritaire de la chanson est dsireuse de rendre publics. Le rhapsode honorant sa commande, sa prestation sera considre comme un service, pour lequel il se fera payer. Lautre situation possible est celle des chansons composes sans commande : cette situation advient le plus souvent lors dvnements traverss par la communaut dans son ensemble (par exemple, les conflits arms). A chaud, le rhapsode compose une chanson qui deviendra le medium par lequel lvnement, sous sa forme ainsi stylise, entrera et se fixera dans la mmoire des gens. La chanson sera, par consquent, la fois lobjet et le moyen de la remmoration et de la commmoration de lvnement. Les chansons sanction entrent dans cette catgorie. Ces chansons ont pour but de stigmatiser un individu ou un groupe. Mais en ce cas lauteur gardera rigoureusement lanonymat pour se protger des reprsailles. Plus gnralement, dans le cas de cette catgorie de cration, on a affaire la narration dvnements ou de situations qui ont un caractre dexemplarit au regard des normes dexistence communautaire. Les chansons ainsi mises en circulation vhiculent une information et, comme objets culturels partags, elles servent dillustrations des normes communautaires et vont donc sriger en modles. Tout un rpertoire circule ainsi de chansons nes diffrents moments de lhistoire de la communaut. Les variations dans le contenu du texte ne sont pas importantes. Un mme rcit peut tre facilement reconnu travers les variantes qui se multiplient ds la cration des chansons. Aprs la deuxime guerre mondiale, la suite de lintgration en masse des Aroumains dans le systme denseignement de lEtat, qui supposait huit ans de scolarit obligatoire, dans beaucoup de maisons aroumaines sont apparus les cahiers de chansons. Le texte est crit en aroumain avec une graphie assez alatoire, mais ces cahiers de chansons ont bien eu la fonction de support matriel de la mmoire. Pourtant, la principale voie de la transmission reste loralit. Une partie des chansons datent davant ou pendant la priode de lmigration en Roumanie comme celles quont recueillies Saramandu et Caraiani dans Folclor Aromn Grmostean. Il est souvent difficile de les dater. Les repres les plus crdibles restent, dans ce cas-l,

Lmergence dune culture aroumaine crite

283

les rfrences gographiques (villages des Balkans, de Quadrilatre ou de Dobroudja du nord). Les personnages, sujets des chansons faites la demande, sont facilement reprables, parce que les donnes de la narration, auxquelles sajoute la mmoire des individus, renvoient prcisment une certaine personne. Mais le reprage devient de plus en plus difficile lorsque les personnages ne font pas partie du groupe dorigine de celui appel faire des commentaires sur une. Si la slection des donnes destines tre transmises est la tche du commanditaire, la transformation de ces donnes en objets de mmoire (trace fige dun certain vnement, mise en forme musicalo-mmoriale et occasion pour la commmoration lors de la performance de la chanson) est le travail du rhapsode. Sa place dans la production de la culture peut tre mieux comprise travers lanalyse du passage de loralit lcriture dans la culture aroumaine actuelle. A partir des annes 1990, la publication des volumes runissant des textes de chansons a t prise en charge par des maisons ddition aroumaines.17 On peut parler dune forme de mmoire collective dont la construction a commenc aprs linstallation des Aroumains en Roumaine, lorsque le rassemblement sur un territoire bien dlimit des diffrents groupes dAroumains (venant de diffrentes zones des Balkans) a favoris la mise en commun des chansons originaires des diffrentes zones des Balkans. Elles ont ainsi form une sorte de nuclus de rpertoire collectif, qui, une fois intgr, devient mmoire commune. Par leur contenu, les chansons composes et entres dans lusage pendant les annes 1920, celles parues en Quadrilatre ou en Dobroudja du nord, se retrouvent ainsi dans un ensemble atemporel dvnements disponibles pour tous, et constituent un fragment de rpertoire musical qui participe la construction dune zone de mmoire collective qui inclut non seulement les souvenirs dune histoire vcue en commun (comme lmigration) mai aussi les histoires de vie ayant un caractre dexemplarit. Elles contribuent la conceptualisation de lhistoire de limmigration en Roumanie. En effet, bien que la population aroumaine de Roumanie soit constitue de diffrents groupes venus de divers points de la Pninsule balkanique, elle semble avoir une vision commune de cette tape de son histoire. Ce vcu en commun, la dcision de partir en Roumanie et le voyage lui-mme, fonde lide dune unit communautaire. Ces catgories de la culture orale que sont les chansons se transforment en catgories de la culture crite par ldition et la diffusion sous forme crite : La forme crite continue cohabiter avec son modle, la variante orale. La situation tait similaire pour les productions orales entrant dans la catgorie du rcit. De nombreuses blagues, petites histoires exemplaires pour la vie des Aroumains, des narrations censes tre racontes pendant les runions et les ftes histoires de prison, de lmigration, pisodes concernant le processus dadaptation aprs linstallation en Roumanie sont maintenant des textes publis. Ce passage de loralit lcriture, qui se traduit par la volont de passer dune mmoire collective une m17 Pour donner quelques exemples, cits par H. Cndroveanu en Aromnii ieri i azi [Les Aroumains, hier et aujourdhui], Scrisul Romnesc, Craiova, 1995: Padioti, Gogu, 1991, Cntii frerotete, Soietatea de Cultur Aromn (Vlah) Athina Chansons des Freroi, Socit de Culture Aroumaine, Athnes; , ., Cantiti Armanesti di-Aminciu = , : , 1999. Cntii Armneti, un album de chansons rassembles par Risto Gheorghevici-Spoa, 80 chansons recueilles dans les localits de Cruova, Bitolia, Gope, Trnova, Magarova, Mulovite. Les rfrences de cette dernire publication manquent.

284

Corina Iosif

moire historique18, a rvl un phnomne complexe et problmatique, sur lequel il convient de sattarder. Immdiatement aprs la fin des rgimes communistes lEst, la publication des livres en aroumain sest intensifie. Limpratif de lobtention dune visibilit politique passait ncessairement pour les Aroumains par la cration dune culture crite. Cette entreprise a dabord t prise en charge par de nouvelles formes associatives au sein de la vie sociale et intra-communautaire des Aroumains qui, en grande partie, sont devenues aussi des organisations reprsentatives pour la construction dune identit culturelle aroumaine. 3. La communaut et sa dimension politique Les associations aroumaines qui se sont constitues depuis les annes 90 aussi bien en Roumanie que dans les tats balkaniques ont eu un prcdent important. Les Aroumains migrs en Europe Centrale et en Amrique du Nord ont eu une activit constante19 de prservation de la langue aroumaine mme si ce ne fut pas de manire systmatique. De ce point de vue, le centre le plus important a sans doute t celui de Freiburg, avec la publication de la revue, Zborlu a Nostru [Notre langue/parle], rige en priodique officiel. Le premier numro est paru en 1984 et la revue a continu dtre dite sans interruption jusqu nos jours. Cest galement Freiburg qua t conue et cristallise la stratgie dun nouvel essor du mouvement nationaliste aroumain. Mais, comme Gossiaux le notait dj, la revendication des Valaques aroumains quils soient de Macdoine ou de Bulgarie na quant elle rien voir avec lEtat-nation. Le mouvement aroumain est typiquement un mouvement ethniciste, cest--dire fond sur la valorisation politique de lidentit ethnique.20 Son objectif nest ni la cration dun Etat-nation propre, ni laccession quelque autonomie territoriale, ni de maintenir un lien avec une mre-patrie extrieure. Le mouvement nationaliste aroumain, que Gossieaux dfinit comme un ethnicisme transnational, est n dune srie de rencontres et confrences dont lorganisateur principal a t, au moins en Europe, LUnion pour Langue et Culture Aroumaine21. Deux types de dmarches se sont conjugues. La premire visait la constitution dun rseau de structures organisationnelles internationales, reconnues par les Aroumains de tous pays, dans le cadre desquelles devaient tre prises des dcisions concernant la langue, lorthographe, la culture et la possible cration dune Acadmie aroumaine. Faute dune structure politique, dun Etat, cest uniquement ainsique nos dcisions pourront acqurir une validit, une lgitimit , affirmait
18 Selon Halbwachs, la mmoire historique est plutt une mmoire emprunte, acquise, crite, pragmatique, longue et unifie, tandis que la mmoire collective est une mmoire produite, vcue, orale, normative, courte et plurielle (Cf. Jol Candau , Mmoire et identit, PUF, Paris, 1998, p. 128). 19 Selon T. Cunia, mme avant 1980, autour des rgions de New York et Bridgeport existaient plusieurs associations aroumaines qui organisaient les runions priodiques de tous ceux qui dsiraient faire quelque chose pour la prservation de la langue aroumaine (Traian, I., 2002, Ed. Cartea Aromn, Constana). 20 Gossieaux, 2002, p. 185. 21 Cette association a t cre et dclare en Allemagne par le professeur Vasile Barba, qui en est aussi le prsident et le membre le plus actif parmi les Aroumains attachs la question aroumaine. Il a t aussi le principal organisateur du congrs. (Traian, 2002, p. 227).

Lmergence dune culture aroumaine crite

285

T. Cunia, lun des plus importants reprsentants du mouvement ethniciste aroumain de la diaspora.22 La seconde dmarche concernait lorganisation dune Confrence internationale des Aroumains. Le but tait lorganisation de cette fdration mondiale des socits (suate) aroumaines ou associations aroumaines, et un dbut de ngociation en vue dun systme de rgles de grammaire et dcriture qui permette ensuite la standardisation dune langue unifie aroumaine en mesure de servir sa future littrature 23. Le premier Congrs International de Langue et Culture Aroumaine eut lieu Mannheim24 en septembre 1985. Cette rencontre a suscit lintrt non seulement des Aroumains en gnral, mais galement des linguistes intresss par les langues romanes25. Les dbats ont port sur les implications politiques dune telle dmarche. Les rsolutions du congrs ont t formules en termes politiques : le problme de la reconnaissance du peuple aroumain comme peuple part entire, de langue nolatine, avec des droits culturels gaux aux autres peuples; les Etats englobant des populations aroumaines assez importantes taient appels permettre lenseignement en aroumain lcole nationale et les messes en aroumain dans les glises; ils taient galement appels ouvrir aux Aroumains la possibilit daccs aux mdias pour diffuser cette langue et cette culture.26 Quatre congrs internationaux ont encore t organiss jusquen 2002. Conjointement sept congrs dits congrs amricains 27 se sont tenus aux Etats-Unis. Lors de ces rencontres, a encore t aborde la question des Aroumains qui ne parlent plus leur propre langue, ce qui est surtout le cas de la jeune gnration ne en Occident. Ainsi, pour largir la possibilit du dialogue, les interventions en anglais sont apparues comme prfrables celles prsentes en roumain. Cette situation a eu comme effet second daffaiblir la position du roumain comme langue de rfrence pour laroumain, cest--dire, comme unique langue capable de faire entrer lgitimement laroumain dans le concert des cultures crites.28 A partir des annes 90, un nombre de plus en plus grand de rencontres, colloques et confrences a t organis, y compris dans les pays de lex-bloc communiste. Aprs le Congrs de 1992, Vasile Barba commence des dmarches intensives auprs du Conseil de lEurope Strasbourg afin dobtenir pour les Aroumains ladoption de la Recommandation 1333 (relative la langue et la culture aroumaines), of22 Traian, Ilie, 2002, Un Coresi aromn: Tiberiu Cunia (Un Coresi aroumain). Bucureti, Ed. Danubius, p.221). Le livre runit une suite dinterviews avec T. Cunia, prsident de la Fondation Cartea Aromn et aussi diteur de la Maison dEdition Cartea Aromn. 23 Cunia, in Traian, 2000, p. 221. 24 Le choix du lieu du congrs a d prendre en compte la situation politique des pays o rsidaient les Aroumains. La Grce ne reconnaissait pas lexistence dune minorit ethnique aroumaine, la Bulgarie, ou la Roumanie, reconnaissaient leurs minorit mais les rgimes communistes en place ntaient pas favorables aux dmarches politiques de facture ethniciste de ces minorits. 25 Lun de ses organisateurs tait dailleurs le romaniste Rupprecht Rohr. Aux cts dautres linguistes allemands ont aussi particip Eugenio Coserio, linguiste dorigine roumaine, et Max Demeter Peyffus, auteur dun des ouvrages de rfrence de la deuxime moiti du XXme sicle concernant la question aroumaine. (selon T. Cunia.) 26 Traian, 2000, p. 227. 27 Dont le principal organisateur a t, selon T. Cunia, R. Ciufecu. 28 Cette dimension proprement politique du problme de la langue ne fait que doubler le problme concernant les modles ortographiques adopter pour laroumain, lenrichissement de lidiome par des nologismes, etc.

286

Corina Iosif

ficiellement accepte en 1997.29 Cet acte recommande aux tats o vivent des communauts aroumaines dencourager lutilisation de laroumain dans lenseignement, les glises, les associations culturelles, dans les journaux, la radio, la tlvision, etc.; lacte recommandait aussi ces tats douvrir des chaires daroumain dans les universits, daccorder des bourses pour les tudiants dsireux dtudier la culture aroumaine, dintroduire lhistoire des Aroumains dans le syllabus des cours dhistoire nationale ou europenne, etc. La Recommandation est entre en vigueur en 1999. LEtat roumain, par ses reprsentants Strasbourg, a soutenu son approbation. Outre le cadre lgitime confr par cet acte du Conseil de lEurope au mouvement ethniciste aroumain (cest--dire la reconnaissance de certains droits politiques), son entre en vigueur a signifi laffirmation et la reconnaissance de jure dune ethnie aroumaine, qui, par sa langue tout dabord, par sa culture et son histoire ensuite, se revendique comme diffrente. Il faut prciser pourtant que cette rsolution du Conseil de lEurope fait rfrence aux Aroumains comme minorit culturelle-linguistique et non comme minorit nationale ou minorit ethnique. 4. La dimension politique et ses institutions Une bonne partie des fondations culturelles aroumaines de Roumanie aprs 89 sont entres en contact avec LUnion pour la Langue et la Culture Aroumaine de Freiburg et entretiennent des rapports avec celle-ci. Les documents de cette fondation ont commenc circuler largement dans les milieux aroumains de Roumanie. Toutes ces fondations et organisations culturelles, en Roumanie, Freiburg, aux Etats-Unis ou ailleurs, se sont constitues en diaspora. Malgr les dsaccords qui pouvaient exister entre les diffrents groupes au sujet des choix stratgiques de politique culturelle ou ethnique, ce rseau transnational a constitu pour les communauts aroumaines des Balkans une source importante dinformation et une structure de rfrence pour le travail dorganisation sur les territoires dorigine. Ainsi, les textes et les articles provenant dAlbanie, de Grce, de Serbie et de Bulgarie sont publis systmatiquement en Roumanie. Conjointement, les fondations aroumaines ayant leurs propres maisons ddition envoient chaque anne des ouvrages dans les communauts des Balkans. Toutes les publications proposent deux orientations de dveloppement de la communaut sur les deux plans. La premire est proprement linguistique, la seconde politique. Il sagit de propositions (voire de recommandations) sur les dveloppements linguistiques soit par des emprunts la langue roumaine, soit par lunification des diffrentes variantes du dialecte (dAlbanie, de Grce, etc.), puis la constitution dun alphabet autonome ; cette discussion philologique tant accompagne en sourdine de suggestions discrtes concernant la dfinition dun espace territorial qui serait propre aux Aroumains dans les Balkans30. En Roumanie, les institutions de la communaut sont bases surtout Bucarest et Constana. Elles existent grce trois sources de financement: les Aroumains migrs en Europe Centrale et en Amrique du Nord (comme cest le cas de la Fon29 Voir le texte sur le site : http://assembly.coe.int/Documents/AdoptedText/TA97/Frec1333.htm. 30 On trouve dailleurs dans ces publications des interviews menes avec des personnalits politiques roumaines sur la question aroumaine.

Lmergence dune culture aroumaine crite

287

dation Cartea Aromn), les Aroumains de Roumanie (dans ce cas le meilleur exemple est la Fondation Sammarina), et enfin lEtat Roumain. La stratgie ditoriale de ces Fondations a trois objectifs. Le premier concerne la rdition de livres, revues et textes en aroumain, qui ont constitu le dbut de laroumain crit la fin du XIXme et dbut du XXme sicle. Des publications de textes manuscrits du dbut du XXme sicle ont souvent t intgres cette catgorie. Une deuxime catgorie est constitue par des ouvrages destins lenseignement en aroumain. Ce sont des rditions, ou des dictionnaires, abcdaires, livres de lecture et autres instruments dapprentissage de la langue. La troisime catgorie est constitue de textes en aroumain (histoires, pomes, pices de thtre, romans) que leurs auteurs aroumains dsirent publier. Cest ce que nous avons appel la nouvelle littrature aroumaine, par rapport aux textes qui datent du dbut du XXme sicle. Les auteurs de ces publications viennent de tous les pays de rsidence des Aroumains, et leurs livres (comme dailleurs toutes ces publications en aroumain) sont distribus gratuitement dans tous les pays concerns.31 Cette politique ditoriale a soulev dune manire encore plus manifeste la question de la langue comme problme central de la dimension politique du mouvement identitaire aroumain. Le fait que les publications taient destines moins aux Aroumains de Roumanie qu ceux vivant sur les territoires dorigine a impos des prises de dcisions rapides concernant au moins les rgles dcriture, pour rendre les publications comprhensibles pour tous les lecteurs. Les maisons ddition sont dsormais incontournables dans la construction dune identit ethnique aroumaine. 5. Les enjeux de lcriture Ds les premires Confrences de Langue et Culture Aroumaine en 1986 et 1988, la question delcriture (graphie et orthographe) a t trs dbattue. La dispersion des Aroumains dans diffrentes zones de lespace balkanique a conduit des diffrences linguistiques considrables; selon le pays dorigine, les Aroumains utilisent lalphabet latin (en Roumanie et en Albanie), cyrillique (en Bulgarie et en Macdoine) ou grec (en Grce). Le vocabulaire est influenc par des prononciations diffrentes du mme mot et par des nologismes emprunts le plus souvent la langue de lEtat habit. Le projet de la premire Confrence des Aroumains fut tabli par un groupe de quatre personnes dont deux taient des linguistes.32 La graphieest le premier problme quils ont eu surmonter; une fois lalphabet latin unanimement accept, ils ont d choisir, pour les conventions graphiques de lcriture, entre lutilisation des signes diacritiques et lutilisation de groupes de lettres pour dsigner
31 Selon Dumitru G., prsident de la Fondation Cartea Aromn, (entretien, 1995). 32 Ces quatre personnes taient V. Barba, T. Cunia, N. Saramandu et N. Caciuperi. La prsence de N. Saramandu dans ce projet a soulev un problme: ce propos T. Cunia affirme: Saramandu venait de Roumanie et ce moment-l il tait professeur invit Freiburg, comme moi, dailleurs. [] Il tait philologue et son nom tait de grand prestige. Sa position dans la stratgie du groupe ncessitait plus dattention. [] Il venait dun pays communiste; plus encore, il venait dun pays o vivaient les Roumains, nos frres, et leur langue, la sur de notre langue. Sa position par rapport aux signes diacritiques [] aurait pu lexposer tel que cela mest arriv moi des accusations danti-romnisme [anti-roumanisme]. [] Dailleurs nous avons gard le secret sur la participation de Saramandu pendant les premires annes. [] Cest seulement aprs la chute du communisme que nous avons publiquement parl de sa contribution (Traian, 2002, p. 248).

288

Corina Iosif

toutes les voyelles et consonnes de laroumain. Par ailleurs, ce nest pas un hasard si les partisans du mouvement national, qui affirmaient lexistence de la diffrence ethnique roumains/aroumains, ont, quant eux, propos33 une criture ( une seule exception prs) sans signes diacritiques. Le principal argument lappui de cette proposition a t le fait quune telle criture tait compatible avec Internet et avec tout ordinateur. La proposition a produit des ractions ngatives. Les opinions taient trs divergentes, principalement parce que plusieurs systmes dcriture taient dj utiliss. La raction la plus ferme est venue de la part des Aroumains de Roumanie, et tout particulirement dune linguiste et dialectologue rpute, Mathilda Caragiu-Marioeanu. Les linguistes justifiaient leur dsaccord par des raisons scientifiques, se rfrant aux rgles de formation du vocabulaire et de lorthographe dune langue, la proximit entre le roumain et laroumain qui ne permettait pas de distinguer deux orthographes et enfin la barbarie du systme dcriture propos Freiburg et ils soulignaient la dimension politique et sociale de ce problme.34 Une bonne partie des adversaires du systme sans diacritiques a accus de trahison ses partisans. Les dmarches du groupe de Freiburg ont t souvent interprtes comme une propagande anti-roumaine. Cest ainsi quon a vu rapparatre lopposition entre ceux qui soutenaient lexistence dune identit roumains-aroumains ne considrant que des diffrences culturelles entre les deux branches dune mme population, ici le peuple roumain, et ceux qui soutenaient lexistence dune distinction entre ethnie aroumaine et ethnie roumaine. O devait-on chercher la lgitimit ethnique des Aroumains: en Roumanie, ou en dehors des structures de cet Etat-nation? Cest parce que jamais lAcadmie roumaine ne sest occupe de lcriture dialectale [laroumain] pour fixer lalphabet comme elle lavait fait pour la langue roumaine, dclare Cunia, lun des principaux partisans du systme dcriture sans diacritiques, quon nest jamais arriv une criture standard de laroumain.35 On dnonait donc un double abandon: dabord labandon politique des Aroumains des Balkans par lEtat roumain communiste, puis labandon dun effort systmatique des Roumains pour prserver lalangue et la culture aroumaines. Les dmarches faites par une partie de llite aroumaine auprs de lUnion Europenne afin dobtenir la reconnaissance de leur mouvement identitaire tirent argument du besoin dune structure internationale, dmocratique et reprsentative qui puisse parler dune seule voix aroumaine aux trangers36. Et lorthographe sans diacritiques semblait apte favoriser lmergence dune seule voix aroumaine. En dpit des critiques, lorthographe sans diacritiques fut adopte par un nombre de plus en plus grand dAroumains. La politique ditoriale imagine par T. Cunia prvoit de placer au dbut de chaque livre publi plus de 150 titres (revues, livres, brochures) taient dj publis en 2004 des prcis dorthographe sans signes diacritiques. Ainsi, avant mme que les dbats sur le choix dune criture
33 A ce moment-l, il sagissait seulement dune proposition cense tre discute plus tard. Pourtant le systme a t adopt assez vite, suite au Symposium de Standardisation de lEcriture Aroumaine (Simposionlu tr Standardizari a Scriariljei Armneasc) qui a eu lieu Bitolia en 1997 et durant lequel le systme a t vot par les prsents et a acquis un caractre lgitime. 34 Caragiu-Marioeanu, M., 1997, p. 451. 35 Traian, 2002, p. 258. 36 Cunia, in Traian, 2002, p. 249.

Lmergence dune culture aroumaine crite

289

naient pu se dvelopper, les rgles de lorthographe sans diacritiques se sont imposes par la force du nombre de publications qui suivent cette rgle. Lcriture sans diacritiques fut donc de plus en plus utilise dans diffrentes situations o laroumain tait utilis comme langue crite, alors mme que les Congrs aroumains qui ont suivi lobtention de la Recommandation 1333, se dclaraient de plus en plus en faveur de lcriture avec diacritiques (agre par lAcadmie roumaine). Pour de nombreux Aroumains de Roumanie, le type dcriture sans diacritiques a t difficile assumer. Malgr cela, tant donn les facilits de lecture quelle suppose (et en ce sens le courrier lectronique a jou un rle important), elle est devenue le moyen de communication entre des Aroumains pourtant forms diffrentes cultures crites. Des publications dAlbanie et de Macdoine ont adopt ce type dcriture. Dans les dernires annes (2000-2006), le nombre de sites Internet concernant les Aroumains a augment. Lorthographe sans diacritiques utilise dans ces changes, compatible avec la communication sur lInternet, a largi une fois de plus lusage des rgles dcriture votes Bitolia (Bitula) en 1997. Les mmes rgles dorthographe sont adoptes dans les titres parus, au moins dans les deux maisons ddition les plus importantes de Constana (en 2005 on comptait plus de 250 titres), et distribus dans tout lespace balkanique. Constana, les premiers textes publis par la maison ddition Cartea Aromn, ont t dits aux Etats-Unis par T.Cunia et ils sont soit des rditions danciens textes parus en aroumain au dbut du XXme sicle, soit des textes non publis (pomes et prose) dont une partie circulait dj en manuscrit parmi les Aroumains de la diaspora. A partir des annes 1992-1993, aprs avoir dplac son sige de Bridgeport Constana,la maison ddition a adopt une politique dencouragement prioritaire toute parution de textes aroumains avec pour seul critre lutilisation de cette langue. Une partie des auteurs publis avaient dj une activit littraire, plus ou moins importante, dans la langue du pays o ils vivaient. Dautres ont publi leurs premiers textes directement en aroumain, des narrations ou des pomes. Il sagit souvent de souvenirs, mais aussi dhistoires de vie se concentrant sur certains aspects considrs comme significatifs de la vie des Aroumains et qui rejoignent, comme nous avons dj mentionn, dans leur construction, les catgories de la culture orale, notamment celles du rcit. Les volumes de posies sont trs nombreux, et la chanson-mmoire est le genre le plus frquent. La caractristique gnrale de cet ensemble (car la logique de la production de cette culture crite suppose une unit linguistique, orthographique et thmatique) rside dans sa dimension communicationnelle. Elle met en circulation, sur une aire gographique et culturelle trs vaste, un certain fonds dinformations concernant les Aroumains quel que soit le pays o ils vivent, surtout sur la vie, prive et publique, des individus (mariages, baptmes, trajets professionnels, etc.) ainsi que sur les diffrents vnements communautaires.37 Cette littrature aroumaine depuis les annes 1990 est plus un moyen de communication quune
37 La Revue de Littrature et Etudes Aroumaines (Rivista di Litiratur shi Studii Armni), dont le premier numro est paru en 1994, est une trs bonne illustration de cette politique rdactionnelle. Les pages de la revue, abritent des rditions de priodiques en aroumain du dbut du XXme sicle et des informations diverses concernant les diffrentes communauts dAroumains, associations, fondations. Sont publis aussi des souvenirs et des pomes, des recueils defolklore aroumain et des traductions (la plupart de roumain en aroumain). Le critre de regroupement de cette grande htrognit de textes restitus au lecteur est essentiellement celui de la langue employe.

290

Corina Iosif

vritable cration littraire ou intellectuelle. Les textes sont avant tout des faits de mmoire, des transcription dnoncs oraux pour reprendre une formule de Bazin et Bensa38. Linformation ainsi produite circule dans tout lespace balkanique. Dans ces conditions les dbats sur lacceptation dune orthographe ou dune autre nont plus de poids, car le but de cette production littraire nest pas de stocker et accumuler du savoir en vue de constituer une tradition critique, mais de faire circuler des informations. De ce point de vue, et dans un premier temps, lexprience de lcriture vient largir une pratique prexistante plutt que construire une nouvelle dimension de la culture. Un des principaux mcanismes du systme communautaire, en relation avec loralit de la culture, est donc la circulation dinformations sur un espace transnational. Les objets culturels ainsi crs sont reconnus par tous les Aroumains demeurant dans diffrents pays malgr des diffrences de langage. En rsum, au dbut des annes 1993, les dmarches visant construire une dimension publique de lidentit collective aroumaine adoptent principalement deux positions. La premire a dabord t promue par ce quon peut appeler le Groupe de Freiburg. Sa stratgie identitaire, affirme ds le premier Congrs de langue et culture aroumaine (1985), se caractrise par laffirmation plus nette de lexistence dune ethnie aroumaine distincte et, en consquence, par des dmarches en vue dobtenir sa lgitimit politique. Elle est illustre, par exemple, par labcdaire aroumain39 dit par la maison ddition Sammarina. Un des textes rattach la fin de louvrage, Patrida a noast [Notre Patrie] rsume pour les enfants de lcole lmentaire la perspective des partisans de cette premire position relative lidentit aroumaine. Tous les lments de la construction narrative dune identit aroumaine distincte de lidentit roumaine sont ici prsents : la rfrence un territoire dorigine prcisment circonscrit du point de vue gographique, nomm patrie (la Roumanie nest plus, donc, la patrie symbolique de rfrence); la relation avec les autres territoires o habitent les Aroumains dfinis travers la notion de diaspora; la relation avec les pouvoirs tatiques qui englobent les lieux habits par les Aroumains et le droit la mobilit, dfini par le droit lmigration; laroumain est nomm langue maternelle et on affirme le droit de la libre expression de laroumain.40 La deuxime position, propre surtout aux publications aroumaines des premires annes daprs la chute du rgime communiste (mais aussi avant), est caractrise par la perptuation de la problmatique de lidentit lie au rapport roumain/aroumain. Pourtant, le discours promu par cette partie de llite aroumaine (forme dans la culture crite roumaine) ne sappuie pas sur lide de lidentit roumaine/aroumaine. Le discours joue la fois sur lidentit originaire et la diffrenceculturelle ou de destin entre les Roumains et les Aroumains. La nationalit roumaine est considre comme un cadre politique idal pour laffirmation de lidentit aroumaine, et la culture savante roumaine comme loutil le plus appropri dans la formation intellectuelle des Aroumains.41 On peut donc affirmer que, si le discours sur lidentit ethnique aroumaine sest essentiellement dvelopp de son mergence au dbut du XIXme sicle jusqu la
38 Bazin et Bensa, 1979, p. 8. 39 Ce livre a t distribu dans toutes les localits des pays balkaniques o vivent des Aroumains. 40 Abetsedar Armnescu [Abcdaire Aroumain] Dina Cuvata, Mitra Garofil, Dionisii Papatsafa, Editura Sammarina, Constana, 1994, p. 59. 41 Cndroveanu, 1995, Nevoia de limb romn Le besoin de langue roumaine, p. 36.

Lmergence dune culture aroumaine crite

291

fin du XXme sicle travers la construction de lidentit roumain/aroumain, nous avons affaire aujourdhui un processus inverse de dmantlement de cette identit conceptuelle, au bnfice de lobtention de la reconnaissance de la diffrence. Nous avons donc deux positions idologiques qui sopposent. Mais, cette opposition de principe mise part, la stratgie de toutes les formes associatives des Aroumains (fondations, socits, collectifs de rdaction) reste la promotion de la culture aroumaine et particulirement la prservation de la langue aroumaine. Le dsaccord sur la problmatique de laroumain, langue ou dialecte tourne autour des enjeux politiques de lethnicit aroumaine. La distinction entre langue et dialecte ne se fait jamais en fonction des seuls critres linguistiques, le poids de lhistoire et de la politique est dterminant.Bien que les Aroumains soient prsents dans lidologie dominante comme des cousins ou des frres doutre-Danube, les Aroumains de Roumanie qui continuent parler leur langue font figure dans les faits dtrangers42. Pour conclure on peut affirmer que la dynamique de la culture aroumaine reste importante en tant que phnomne qui implique dans une gale mesure la rfrence historique un Etat-nation (celui roumain comme patrie mre) et le mouvement ethniciste aroumain actuel, mouvement qui se dtache partiellement de cette rfrence historique et culturelle. Au centre ce ce processus se dessine limage dune communaut politique imaginaire comme dirait Anderson,43 sur le modle de la nation, mais sans baser cette image sur la construction dune structure tatique: mouvement ethniciste et non pas nationaliste. La manire dont sest droule lhistoire des Aroumains, leurs rapports avec les Roumains du bassin carpatique, font que le mouvement identitaire actuel des Aroumains devienne un cas exemplaire pour le poids que le modle de la culture nationale peut avoir dans une dmarche identitaire ethniciste qui nimplique pas de revendications territoriales et qui a t dfinie par J.-F. Gossiaux un ethnicisme transnational44. Ce phnomne - qui a comme enjeucentral la langue, car laffirmation dune identit ethnique aroumaine a d passer par la constitution dune langue crite et unifie et la substitution de lcriture loralit dans laffirmation dune culture unitaire aroumaine - permet de saisir en direct la manire dont slaborent de nouvelles configurations culturelles (Cuche, D., 2001, p. 111), leurs sources, leurs modles, tout comme leurs procds et ressources: rinterprtations, recontextualisations, mtissages particulirement par le processus du passage de la culture aroumaine de loral lcrit et, implicitement, dans la configuration du projet de la culture nationale aroumaine.

42 M. Cazacu/Trifon, N., 1993, Les Aroumains, un cas de figure national atypique dans les Balkans, in Les Cahiers dIZTOK , n 2-3, pp.181-221. 43 Cf. Benedict Anderson, Limaginaire national. Rflexions sur lorigine et lessor du nationalisme, d. de la Dcouverte, 1996, Paris, p. 19. 44 Gossiaux, 2002, p. 185.

292 Bibliographie

Corina Iosif

Barth, Fredrik, 1969. Les groupes ethniques et leurs frontires in Poutignat et Streiff-Fenart, 1995. Thories de lethnicit, Paris, PUF, pp. 203-249. Candau , Jol, 1998. Mmoire et Identit, PUF, Paris Cndroveanu, Hristu, 1995. Aromnii ieri i azi. Cultur, Literatur. Probleme, Perspective, Ed. Scrisul Romnesc, Craiova Caragiu-Marioteanu, Mathilda, 1959. Influena dacoromn asupra graiului unei familii aromne din RPR, in Fonetic i Dialectologie, no. 79, Bucureti Caragiu-Marioteanu, Mathilda, 1997. Dicionar Aromn (macedo-vlah). Diaro A-D., ed. Enciclopedic, Bucureti Caraiani, Gh. Nicolae, Saramandu, Nicolae, 1982. Folclor Aromn Grmostean, Ed. Minerva, Bucureti Cazacu, Matei, Trifon, Nicolas, 1993. Moldavie ex-sovietique : histoire et enjeux actuels suivi de Notes sur les Aroumains en Grce, Macdoine et Albanie, Les Cahiers dIztok, no. 2/3, Acratie Clifford, James, 1997. Diasporas , in Routes, Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Manssachusetts, London, England Cohen, A.P., 1985. The Symbolic Construction of Community, Routledge, London and New York Coserio, Eugenio, 1994. Lingvistica din perspectiv spaial i antropologic, Ed. tiina, Chiinu DEX, 1975, Editura Academiei Republicii Socialiste Romnia Garofil, Dumitru, Stere, 1992. Cntitsi di-al Paplui Mita, Ed Liforag & Editura Cartea Aromn, Constana Goody, Jack, 1979 (1977) traduit de langlais et present par Jean Bazin et Alban Bensa. La raison graphique. La domestication de la pense sauvage, Chap. II, Des intellectuels dans les socits sans criture, Les ditions de Minuit, Paris Gossiaux, Jean-Franois, 2002. Pouvoirs ethniques dans les Balkans, PUF, Paris Halbwachs, Maurice, 1968. La Mmoire collective, PUF, Paris Halbwachs, Maurice, 1952. Les cadres sociaux de la mmoire, Bibliothque de psychologie contemporaine, PUF, Paris Iosif, C., 2007. Lentreprise de la parent. Rseaux dchange entre les Aroumains de Constana, these de doctorat, EHESS, Paris Le Goff, Jacques,1988. Histoire et mmoire, Gallimard, Paris Papahagi, Tache, 1922. Antologie Aromneasc. (Literatur poporan, literatur cult, musica poporan, vederi etnografice, introducere, glosar complet in limba frances), 519 p. Tipografia Romnia Nou, Bucureti Peyfuss, Max Demeter, 1994. (d. originale, 1913). Chestiunea aromn, Ed. Enciclopedic, Bucureti Traian, Ilie, 2002. Un Coresi aromn: Tiberiu Cunia (Un Coresi aroumain), Ed. Danubius, Bucureti

Le Matre Manole et le monastre dArgi

Sabina Ispas
Academia Romn
Le thme de limmolation dun tre humain en vue ddifier une construction est universel tant connu, en tant que motif, sous le nom du sacrifice de ldification. Dans la culture roumaine ce motif est rencontr dans des narrations en prose ayant la fonction de lgendes et dans deux catgories versifies chantes, lune rituelle le nol et lautre crmonielle, la ballade. A la diffrence des autres spcialistes du domaine, nous ne pensons pas quil sagisse dun passage dune catgorie lautre dans le cadre dun processus de dgradation du texte, mais de lemploi simultan dun seul noyau narratif dans trois espces diffrentes, comme exigent les circonstances spcifiques au lieu et au moment o celles-ci ont apparues et circulent, en vertu dun polysmantisme fonctionnel. Ce qui est remarquable cest le fait que quelle que soit la catgorie dans laquelle il est activ, le noyau narratif a une seule signification. In the last hundred years rather too much emphasis was given to meaning, from the mythological school down to the psychological (Rhrich, p.168). On peut affirmer que pour un petit nombre de chansons piques les chercheurs se sont efforcs de dcouvrir le prototype, les voies de diffusion, lanciennet, utilisant parfois les enregistrements testamentaires, comme ils lont fait pour cette lgende concernant le sacrifice de ldification. Les variantes roumaines ont t tudies par des spcialistes de marque: B.P. Hasdeu, V. Bogrea, D. Caracostea, P. Caraman, M. Eliade, N. Iorga. La monographie crite par I.Talo est un ouvrage de rfrence o sont systmatises les informations les plus nombreuses et varies regardant la prsence de ce motif dans le folklore universel et o est aussi ralise la premire typologie des variantes roumaines. La ballade est lune des premires qui fussent traduites en langues europennes grande circulation au milieu du XIX-e sicle, jouissant, la fois, dune grande diffusion dans toutes les provinces roumaines, immdiatement aprs la publication, Iai, de la variante recueillie par V. Alecsandri (1852 ). La typologie du nol roumain consigne au type no. 35 le sacrifice de ldification, dans un nombre de 12 variantes rpandues uniquement dans les zones folkloriques: Arad, Bihor, Bistria-Nsud, Maramure, Slaj (Brtulescu). Naturellement, les variantes les plus nombreuses sont celles du texte potique de la ballade qui, dans la typologie ralise par Al.I. Amzulescu, est encadre thmatiquement dans la catgorie de celles prsentant la cour fodale et porte lindex no. 70 (Amzulescu). Le motif du sacrifice de la construction stand sur une aire gographique vaste, qui dpasse le territore roumain, tant exprim dans la lgende ou la ballade chez les Grecs, les Albanais, les Serbes, les Croates, les Bulgares, les Magyars. En gnral, il sagit denfouir un tre humain, un animal, des matires vgtales (du bl, par exemple), minrales (du sel), la mesure dun tre humain ou lombre de

294

Sabina Ispas

celui-ci, aux fondements ou dans le mur dune construction (Budi). On a pu aisment dmontrer lanciennet de la pratique du sacrifice dans les constructions (pour ter lendroit du pouvoir des esprits possessifs) et la diffusion universelle de cette pratique. Cependant notre avis est que, dans la situation de lanalyse de certains textes potiques, rituels ou crmoniels, comme sont ceux roumains, on doit dpasser les analyses bases sur le commentaire des donnes ethnographiques. Celles-ci, leur tour, sont considres par les spcialistes travers le prisme des expriences acquises dans des communauts exotiques, rpandues sur la plante entire, ayant des civilisations diffrentes et une mentalit magique, et disposaant de technologies archaques. Le sens du sacrifice, les valeurs philosophiques, thologiques, symboliques, allgoriques de cet acte sacrificatoire sont bien nuances et perues diffremment dans les communauts humaines. Etudiant les informations offertes par la remarquable monographie compare ralise par I. Talo Meterul Manole. Contribuie la studiul unei teme de folclor european, 1973) -, on peut observer que dans la zone centrale et sud-est europenne, le motif du sacrifice dun tre humain (en le murant aux fondements) est associ notamment aux constructions civiles: une cit, un chteau, un pont, les plus connus tant le pont sur la rivire Arta le pont dArta en Grce et celui de la cit Skutar (Skodra) en Albanie (Talo, p.107-136). Les variantes roumaines sont celles qui, pour la plupart, dans toutes les trois catgories lgende, nol, ballade - voque limmolation de la femme du grand matre aux fondements dune glise ou dun monastre. Dans la typologie de la ballade bulgare sont mentionnes quelques variantes qui rappellent la construction dune glise aux fondements de laquelle est enterre lombre de la femme du constructeur. Nous pensons que ces variantes sont plus rcentes dans le folklore existant sur la rive droite du Danube et elles ne sont pas trangres de linfluence roumaine, vu le mouvement constant des chanteurs professionnels au nord et au sud du Danube jusquil y a une demi-sicle. La prfrence vidente dassocier le sacrifice ldification dune demeure de culte chrtienne orthodoxe, manifeste par les crateurs roumains, confre ces variantes une caractristique particulire et introduit une coordonne significations profondment diffrentes de celles lies aux difices civils. Selon M. Eliade il sagissait dune revalorisation religieuse historiquement rcente (le christianisme) dun symbolisme archaque. Dans son ouvrage sur LHistoire de la Dacie Transalpine, F. Sulzer mentionne le conte dune mosque construite sur la colline Mihai Vod de Bucarest, qui sest croule, et o lon allait btir ultrieurement le Monastre Mihai Vod. Le conte, atttest la fin du XVIII-e sicle, ne mentionne aucune immolation, mais il suggre la manire dont la volont divine sest manifeste: lcroulement de la mosque a constitu le signe que Dieu a montr au peuple que ctait une glise quon devait construire l-bs. On connat de diverses sources la lgende des Trei Ierarhi (Trois Prlats), la somptueuse glise de Iassy, fondation du prince rgnant Vasile Lupu, lgende semblable celle du Monastre dArge; aux fondements de cette glise, auraient t murs galement la femme et lenfant de larchitecte constructeur qui, tout comme Manole, auraient essay de senvoler de la coupole et se seraient affals dans la rivire se trouvant aux environs (Talo, p. 40-41). La ballade connue sous le nom de Le Matre Manole ou Le Monastre dArgi

Le Matre Manole et le monastre dArgis

295

est la ballade la plus rpandue, ayant les plus nombreuses variantes attestes, peuttre grce au prestige impos par la variante publie par V. Alecsandri qui, tout comme le texte potique de Mioria, fut, pendant un sicle et demie, lune des lectures reprsentatives pour ce quon nomme dhabitude le folklore. Bien que beaucoup de ceux intresss de la manire dont on pourrait associer un texte potique orale lhistoire des parages considrent que cette ballade doit tre lie aux vnements dramatiques qui ont eu lieu pendant la construction du monastre de Curtea de Arge, fondation du prince rgnant de la Valachie, Neagoe Basarab, il y a assez darguments dordre historique et ethnologique qui nous dterminent daccepter lopinion de ceux qui affirment quil sagit dune actualisation dune chanson plus ancienne, lie ldification de lglise Saint Nicolas Princier, sinon une construction qui lavait prcde. Les structures morphologiques des variantes roumaines sont groupes en quelques types: transylvains (de Bihor, Slaj, Lpu, Bistria-Nsud, Mure, du sud de la Transylvanie), de Banat (Mehadia), dOltnie-Valachie-Moldavie (Talo, p. 170265), qui sont les plus dvelopps en tant que structures potiques et combinaison de motifs, entre ceux-ci se trouvant aussi la variante recueillie par G. Dem. Teodorescu du mntrier de Brila, Petrea Creul olcan, qui compte 824 vers (Teodorescu, p. 520-529) . Comme nous avons dj spcifi au dbut de notre tude, nous navons pas en vue les type de sacrifices faits pour difier les constructions civiles, quoique ces sacrifices fussent dordre humain, animal, vgtal ou dautre type. Les preuves archologiques sont nombreuses et bien reprsentes sur des aires gographiques tendues, dans le cadre des cultures archaque ou moderne. Nous sommes intress uniquement au sens du message qui est transmis par le texte du conte chant, consign par crit, dans toute son ampleur, seulement depuis le milieu du XIX-e sicle et indubitablement li au complexe culturel fodal, la cour princire. Il ne peut tre analys uniquement travers le prisme de lanecdotique immdiate et dautant moins il ne peut tre li aux significations des sacrifices humains pratiqus pendant les poques archaques. Dautre part, personne ne peut soutenir que ces sacrifices se fussent perptus, comme gestes barbares, paens, dans un monde profondment chrtien comme tait le monde roumain du Moyen Age. Un texte dont on suppose seulement que les racines remontent au XII-e XIV-e sicles ne pourrait tre analys sans passer par cet ancien pont existant depuis 1000 ans, cette poque-l, 2000 ans, aujourdhui, que le christianisme a construit, en tant que religion qui rvolutionne la conception de la vie et de la mort, de la norme sociale, de la lgislation, des notions de pch et de rachat etc. On doit tenir compte de ces valeurs, les repres selon lesquels nos anctres se guidaient et qui ont probablement cr, enrichi et perptu, actualis chaque occasion favorable, le type-modle de la ballade. Ces valeurs sont les plus rapproches, dans le temps, des textes consigns, de la mentalit des crateurs et des colporteurs, et non pas celles qui sont reconstitues en segments disparates, fragments provenus de zones et de temps qui ne sont aucunement lis entre eux. Lignoration des processus dvolution des mentalits et de rvolution de la pense dans le temps historique, pour les peuples europens, ne peut apporter un gain rel pour comprendre leurs cultures. Aucune culture de lEurope ne sest ancre dans la priode archaque, refusant le progrs et le sens du mouvement ascendent de la civilisation. La dcouverte priodique des informations relatives au pass appartient

296

Sabina Ispas

aux activits mticuleuses des savants philologues, archologues, pigraphistes - qui offrent au monde les rsultats de leurs investigations. La comptence et lhabilet avec lesquelles ces connaissances sont assimiles et exploites sont la charge dautres catgories dintellectuels. Ceux-ci ne respectent pas toujours la chronologie des attestations et le spcifique des disciplines do ils prennent les donnes. Et la conception de certains intellectuels selon laquelle dans la culture orale des Europens et, implicitement, des Roumains, sont dposs, insensment et sans aucune liaison, des fragments de la pense cratrice de lhomme, depuis le palolithique jusqu prsent, sans une nouvelle smantique de ceux-ci, une restructuration et une actualisation, dans le but de les rendre utiles et de les adapter aux caractristiques de chaque tape historique, nous semble difficile argumenter. Lantiquit et ses mythes ont t plusieurs fois redcouverts et ractualiss en Europe et sur dautres continents. Cela ne signifie pas que cette civilisation exemplaire sest conserve, comme telle, dans les cultures orales. Si larchtype forme, style ou modle caractristique (en grec, typos signifie marque) de la pense humaine navait pas modifi et enrichi sa matire pour exprimer les valeurs et les sens le long de lhistoire de lhumanit, cela aurait signifi que lhomme tait rest emprisonn dans les vrits de la rvlation primaire. La socit postindustrielle, avec toutes ses inventions, prouve le contraire. Les analystes doivent toujours tenir compte des processus de changement du moyen de communication le plus complexe et spcifiquement humain, le langage articul; ltude sommaire de la langue dans laquelle sont conserves et transmises les informations aujourdhui, en 1900, 1800 ou 1700, prouve les grands changement y produits, les volutions des sens, la vie de la langue, qui reflte la vie de la socit et qui montre combien alertes sont les mouvements dans la pense et la connaissance des hommes, mais aussi combien stable, unificatrice et galisatrice est la communication dans le cadre dune communaut qui appartient une confession, une religion etc. Le langage est ici non seulement cohrent, mais il a aussi des valeurs symboliques et allgoriques universelles. Pour fixer la position dtenue par le motif du sacrifice de ldification dans la culture orale traditionnelle roumaine, nous faisons de nouveau rfrence linformation contenue dans la synthse ralise par I. Talo, o lon peut lire: murer les gens cest une forme du sacrifice humain en gnral [];murer les gens suppose deux compartiments: murer quelquun comme punition [] et le sacrifice de ldification . On sait bien que limmolation des gens avait, dans les temps anciens, de nombreuses fonctions. On la commettait pour viter les inondations, pour attirer le vent favorable aux voyages sur la mer ou pour gagner des guerres; grce elle on esprait obtenir de riches rcoltes, loigner les pidmies, dcouvrir des trsors ou bien on faisait sonner une cloches muette.. etc (Talo, p. 111). Toutes ces circonstances o lon prattique limmolation dun tre humain ne sont pas attestes dans la tradition roumaine. Lorsquon mure une offrande ou un symbole du sacrifice humain par limmolation de lombre et, plus rcemment, dune photographie, pour cimenter les murs dune maison ou des dpendances, cest plutt le rsultat dun complexe de phnomnes dacculturation et de renaissance des traditions du fonds passsif autochtone, qui nest pas tranger du modle exemplaire qua offert, le long des sicles, la ballade ddie ldification du Monastre dArge. Il y a des lgendes qui racontent quon a mur des tres vivants pour construire certains monastres ou glises en Allemagne (Alynth, Neuendorf, Celle, Gander-

Le Matre Manole et le monastre dArgis

297

kesse, Sandel), en Lettonie (Lestenei, Smilten, Skrunda), en Estonie (S. Martens, Sissegal), en Sude (Marstrand), en France (la cathdrale de Strasbourg), en Russie (Kazan), en Hollande, en Bohme etc. Considrant le sacrifice humain pour la construction dune demeure de culte comme une partie intgrante du sacrifice de ldification, I. Talo constate: les lgendes sur le sacrifice de ldification semblent tre ingalement rpandues dans les diffrentes rgions folkloriques; si nous ne savons presque rien sur la prsence de ce thme dans le folklore ibrique, norvgien, polonais et italien, en rvanche on peut soutenir quil nest pas connu en Finlande et en Hongrie; le nombre des lgendes de cette sorte est relativement rduit chez les Autrichiens, les Franais, les Belges, les Hollandais, les Danois, et il augmente dune manire surprenante chez les Anglais, les Sudois, les Allemands, les Roumains, les Serbo-Croates; ensuite, ces lgendes sont presque inexistentes chez les Tchques et les Slovaques, leur nombre augmente de nouveau chez les peuples balto-slaves, chez les Russes, les Gorgiens et les Armniens; enfin, il ne manque pas dattestations parfois assez nombreuses en Chine, en Inde, au Cambodge, en Thalande, au Japon et mme dans quelques rgions africaines (Talo, p. 111-136). Dans ce contexte universel, la prsence dune histoire chante sur la construction dune glise (dun monastre) dans le folklore roumain est un vnement dexception. Le texte potique chant est une interprtation suprieure de linformation. Par rapport au texte en prose, le vers est, le plus souvent, dpendant ou dtermin par un rituel pour ne plus parler de la fonction exemplaire quil doit accomplir. Du point de vue fonctionnel, deux de ces trois catgories dans lesquelles se matrialisent le motif du sacrifice dans les constructions chez les Roumains, le nol et la ballade, dpassent la simple valeur informative, devenant des prsences culturelles dans le temps sacr (le nol) ou crmonial (la ballade). Pour se manifester de cette manire, les complexes folkloriques (texte, mlodie, contexte etc.) deviennent porteurs de certains messages beaucoup plus profonds, qui tiennent de la pense thologique de la communaut. Cest pourquoi nous essaierons doffrir, par la suite, une interprtation du message de la ballade (et non pas du nol, qui constituera la substance dune autre analyse, dans le cadre des nols funraires) par la perspective du christianisme au nom duquel on a bti les deux (trois) glises dArge. Au dbut de lIndiction, le nouvel an religieux orthodoxe, savoir le 1-er septembre, on commmore le saint Simon Stlpnicul (martyris au pilier) et sa mre, Marthe. Ce nest pas par hasard quon a choisi ce moment, quand la spirale du temps slve vers un nouveau cercle de la connaissance et la Parousie sapproche. Le pilier o Simon est martyris prfigure la croix, larbre de la vie qui unit le ciel avec la terre et qui offre lhomme mortel lespoir de retrouver le Paradis perdu. Ni la prsence fminine (la mre du saint) nest pas accidentelle, celle-ci ayant la tche dattirer lattention sur le rle de la femme dans le processus de la rdemption. Le lendemain, 2 septembre, cest le jour du saint Mamant, martyr dont les miracles et la vie exemplaire sont associs la signification profondment thologique de la construction de la demeure de culte chrtienne, de lglise. La hagiographie de Simon Metafrast (le X-e sicle) relate lune des merveille qui se sont passes au tombeau du saint, quand lempereur Julien lApostat a voulu construire une glise au-dessus de cet endroitnon pas anim par lesprit orthodoxe, mais par la gloire illusoire et par hypocrisie [..]; ce quon btissait pendant la journe scroulait dans la nuit []. Une telle merveille sest passe au-dessus du tombeau du saint parce

298

Sabina Ispas

que celui-ci na pas voulu que que lglise ft construite par cet empereur apostat, qui certainement altrera la juste foi (Vieile sfinilor). Selon la tradition chrtienne, lglise, la demeure o lon clbrait le mystre eucharistique, se construisait sur lemplacement o taient enterrs les ossements des martyrs pour la foi; aujourdhui mme, la sainte table de lautel contient dans son corps des fragments de reliques. On retient de la hagiographie que linitiateur de la construction tait anim par orgueil et non pas par dvotion, quil allait devenir, bientt, un dmolisseur de la foi; la mobilit permanente de la construction, son effondrement, contiennent le message transmis par le saint aux gens sur la perscution en train de se dclencher. Toute laction est centre sur lide de pch et de paganisme, associs la personnalit de Julien lApostat qui veut difier lglise hors la juste foi. On ne peut faire aucune association avec lancienne croyance relative au besoin de racheter de lesprit de lendroit lespace qui sera rorganis par le maonnage, ou celle relative lanimation de la construction par limmolation humaine. Dans la culture roumaine, les textes des hagiographes ont beaucoup circul le long des sicles, ayant audience dans tous les milieux sociaux. Crs souvent par des crivains anonymes, partir du III-e sicle aprs Jsus-Christ, ils sont attests avant et aprs le XIV-e, lus sous la forme de certaines copies des manuscrits, insers ensuite dans des crits et ditions populaires. Pour beaucoup de fidles, ils constituent mme aujourdhui des lectures prfres. Linformation fournie par les hagiographes est complte par celle des Mnologes, livres de culte qui se trouvent dans toutes les glises, do les fidles apprennent les histoires sacres des vnements et les vies des saints commors ou fts tous les jours du calendrier chrtien. Dans le monde othodoxe sont atttestes aussi de belles icnes-mnologes, do les fidles apprennent, par lintermdiaire de limage, les vnements de rfrence de lhistoire de la rdemption. Les recueils de lgendes sur la vie des saints, les Prologues, les Sermons forment toute une littratures ayant un rle moralisateur, familire tous les fidles qui savent ou ne savent pas lire et crire. Lhistoire des miracles du martyr Mamant contient lun des motifs clefs de notre noyau narratif: une glise quon ne peut pas construire parce que ses murs scroulent sans cesse par la volont divine: Dieu ne le veut pas. Il est possible que ce texte, tout comme dautres textes des Mnologes, des Prologues ou des recueils sur la vie des saints, ft utilis dans les homlies prononces dans lglise pour dmasquer les pchs cachs de la vanit et de lhypocrisie. Pour la brve analyse du texte potique de la ballade, nous avons choisi la variante de Petrea Creul olocan, recueillie par G. Dem Teodorescu en 1883, publie dans le volume dit Bucarest en 1885, que nous avons mentionn antrieurement. Pour cette analyse, il faut souligner ce que lglise reprsente et qui la construit; les caractristiques de lendroit choisi pour la construction; la personnalit du constructeur (Manole) et de celui qui initie la construction (Negru Vod); la qualit et le rle de la femme; la conscration de la demeure de culte. Nous pensons que le premier commentaire doit se rfrer la signification de lglise, la valeur que lacte de la construction dun tel difice puisse avoir. Le Bienheureux Augustin dit que ce que reprsente lme pour le corps de lhomme, cest ce que reprsente le Saint-Esprit pour le corps de Christ qui est lEglise . Pour la foi chrtienne orthodoxe, la pierre du sommet de langle de lglise cest Jsus-Christ. Dans les textes et les commentaires canoniques, lglise

Le Matre Manole et le monastre dArgis

299

est nomme la maison de Dieu, la cit de Dieu. Dans la littrature thologique, lglise est considre comme le mystre cach par Dieu dans lternit et dcouvert avec lincarnation de Son Fils dans la personne de Jsus. Fonde par Dieu - JsusChrist, lglise est une institution divino-humaine, qui travaille dans le monde par des moyens spirituels: les Ecritures, la Sainte Tradition, le culte liturgique et la grce divine. Elles prolonge dans lhistoire, jusqu la fin des sicles, lvnement de lincarnation de Dieu et de lunion hypostatique des deux esprits dans Sa Personne, en assumant la nature humaine mme dans Son hypostase divine (Pr. Ioan Mircea, p. 57). Cest pourquoi le prince lgendaire, Negru-Vod, accompagn de lquipe de constructeurs, cherche Un emplacement pour le monastre/ Pour rester un prince dheureuse mmoire. Le prince mme est, aprs le rituel du couronnement et de lonction avec les saintes huiles, le reprsentant de Dieu dans le monde, consacr par cette crmonie, qui agira dune manire visible et terrestre dans le sens de la volont et le pouvoir divin, le rgne constituant un exercice du pouvoir en action. Lglise est forme de la totalit de ceux baptiss, qui croient Dieu. Les fondements spirituels de lglise sont porteurs de valeurs et de significations thologiques, philosophiques - dailleurs tout comme le texte potique de notre chanson - dans le systme de communication de la communaut chrtienne qui connat la valeur et le sens de chaque lment de cette sorte. La demeure de culte, dans sa matrialit, offre le support physique qui est le porteur de significations. La premire glise, demeure de culte, a t la maison de Marie, la mre de Jean-Marcu, o a eu lieu la Cne (Pr. Ioan Mircea, op. cit.; Pr. Branite, p. 280-409). La prsence fminine, invoque toujours en relation avec le sacrifice dans notre ballade, est la porteuse de certaines connotations spciales; par elle on fait la liaison entre lacte de la restructuration, par construction, de lespace devenu sauvage, reprsent par ce mur dlaiss/et non achev, et celui de son investissement avec sacralit, par ldification de lglise et non pas dun btiment laque. La femme est le mdiateur, tout comme Marie, la mre de Jsus, lgard de lglise; elle est nomme mme la mre de lglise. En posant la pierre de fondation, lendroit o est mure dans le mur la femme du matre, on commence, au fond, ldification de lglise, le mouvement chaotique cesse, la construction acquiert de la stabilit. Maintenant il est possible de rassembler les membres de lglise dans ce corps qui runit tous les fidles. En ce qui concerne sa structure, lglise est compare au corps humain form de plusieurs membres, tant nomme le corpsde Christ. En Christ, il ny a pas de diffrences entre ces membres, ni entre races, classes sociales ou sexes (manolache, p. 79). La prsence de lglise sacrifie du matre aux fondements de la construction nous dtermine citer quelques remarques sur le rle de la femme dans la rdemption, en rappelant le fait quaprs ltablissement du Saint-Esprit, la nature de Marie devient un tat suprieur nouveau, une nature divine, nature humaine dans laquelle le pch est mortLa nature humaine que Christ a prise de Marie est une nature dans laquelle la masculinit a t substitue par le Saint Esprit [..] sa nature humaine provenant de toute autre chose que la masculinit. Il na pas de pre terrestre[]. Le seul parent terrestre de Jsus est la Femme, la Sainte Vierge, qui lui offre la seule tissu humaine de laquelle Dieu prend son sang afin de sincarner, le corps quil crucifiera,quil ressuscitera et ensuite lvera au ciel, le corps quon nous offre sur les autels de Son Eglise. Seul par la femme la matrice humaine est

300

Sabina Ispas

capable dtre dans la plus troite union avec Dieu. [..] La femme chrtienne nest plus la fille dEve, mais la fille de Marie [..]. Marie est celle par laquelle le Logos reconstitue ladhrence de ltre humain au divin [..]. Lincarnation par lintermdiaire de Marie est le reflet et laccomplissement suprme de lontologie de lamour entre Dieu et lhomme (Manolache, p. 98-101). La plupart des analyses des significations du texte partent du drame de la femme sacrifie, mentie, affirment quelques-uns, en soccupant presque dune manire collatrale du hros qui a donn le nom la ballade, Manole (Miclu, Manea etc.). Il serait intressant de chercher, tant que les sources crites le permettent, le statut des constructeurs dglises dont le hros de la ballade faisait partie ingnieurs, architectes qui dtenaient aussi les secrets des techniques de la construction des grandes cathdrales, des initis, comme on pourrait les nommer dans le langage ethnologique moderne. En consultant les documents roumains mdivaux, information assez limite dailleurs, nous avons constat quon na gard dans la mmoire collective que trs rarement le nom des constructeurs, plus frquemment le nom des peintres et toujours le nom des fondateurs. Ce sont eux qui, dhabitude, choisissent ou font don de lendroit o lglise sera construite et toujours eux lui offre la dot. Cependant le texte de notre ballade, sans ignorer la personnalit du prince fondateur, place au centre de laction le technicien qui construit. Lautorit et le pouvoir de dcision que dtient le grand matre sont clairement mis en vidence dans le texte potique; cest lui et non pas le prince qui dcide o sera difie lglise : Mon prince, Negru-Vod,/Ici je choisis/Un emplacement/Pour un monastre. Cest Manole qui reconnat lendroit indiqu par un porcher:Oui, prince, jai vu/Par o jai pass/ Un mur dlaiss/Et non achev (Teodorescu, p. 520). La prsence de ce personnage secondaire, apparemment insignifiant, ncessiterait une discussion spciale. Nous nous limittons seulement attirer lattention sur la liaison existant entre la qualit de lendroit dtre devenu sauvage et dvast et la prsence du troupeau de cochons, animaux de sacrifice dans le rituel de Nol; dans le Nouveau Testament on raconte lpisode de la gurison dune personne possde par les dmons: ceux-ci sont envoys par Jsus dans le troueau de cochons qui se jette dans la mer, sauvant ainsi lme malheureuse de cet homme, mais sacrifiant, cette fois galement, cet animal singulier comme la dnomm la chercheuse franaise Claudia Vassa Fabre, qui lui a ddi un livre (La bte singulire, Paris, 1994). Si nous faisons la liaison entre le texte de la ballade et la hagiographie du saint Mamant, nous pouvons affirmer que ce que le prince et les matres maons cherchaient ctait un endroit o la foi avait t perdue et lespace tait dpouvu de sacralit et de sa fonction religieuse; ceux qui lont redcouvert ont assum la tche de le ramener la forme agre par Dieu, de le restructurer, de rebtir lglise, de refaire lunit que nous avons dj mentionne. Manole est le constructeur qui se sacrifie, tout comme Jsus, pour ldification. Les autres travailleront sous sa direction. Cest pourquoi il est le plus propre du point de vue spirituel; cest lui qui reoit le message secret de la divinit et cest toujours lui qui dchiffre la signification de ce message. En ralit, il ne sagit pas uniquement du sacrifice de la femme du matre; le matre mme est sacrifi juste au moment o la femme arrive lendroit o lon btit le mur. Daprs la loi chrtienne, lui et sa femme formaient un seul corps. Acceptant le sacrifice de sa femme, il accepte son propre sacrifice. Grand matre, sacerdoce en fait, il dtient le mystre par lequel lendroit dsorganis, plein de pchs, dritualis peut acqurir de nouveau

Le Matre Manole et le monastre dArgis

301

les qualits sacres. Pareil Jsus, Manole a la qualit de prtre, celui qui sacrifie et qui est sacrifi pour remettre les pchs des autres: ceux qui ont fait que cet endroit soit dvast, ceux qui se sont parjurs et ont trahi, ceux qui se sont avrs tre plus prs de la matire que de la spiritualit. Il est, en fait, le chef de tous. Il a ses doutes et ses moments de faiblesse, comme tout homme, quand il prie Dieu que sa femme soit empche, par un miracle, darriver au lieu de limmolation, tout comme Jsus a pri Dieu dloigner, sil tait possible, lpreuve douloureuse de la mort. Les variantes roumaines de la ballade prsentent Manole crucifi l-haut, au clocher de lglise quil avait difie au prix de son propre sacrifice: Il cloue ensuite/Le bardeau six artes./Les clous sont en fer,/Les clous sont en acier/Et l o il plante les clous/Le sang jaillit./Il ne sen soucie pas,/Car cest la volont de Dieu./Clou ainsi, il senvole/En battant les ailes [.] Tout coup il tombe/Dans la valle de la rivire dArge,/Dans cette belle contre,/Prs du monastre;/L o il tombe/Il se change en croix/Pour que les passants se souviennent de lui (Teodorescu, p. 529). Manole est un crucifi et, implicitement, un sacrifi. Limage de la croix en laquelle il sest mtamophos le rapproche davantage de Jsus pour qui loutil de torture est devenu lautel de sacrifice en vue dexpier les fautes des mortels. Mouille de son sang, la croix acquiert une grande saintet. Ds quil est crucifi, la croix et Lui deviennent un tout. De la mme manire, Manole devient un tout avec la croix de sa mtamorphose. La croix devient le moyen de rachat et de rconciliation de lhomme avec Dieu. Le ciel et la terre font la paix. Dailleurs son nom, Manole, vient du nom Emanuel, qui signifie Dieu est avec nous. Limage de Manole crucifi, ensanglant et ensuite ptrifi a la valeur dun acte de conscration de la construction en tant que demeure de culte et de lendroit marqu de la croix qui doit le sacrer. Le vovode fondateur est, aux cts des compagnons et des maons, le plus humain des personnages de la ballade. Bien que la qualit de prince lautorise tre loint du Seigneur et suprieur tous les gens, il occupe une position infrieure lgard de Manole sur laxe qui unit lhomme avec Dieu. Matre terrestre et autorit administrative, il a droit de vie et de mort sur ses sujets, droit quil exerce avec orgueil et faiblesse humaine. Pareil lempereur Julien lApostat, il semble difier lglise par vanit personnelle; il veut que la construction soit unique: Un beau monastre/Sans pareil au monde. Negru Vod semble avoir oubli ce que cest rellement lglise, une demeure ddie Dieu et unissant tous les fidles dans un seul corps. Mais puisque Manole sest sacrifi avec tous les constructeurs (tels les aptres et toujours comme eux prouvant certaines faiblesses humaines), et non pas avec les familles de ceux-ci, le pch de la vanit que le vovode commet ne porte encore des prjudices la solidit de la demeure de culte, et lglise ne scroule plus. Il est intressant de retrouver la leon sur le danger de la vanit dans louvrage que C. Noica a nomm le premier grand livre de la culture roumaine, Invturile lui Neagoe Basarab ctre fiul su Teodosie (Les conseils de Neagoe Basarab son fils Teodosie). Ensuite, lauteur des Conseils consacre un chapitre spcial au grand empereur Constantin, o il mentionne avec respect et admiration ses grands actes: ldification des demeures de cultes et la vnration du bois de la croix et des gros clous avec lesquels Jsus avait t clou. Negru Vod na pas pu se dtacher de sa qualit de dirigeant de ce monde et na pas compris que lglise nest pas construite pour sa gloire mais pour Dieu et les gens. Quand Manole affirme quen difiant ce beau monastre il a appris beaucoup

302

Sabina Ispas

de choses qui lui seront utiles pour construire Dautres monastres,/Plus grands et plus beaux, il ne fait quoffrir sa matrise, comme un prsent, au matre suprme, au crateur. En essayant de dchiffrer les mandres de ce type danalyse, jai commenc me demander si cette ballade na pas t, au dbut, lie un possible conflit interconfessionnel, consomm jadis dans la zone dArge, ou une dispute thologique de la catgorie de celles qui avaient troubl la paix des fidles pendant le Moyen Age. Nous sommes convaincus quavec un petit effort on pourrait mme trouver des sources documentaires sur lesquelles nous pourrions appuyer notre dmonstration. Un point de dpart serait la prsence des chevaliers johannites pas loin de cet endroit, ainsi que lexistence de quelques ruines; les ethnologues ont moins rflchi au rle jou par ces tablissements. Dans ce texte potique, la femme, dans lhypostase plnire dpouse et mre, nous fait mettre sur le tapis, brivement, lun des thmes sensibles du point de vue thologique, avec des implications tout fait spciales dans la problmatique de la socit contemporaine: quel est le rle de la femme dans le processus de la rdemption, le rle de la femme dans la famille et la socit. La femme de Manole, partie de son corps spirituel, est copartageante dans le rachat, elle a un rle fondamental dans la rmission des pchs parce que cest elle qui est mure aux fondements, tant une prfiguration de Marie qui avait accept de donner naissance Dieu et qui avait t prsente la Pentecte, aux cts des aptres, pour fonder lglise. Dailleurs, on peut observer que lendroit auquel est lie lhistoire chante que nous commentons, Curtea de Arge, dtient une concentration remarquable de fonctions implications lies au sacr, le long de toute lhistoire de la Valachie, et cest toujours cet endroit quon relie quelques prsences fminines dexception pour les chrtiens orthodoxes: Marie, la Sainte Vierge, lassomption de laquelle est lie la fte patronale du monastre fond par Neagoe Basarab, sige piscopal entre 1793 1949 et aprs 1990; la sainte Filofteia dont les reliques semblent tre apportes depuis longtemps dans la localit devenue lieu de plerinage pour des centaines de miliers de fidles; lpouse de Neagoe Basarab, la princesse rgnante Despina Milia qui, dit la tradition, aurait vendu ses bijoux pour terminer la construction de lglise et, enfin, lhistoire de la femme de Manole, qui sest sacrifie pour consolider lglise, prsence qui est reste continuellement parmi les gens par la fontaine (ou la source) en laquelle elle sest mtamorphose. Lespace ne permet pas de prsenter dautres symboles et emblmes identifis dans le texte potique, mais nous faisons quand mme un rapprochement entre cette source deau et la Source de la Gurison qui, dans liconographie, apparat comme une eau jaillissant par les quatre orifices du vaisseau do se lve limage de Marie porteuse de Dieu. Nous avons affirm que Manole se sacrifie soi-mme par lpouse et par son propre corps; il se sacrifie aussi par son fils. Lenfant orphelin du matre est lui aussi un sacrifi. Manole confie son nouveau-n aux forces atmosphriques: Si les fes le voient,/Elles se pencheront/ Et toutes lui donneront tter;/ Sil neige,/ La neige tombant loindra;/ Sil pleut,/ La pluie le baignera;/ Si le vent souffle,/ Il le bercera/ Et le doux bercement/ Laccompagnera jusqu ce quil grandisse (Teodorescu). Ce texte, frquemment cit dans les analyses, nous prsente une mort symbolique: lintgration du nouveau-n dans la cration, son adoption par les nergies atmosphriques reprsentent le sacrifice lchelle cosmique et une autre hypostase de la

Le Matre Manole et le monastre dArgis

303

conscration de la demeure de culte. Cest le dernier sacrifice que fait Manole pour donner de la stabilit lglise difie pour Dieu et les hommes. Certes, cette analyse est ralise dans une perspective moins familre aux ethnologues et nous sommes srs quelle sera considre avec circonspection. Nous ne voulons pas opposer notre vision aux autres analyses, que nous inclurions, avec tout leur chargement de significations, dans une construction plusieurs facettes et possibilits dapproche. Mais nous sommes convaincus que cette chanson ne se rfre pas, en premier lieu, au sacrifice pour ldification ou pour la cration dune uvre dart; elle est tout dabord lune des plus belles chansons qui raconte sur ldification de lglise de Christ. Amzulescu, Al. I.: Balada familial. Tipologie i corpus de texte poetice, Bucureti, 1983 (Colecia Naional de Folclor). Branite, preot prof. dr. Ene: Liturgica general cu noiuni de art bisericeasc, arhitectur i pictur cretin /.../, Bucureti, 1993. Brtulescu, Monica: Colinda romneasc. The Romanian Colinda, Bucureti, 1981. Brill, Tony: Tipologia legendei populare romneti. 1. Legenda etiologic. Prefa de Sabina Ispas. Ediie ngrijit i studiu introductiv de I. Oprian, Bucureti, 2005; 2. Legenda mitologic. Legenda religioas. Legenda istoric, Bucureti, 2006. Budi, Monica: Microcosmosul gospodresc. Practici magice i religioase de aprare, Bucureti, 1999. Eliade, Mircea: Comentarii la legenda Meterului Manole, Bucureti, 1943. nvturile lui Neagoe Basarab ctre fiul su Theodosie. Ediie facsimilat dup unicul manuscris pstrat. Transcriere, traducere n limba romn i studiu introductiv de prof. dr. G. Mihil, membru corespondent al Academiei Romne. Cu o prefa de Dan Zamfirescu, Bucureti, 1996. Manolache, Anca: Problematica feminin n Biserica lui Hristos. Un capitol de antropologie cretin, Timioara, 1994. Mircea, pr. dr. Ioan: Dicionar al Noului Testament. A-Z, Bucureti, 1984. Rhrich, Lutz: The quest of meaning in folk narrative research. What does meaning mean and what is the meaning of mean?, n Papers IV. The 8th Congres of ISFNR, Bergen, 1985. Talo, Ion: Meterul Manole. Contribuie la studiul unei teme de folclor european, Bucureti, 1973. Vezi i bibliografia bogat a temei n volum. Idem: Meterul Manole. Contribuie la studiul unei teme de folclor european II. Corpusul variantelor romneti. Teodorescu, G. Dem.: Poesii populare romne. Culegere de..., Bucuresci, 1885, p. 520529. Vieile sfinilor, I, Luna septembrie.

304 LE MONASTERE D ARGI I Le long de lArgi Sur un beau rivage, Passe Negru Voda Avec ses compagnons, Neuf matres maons, Et Manol, dixime, A tous suprieur. Ensemble ils vont choisir Au fond de la valle Un bel emplacement Pour un monastre. Voici qu en chemin Ils firent rencontre, D un jeune berger Jouant de la flte, Jouant des donas. Et l apercevant, Le prince lui dit : Gentil bergeret, Joueur de donas, Tu as rencontr Le cours de l Argi Avec ton troupeau ; Tu as descendu Le cours de l Argi Avec tes moutons. N aurais tu point vu Par o tu passas, Un mur dlaiss Et non achev, Dans le vert fouillis Des noisetiers ? Le long de lArgi Sur un beau rivage, Passe Negru Voda Avec ses compagnons, Neuf matres maons, Et Manol, dixime, A tous suprieur. Ensemble ils vont choisir Au fond de la valle

Sabina Ispas Un bel emplacement Pour un monastre. Voici qu en chemin Ils firent rencontre, D un jeune berger Jouant de la flte, Jouant des donas. Et l apercevant, Le prince lui dit : Gentil bergeret, Joueur de donas, Tu as rencontr Le cours de l Argi Avec ton troupeau ; Tu as descendu Le cours de l Argi Avec tes moutons. N aurais tu point vu Par o tu passas, Un mur dlaiss Et non achev, Dans le vert fouillis Des noisetiers ? Oui, prince, jai vu Par o jai pass Un mur dlaiss Et non achev Mes chiens sa vue Se sont lancs En hurlant mort, Comme en un dsert. Le prince ces mots Devient tout joyeux Et repart soudain, Allant droit au mur Avec ses maons, Neuf matres maons, Et Manol, dixime, A tous suprieur. Voici le vieux mur ; Ici je choisis Un emplacement Pour un monastre. Or, vous, mes maons, Mes matres maons,

Le Matre Manole et le monastre dArgis Jour et nuit en hte Mettez vous l uvre ; Afin de btir ; D lever ici Un beau monastre Sans pareil au monde. Vous aurez richesses Et rangs de boyards ; Ou sinon, par Dieu ! Je vous fais murer, Murer tout vivants Dans les fondements. II Les maons en hte Tendent leurs ficelles, Prennent leurs mesures Et creusent le sol ; Bientt ils btissent Btissent un mur. Mais tout le travail du jour Dans la nuit s croule ; Le second jour de mme ; Le troisime, de m Le quatrime, de mme. Leurs efforts sont vains, Car tout le travail du jour, Dans la nuit s croule. Le prince tonn Leur fait des reproches ; Puis dans sa colre De nouveau menance De les murer tous Dans les fondements. Les pauvres maons Se remettent l oeuvre, Et travaillent en tremblant, Et tremblent en travaillant, Tout le long dun jour dt, D un grand jour jusquau soir. Voil que Manol Quitte ses outils, Se couche et sendort Et fait un rve trange. Puis soudain se lve, Et dit ces paroles : Vous, mes compagnons, Neuf matres maons, Savez vous quel rve J ai fait en dormant ? Une voix du ciel Ma dit clairement Que tous nos travaux Iront s croulant, Jusqu ce qu ensemble Nous jurions ici De murer dans le mur, La premire femme, Epouse ou sur, Qui apparatra Demain laurore, Apportant des vivres Pour lun dentre nous. Donc si vous voulez Achever de btir Ce saint monastre, Monument de gloire, Jurons tous ensemble De garder le secret, Jurons dimmoler, De murer dans le mur La premire femme, Epouse ou sur Qui apparatra Demain laurore. III Voici qu laurore Manol sveille, Et en sveillant Il grimpe aussitt D abord sur la haie ; Puis il monte encore Sur lchafaudage, Et regarde au loin, Les champs et la route. Mais qu aperoit-il ? Qui voit-il venir ? C est sa jeune pouse La Flora des champs. Elle se rapprochait Et lui apportait

305

306 Des mets manger Et du vin boire. Manol la voit ; Lors sa vue se trouble, Et saisi d effroi, Il tombe genoux, Joint les mains et dit : O Seigneur, mon Dieu ! Rpands sur la terre Une pluie cumante Qui trace des ruisseaux, Et creuse des torrents ; Que les eaux se gonflent Pour inonder la plaine, Et forcent ma femme De rebrousser chemin. Dieu prend piti, Et sa prire, Assemble les nuages Qui drobent le ciel. Soudain il en tombe Une pluie cumante, Qui trace des ruisseaux Et coule en torrents. Mais elle ne peut Arrter l pouse Qui toujours avance, Traverse les eaux Et toujours approche. Manoli la voit Et son cur gmit ; Il sincline encore Joint les mains et dit : O Seigneur, mon Dieu! Dchane un grand vent Au loin sur la terre, Qui torde les platanes, Dpouille les sapins, Renverse les montagnes, Et force ma femme De sen retourner Loin dans la valle. Dieu prend piti, Et sa prire Dchane un grand vent

Sabina Ispas Du ciel sur la terre ; Le vent souffle, siffle, Il tord les platanes, Dpouille les sapins, Renverse les montagnes, Mais il ne peut encore Arrter lpouse Qui toujours avance, Fait de longs circuits., Mais toujours approche, Approche, malheur ! Du terme fatal. IV Pourtant les maons, Neuf matres maons, prouvent sa vue Un frisson de joie, Tandis que Manol La douleur dans lme, La prend dans ses bras, Grimpe sur le mur Ly dpose, hlas ! Et lui parle ainsi : Reste, ma fire amie, Reste ainsi sans crainte, Car nous voulons rire, Pour rire te murer. La femme le croit Et rit de bon coeur, Tandis que Manol, Fidle son rve, Soupire et commence A btir le mur. La muraille monte Et couvre lpouse, Jusqu ses chevilles, Jusqu ses genoux, Mais elle, la pauvrette, A cess de rire ; Et saisie d effroi Se lamente ainsi : Manoli, Manol, O, matre Manol ! Assez de ce jeu Car il este fatal.

Le Matre Manole et le monastre dArgis Manoli, Manol, O, matre Manol ! Le mur se resserre Et brise mon corps. Manoli se tait Et btit toujours. Le mur monte encore Et couvre lpouse Jusqu ses chevilles, Jusqu ses genoux, Et jusqu ses hanches, Et jusqu son sein. Mais elle, oh ! douleur ! Pleure amrement Et se plaint toujours : Manoli, Manol, O, matre Manol ! Assez de ce jeu Car je vais tre mre. Manoli, Manol, O, matre Manol ! Le mur se resserre Et tue mon enfant. Mon sein souffre et pleure Des larmes de lait. Mais Manol se tait Et btit toujours. Le mur monte encore Et couvre lpouse Jusqu ses chevilles, Jusqu ses genoux, Et jusqu ses hanches, Et jusqu son sein, Et jusqu ses yeux, Et jusqu sa tte ; Si bien quaux regards Elle disparat, Et qu peine encore On entend sa voix Gmir dans le mur : Manoli, Manol, O, matre Manol ! Le mur se resserre Et ma vie steint. V Le long de lArgi, par un beau rivage, Negru Vod vient Faire ses prires Au saint monastre, Monument de gloire Sans pareil au monde. Le grand prince arrive, Et en le voyant Devient tout joyeux Et sexprime ainsi : Vous les architectes, Les matres maons, Dclarez ici, La main sur le coeur, Si votre science Peut me construire Un autre monastre, Monument de gloire Plus grand et plus beau ! Les matres maons, Les dix architectes, Perchs sur le toit Se sentent ces mots, Tout joyeux, tout fiers, Et rpondent ainsi : Il n existe pas Ici sur la terre, Pareils nous dix, Dix matres maons. Sachez qu nous dix Nous pouvons btir Un autre monastre, Plus grand et plus beau ! Le prince ces mots Devient tout pensif ; Puis avec un mchant rire Soudain il commande Quon brise lchelle Et lchafaudage, Et quon abandonne L-haut sur le toit

307

308 Les pauvres maons Afin quils expirent. Mais eux linstant, Sans perdre la tte, Yiennent un conseil, Et se construisent Des ales volantes Avec des planchettes, Et puis les tendent Et volent dans lair. Mais, hlas! Ils tombent, Et aprs leur chute Se changent en pierres. Or, quant Manol, Au matre Manol, Juste au moment mme O il prend llan, Voici quil entend Sortir des murailles Une voix chrie, Faible et touffe, Qui pleure et gmit ;

Sabina Ispas Et se plaint ainsi : Manoli, Manol, O, matre Manoli! Le mur froid moppresse, Et mon corps se brise, Et mon sein spuise, Et ma vie steint. A ces mots touchants Manoli plit; Son esprit se trouble, Ses regards se voilent; Il voit tout tourner, Ciel, terre et nuages; Et du haut du toit Il tombe soudain. La place o il tombe Se creuse en fontaine, Fontaine deau claire, Amre et sale ; Eau mle de larmes, De larmes amres !

On Cultural Transition in Post-Cold War Romania and the Avatars of Authoritarianism

Marius Jucan
Babe-Bolyai University
In the following pages I attempt to deal with one of the controversial aspects of the process of democratization in present-day Romania: transition from a (post) totalitarian ethos to a democratic one. Considering that the building of a democratic ethos required besides reform of local institutions, the implementation of the civil society agencies, and continuous debating on the concept of rights, as well as a different interpretation of culture itself, I intended to point out the crucial importance of the political sublime in assessing the reality of guardianship in authoritarianism. The present paper starts from the premise that transition from communism to democracy consists in a multi-layered type of political change which cannot be grasped in its full complexity without examining the cultural change occurring between two different societies and their sets of values, the post-totalitarian and the democratic one. By cultural transition I intend to refer mainly to two intertwined developments highly affected by present day globalization, modernization and democratization. At the same time, in dealing with the notion of cultural transition I have in view Pierre Bourdieus definition of habitus in its systemic comprehension of change suiting the cultural alterations which shaped Romanian society in the course of the 20-th century. Cultural transition referred to by Max Weber, Norbert Elias, Talcott Parsons, Clifford Geertz presupposes confrontation, adaptation or rejection of a new political and cultural model as opposed to a traditional one. Romanias passing from an early, not fully fledged democratic interwar society to a communist one, and then, after the end of the Cold War, to a postmodern democratic society, within the context of the birth of a new Europe, bears evidently the marks of a fractured cultural course. Besides the opposing sets of values and political philosophies, cultural transition in 20-th century Romania implied two antagonist modes of life, amounting eventually to the dramatic bifurcation of paths leading to either tyranny or freedom. Romanias democratization mirrors manifold traits of authoritarianism. Authoritarianism revealed itself in manifest or subtle ways, displaying its policies as parasitical surrogate alternatives to democracy. The need to unveil its causes and repercussions was paralleled by the lack of the fundaments of a modern civic culture, which undermined the rhythm of the democratization process. Similar to circumstances existing in a state of exception, the will to implement democracy after the years of totalitarian power has been exerted from top to down, eventually permeating all social strata, meeting various causes of resistance. Slowly advancing, mostly due

310

Marius Jucan

to external pressing conditions, democratization has been conceived of in Romania as a sort of ultimate stage of modernization, whence the radiating aura of the political sublime ideal. It is worth noticing that very few of the Romanian politicians, if any, was renowned for his views on democracy, either as an author, university professor or social activist. Stepping in to the shoes of communist activists who had deemed themselves to be the only ones holding the righteous position to speak in the name of the people, nowadays politicians, regardless of their party affiliation, pretend to advocate democratization, overlooking the democratic civic experience or educational frame needed to support the furtherance of democratic reforms. Hadnt it been evident that under the mask of demagogical antics one could easily realize the desire of staying at power no matter of ideological servitudes, one could have believed that democracy dawned on every Romanian at the end of the 20-century. The will to implement democracy expressed by political groups and parties, emerging on the political arena after 1989, was constantly fueled by the clash between two political tendencies underlain by two different sets of values, as known to belong to the heritage of political left and right. Nevertheless, the will of the ex-communists to remain in power under new political banners, and the struggle of the few new leaders to depart from the communist past and its renewed authoritarian variants, diversified the options of the electorate, increasing at the same time political manipulation. As it had been shown in previous situations, the conquering of political power in Romania could not be definitely set by the victory of the new political leaders against the old ones. The compromise between radical tendencies and conservative ones prevailed, though the content of the term radical and conservative could not be explained on well-defined ideological grounds. Authoritarian attitudes and policies reappeared, pointing to the concrete hardships of imagining Romanian politics without a central leading force as the communist party was defined. One of the early disillusionments of the democratic society in Romania was that decentralization, whether political, economic, and cultural was running counter the traditional frame of mind of the Romanian society. The abuses of paternalism and the cult of personality under the reign of Romanian dictators (Fascist or Communist) undermined the existing chances for the development of a civil society. It is probably worth mentioning that a great many authors consider that authoritarianism was developed in the course of the Romanians existence under the sway of different imperial powers (the Russian, Turkish, AustrianHungarian ones) which bereft them from the benefices of an autonomous social and cultural development. Besides the romantic pose of a people chained to pre-modern times due to the incurring foreign wrongs, reminding the burden of yester yokes, self-victimization has always accompanied the discourse of the Romanians will to independence yet, quite curiously Romanians always appraised the strong leader, his nimbus of a providential man, the image of mass unity under his rule, rather than a democratic leader defending the ethos of equality and freedom. Authoritarianism should be viewed therefore, so the more resourceful and resilient, as it refers to the Romanian inbuilt traditional representations of power which constitute an evident obstacle in passing to a democratic society. The purpose of the paper does not consist in focusing on the inventory of postcommunist authoritarian episodes. Likewise, the paper does not aim at discussing the cultural sources of authoritarianism in the present-day democratic transition, as

On Cultural Transition In Post-Cold War Romania

311

well as in the East-European modern historical frame. Knowing that authoritarianism strikes its roots in the pre-modern history of Romania, I intend to find out whether authoritarianism could be lessened, so to say, or even curtailed nowadays. Accordingly, I will confine myself to remark that if there is a conscientious need to implement democracy, there is an equally pervasive feeling that democratic policies have been inadequately implemented, or even more, that they failed to rise to the peoples expectations, especially when it comes to the separation of powers and centralization. Authoritarianism is usually described as an enemy to democracy, but within the peculiar conditions of Romanian cultural transitions, authoritarian measures have often been regarded as useful chiefly when the step of change was officially recorded as sluggish, either under communists or in the post-Cold war transition. Actually, the main obstacles of the cultural transition in 20-th century Romania might be described as an unfinished battle between an inertial cultural layer formed by a large part of the population living in the country-side, and the urban population, divided at its turn into different professional sub-layers. The continually flaring contradictions between urban and rural culture, the urban and the sub-urban one, having as a backdrop the populist and nationalist remnants of communist ideology constitute the barrier stopping the implementation of democratization goals. The fact that authoritarianism has not been publicly acknowledged and even less analyzed, being naively or intently confounded with a passing situation in the steady course toward democracy, it has definitely disguised the real difficulties of the post-communist cultural transition. Namely, it diminished the public capacity of seizing at the most suitable period of time the difference between democratic policies and authoritarian ones, which would have been consequential to the freeing of the political will from under the inertial weight of an atomized society, or to the individuals surmounting of political indifferentism. In this respect, it is perhaps important to view democratic transition against the background of other transitions which made Romanian modernization and democratization more or less accidental. Moreover, it is noteworthy to remark that the course of transitions did not correspond to the publicly voiced claims of the bulk of Romanian society, quite on the contrary, it came down from either a higher sphere of political or geopolitical interests, being eventually implemented within administrative channels upon the mass of the citizens instead of a civic culture new prospects. The common people adhesion to the implementation of democratic processes at various levels of the society (as in the judiciary system) was therefore partial, chancy, ineffective, or even contrary to expectations, as in comparison to Central Europe countries. Since communism concealed Romanian realities under the veil of a syndrome of modernization, authoritarian policies used to be understood as normal steps in order to implement modernization. Unfortunately, the cult of personality, nationalism and an anti-democratic ethos appeared within the given circumstances of the Cold war as the only solutions framing the sense of modernization in Romanian society. The lack of any dialogue between power and citizens strengthened authoritarian habits, yielding thus the obedience of intellectuals, for instance, reminding in the Byzantine rites of political unity. The sharp contrast between Romanias formal adhering to the processes of modernization and democratization and the citizens reluctance or indifference to their debating and implementation continues after the countrys admittance in the EU. Citizens have not created agencies through which their status of

312

Marius Jucan

autonomy should be assumed and recognized, as expected in a free and democratic country. Citizens have not asserted publicly their own projects, ideas for change, preferring to follow the central political directions of parties, submitting themselves to the patronizing attitudes of the political leadership. The long span of time of totalitarianism in Romania without having been seriously contested as it had been in Hungary, the Czech Republic and Poland, might be explained by the a strong deficit of modern civic culture. It is precisely because of it, that some authors are of the mind that authoritarian rule was welcomed time and again, in the attempt to recuperate Romanias historical lagging behind as to other Central and/or Western European countries. It is a widely spread belief, showing that authoritarian credentials are still valid, that further integration into the European Union should be accelerated by energetic, authoritatively top-down imposed measures. Such an attitude is motivated by the wish to discipline the political will by less orthodox means, tuned nonetheless to a noble, foreseeable end. The old Machiavellian formula urging to use violence for the achieving of a good purpose was implemented by those who think that transition to democracy could be reached via authoritarianism, without acknowledging the price of borrowing non-democratic methods in achieving the goals of democratization.
*

Transition from communism to democracy was not the only type of transition occurring in Eastern Europe, as known. There existed a whole genealogy of transitions: from feudal society to the bourgeois one (the European revolutions of 1848), from multinational empires to national states, due to the consequences of the WWI, from quasi-democratic political regimes to fascist ones, and then to communism, as the outcome of WWII and the fall of Eastern Europe in the Soviet sphere of influence. Within all these political transitions, there existed different scenarios of transcending history, in the sense of the rupture with a certain political regime and its culture. But in the same line, there existed the desire of continuity, especially when it came to national identity, knowing that redrawing of state borders in EasternEurope, peoples forced displacing, ethnic conflicts and ethnic cleansing were so common in 20-th century. Outpacing tradition, or on the contrary, strictly observing its continuity, has been clothed in the atmosphere of the state of exception. The political sublime has prompted the discourse of the state of exception in many stages of European modernity, from Machiavelli to Lenin and Sorel, underlining the need to endorse the change of the political regime through overt violence. In this respect, one should perceive mostly the negative qualities of the sublime as in the revolutionary upheavals, or in the political regimes which transformed the state of exception into everyday life practices. In all these cases, one should mark the solemn, almost religious acknowledging of greatness, the main characteristic of the sublime, along with its perception of unremitting terror, as in the obligation of patriotic or party sacrifice. Necheavs1 revolutionary catechism, so memorable for
1 Necheavs carreer illustrates from the perspective of the cycle of violence emerging between dictatorship and anarchy and/or anarchical outbursts. Besides Nechaev, one can think of Ravachol, August Vaillant, Nestor Makno, the anarchist Cossack. Durrutti, Sorel, Liu Shaoqi with his indoctrination manual of how to be a good communist, but also of Che Guevarra, the revolutionary

On Cultural Transition In Post-Cold War Romania

313

the portrait of the arch-anarchist, was successfully followed not only by the Leninist policies, but also for other dictators who professed the continuous revolution to create an insuperable state of fear which would curb down any resistance. The legitimizing of fear of the dictator and its praetorian guard instead of civic convictions, beliefs and social trust has set ultimately the insurmountable difference between democratic and non-democratic regimes. Further on, it is important to see that the roots of the political sublime as a state of exception are not to be found only in the Machiavellian expression of the autonomy of politics as the interpretation of the necessity, in the quest of that concrete truth of fact rather than its simple imagination (dretto alla verit effectuale della cosa che immaginazione di essa). But also in the manner in which the Enlightenment designed the idea of mans emancipation, as an absolute victory of human reason in the political construction of reality. Later on, the merging between the political and the sublime was observed both in the ideology of the democratic parties, as well as the propaganda of the totalitarian regimes, serving certainly completely opposing aims. Justification of violence was conveyed through the mystique of the revolution and transcending of history, the birth of a new man and a new society, as forms of excluding the others according to an imaginary lofty superiority reserved to a solely heroic class or race. Far from suggesting that the spirit of the Enlightenment mandated directly totalitarian or authoritarian regimes, I would like to underline the affinities between the sublime of the emancipation of human knowledge and that of the revolutionary action, in its meaning of violent change summoned to take place according to the fullest restoration of man. In other words, the Machiavellian ideal that politics should render only that effective truth (verit effetuale) was to be realized later on through a type of political action which presupposed the sublime, demanding purposefully the emancipation of man as a political subject. In this sense, I shall briefly review the relationship linking Kants What is Enlightenment?, with the definitions of the sublime, demonstrating the merging of politics with the sublime as in the cases of Schiller, Burke, Tocqueville. Reference to their works illuminates their preoccupation to capture and attain the sublime in motivating the transcending of history, in restoring a plenary human society. In What in Enlightenment?, Kant calls for the plenitude of knowing by summoning a necessary, bold courage to know. His urge was captured in the immortal motto: Sapere aude. Knowing activates the will of men to come of age, leaving behind the mankinds infancy. The possibility of knowledge appears surrounded by a nimbus of dignity. The Kantian motto announces the relationship between knowledge and will, as a negation of the present, assertion of the autonomy of reason to outgo the historical time in which the individual exists, so that the projection of a volitional future is made possible. Negation of the present, as condition to critical reflection is indelibly imprinted in the desire of the enlightened mind for the absolute, the universal, and the wholeness. The desire for the universal may be translated thus in the grounding tension of the act of knowing as a duty for each individual. From this point of view, knowing becomes morally a necessity legitimizing the transcendicon of South America, the youth symbol for contestation, a banal terrorist who came to fame due to communist propaganda.

314

Marius Jucan

ing of history, opening the gates to the absolute through the sublime perception of greatness. It is according to this manner that Kant pleads for the leaving behind of the present moment which provides us a book instead of knowledge, a confessor instead of a conscience, a doctor instead of a healthy conduct of life. In defining the sublime, Kant pointed out that the sublime exists only within ideas. The ideas of the sublime can be activated due to the mode in which the human intellect recognizes the inadequacy between these ideas with the sensitive, imaginative representations of the mind. Thus the inadequacy between representations of the ideas of reason and renderings of imagination provokes the revelation of the sublime as the outgoing of a former conflict, in the sense of establishing a new dimension for the permanent adequacy between reason and the sensitive (imagination). Reiterating what Kant was writing about, namely that movement of the soul related to the appreciation of the object of knowledge, it is relevant to accentuate that imagination relates the feeling of the movement of the soul to the faculty of knowing, or to that of wishing, within the presupposition of the absolute. I find this detail extremely relevant for the later understanding of the notion of revolution, or social change, as a necessary adequacy between necessity and possibility, reason and imagination. At the same time, it seems that the state of exception and the perception of a political sublime in itself commanded more or less openly ways in which politicians or political theorists understood the magnitude of political necessity and what degree of reasonableness or feasibility they attached to it, as a concrete implementation of political imagination. In the Letters about the Aesthetic Education of Mankind, Schiller takes an important step to the merging of the sublime with the political action, relying on the critical assessment of the unworthy and shameful state of society, described as existing between the savagery of lower classes and the dissipation of the upper ones (Letter V). The spirit of the times, thought Schiller, vacillated between perversion and brutality, and therefore the solution to extricate mankind from its basest condition was highly necessary. One could see here again the work of the moral-political constraint which summons action through the aesthetical. The necessary extrication from the present-day state is seen as the crisis of civilization (Letter VI), a prelude to the fleeing from present because of its decaying condition, by the help of Reason. Bringing his tribute to the Enlightenment, implicitly to Kant, alluding to the device Sapere aude, Schiller adds a supplementary motto, that of being wise. (Letter VIII). But the precise moment of leaving behind the unworthy state of things, that of fleeing from the circle of practical and theoretical culture cannot be provided by the State, but instead by the knowledge of some entity which remained pure and limpid in the bosom of the political corruption (Letter IX). The envisioned entity is the sublime of art, endowed for Schiller with an absolute immunity. Leaving behind of the corrupt present (interesting to note, corruption is due to politics) is feasible because of the possibility of knowing art. And the modes of an aesthetic sublime will shelter the perception of the political and social as a necessity for mans and societys purification. A famous passage from Letter XV shows that where Reason makes itself known it utters also the name of mankind, and, consequently Reason will implicitly announce the existence of beauty. The aesthetic state is the state of the supreme reality, upheld Schiller, and there could not be another means to turn a sensitive man into a rational one but through the

On Cultural Transition In Post-Cold War Romania

315

cultivation of the aesthetic (Letters XXII, XXIII). In the last letter, Schiller presents the possibility of outrunning conflicts and adversities by the reconciliation achieved by means the beautiful, realizing thus a unity among the state of rights, of duty and the aesthetic state, which is the state of the sublime. It is noteworthy seeing that for Schiller the difference between the beautiful and the sublime made by Kant wears off, so that the one and the other may be conducive to the same ecstatic contemplation of beauty shaping the idea of human liberty. The aesthetic state for Schiller (in the sense of political organization) is actually the state of liberty, and it solely can render the individual free. Edmund Burke illustrates in a more diverse way the relation between politics and the sublime, within the aesthetic and the political corpus of his writings. It is evident that between the definition of the sublime in his A Philosophical Inquiry and the negative sublime of the French Revolution, there is an obvious correspondence. In A Philosophical Inquiry, Burke explains that the sublime is dependent on astonishment and horror, located in a state of the soul suspended to a certain degree. Thus the sublime anticipates our judgments, and pushes us outward with an irresistible force2. Showing the source that produces the sublime, Burke refers to things which yield tension either by the operations of the mind, or by that of the body3, mental and sensitive activities in which terror lives in the vicinity of sheer enchantment. The presence of the sublime might be easily detected in Reflections on the Revolution in France, mainly when distinguishing liberty from anarchy. The utter astonishment provoked by the revolutionary events in France is dealt in the manner in which the sublime may cause feelings of horror and grandeur, the latter one being this time clothed in a negative veil. Prudence, moderation and tolerance are called forth into a sharp contrast with the amalgamated feelings of indignation, dread, laughter caused by the political upheaval in France. As a conservative, Burke shows the perils of the political sublime when handling the issue of rights and of the civil society. Equality of rights should not be dealt irrespective of a certain proportions, meaning that should be applied in equal parts, and not in an absolute manner. Absolute rights should not interfere with the idea of civil society and its goal, that of persuading each citizen to give up his quality of an uncovenanted man, since people cannot simultaneously enjoy natural rights and the rights proclaimed by civil society. Another instance in which one notices the sublime present under a political claim is in the authors advocacy for natural feelings and the idea of the social contract. As regarding the first ones, Burke considers that they arise above reason as pre-judgments, since it is in their unchanged condition that one could experience wisdom4. The contractual basis of society appears for Burke as being motivated by high, lofty causes, if not by the sublimity of human endeavors, in search of cultivating of all sciences, arts, virtues and excellence. The social contract binds those present, those dead, but also the unborn, as the contract of each state is only a clause
2 Edmund Burke, Despre sublim i frumos. Cercetare filosofic a originii ideilor, Meridi3 ibidem, pp. 180-181. 4 ibidem, p. 130.

ane, Bucureti, 1981. p. 90, Romanian version of A Philosophical Inquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and the Beautiful.

316

Marius Jucan

of the great originary contract of the eternal society, which binds the visible world with the invisible one5. In Tocquevilles Democracy in America, there are various examples of the sublime describing the American exception to the world, but also as incarnating the outstepping of previous social and historical forms, or the newness of democracy and its possible evolution. The sense of the sublime appears in my view even in the tragic denouement of democracy, in its ill-fated despotism of the majority, which would bring the merciless leveling of all individualistic differences finally putting at risk mans liberty in favor of a widespread equality. There are some particular instances, such as the issue of patriotism, of rights, of the tyranny of the majority and the centralization of power in America which disclose the seduction of the sublime in politics. In commenting upon them, I shall be focus upon the language used by Tocqueville, which portrays as an omnipresent witness the attributes of the exceptional, unique newness of America as compared to old Europe. Patriotism may often be exalted by religious zeal, being a sort of religion since The ideas of virtue and rights are juxtaposed by Tocqueville, expressed in a highly aestheticised manner:
After the general idea of virtue I know of none more beautiful that that of rights, or rather these two ideas are intermingled. The idea of rights is nothing other than the idea of virtue introduced into the political world7 it does not reason, it believes, it feels, it acts 6.

The sublime is to be decoded in the metaphor of mans education in the cult of virtue, according to Tocquevilles judgment that virtue should rule mankind, instead of force, which too often strangled peoples convictions and actions:
There are no great men without virtue; without respect for rights, there is no great people: one can almost say there is no society; for what is a union of rational and intelligent beings among whom force is the sole bound?8

Tocqueville makes it clear that in America the existence of virtue in the field of politics is exceptional in the sense that it is not exerted by a privileged group, or class, but it comes out from the right of the man of people. This constitutes a powerful motif to perceive democratic cohesion as a new state affecting the idea of citizenship, its repercussions for the nascent mode of living, in governing and being governed, so different from the European one. The example of the man of people underlines the qualities of the citizen as a political subject, its utter difference from other parts of the world, which stands again as a proof of the exceptional:
In America, the man of people has conceived a lofty idea of political rights because he has political rights; so that his own are not violated, he does not attack those of others. And whereas in Europe this same man does

5 ibidem, p. 140. 6 Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, translated, edited and with an introduction by Harvey C. Mansfield and Delba Winthrop, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London, 2000, p. 225 7 ibidem, 227. 8 ibidem.

On Cultural Transition In Post-Cold War Romania

not recognize sovereign authority, the American submits without murmur to the power of the least of its magistrates9

317

The tyranny of majority appears for Tocqueville in contrast with the freedom of thought, which might enable individuals to challenge the tyrannical peril, yet individuals should be in conformity with the majoritys demands, once these act according to convened rules. Tocqueville ponders on the unchallengeable power of the majority decisionism, against which the individuals freedom of thought is useless:
In America the majority draws a formidable circle around thought. Inside those limits, the writer is free; but unhappiness awaits him if he dares to leaves them10

Therefore, the degree of exclusion in the American democratic society is absolute, remarks Tocqueville. The excluded disqualifies himself as both a citizen and a man11. The exclusion of those running counter the majoritys rules and symbols is explained by the historian through the unprecedented ability of democracy to concentrate power in the hands of its elected representatives, which legitimates the politic sovereign with absolute support of the governed. In this respect, Tocqueville refers to a certain necessary enlightening compromise which mediates relations between the sovereign and the political body, between the political leadership and the free associations, a contextual political experience in which the elected political sovereign should meet and recognize those who freely empowered him12. A new kind of despotism conquered the American world according to Tocqueville, though not crises or revolutions would shatter the democratic state, since the chiefs of the democratic era wont be tyrants but schoolmasters13. The menacing sight of the rising of an immense tutelary power has a clear trait of sublimity in its sweeping force to curb down the citizens wills. Tocqueville dealt in a masterly manner with the irreversible effects of tyranny, looming in the centralization of power in democracies.14 The experience by which citizens are exposed to a maximum of centralization of power needs to be reminded as many times as one witnesses the reality of authoritarian regimes, as well as one imagines authoritarianism as a possible alternative to democracy in post-communist transition. But, one may ask, are these free wills active in societies in which democratic tradition is partial or even completely lacking? Could one think of the cultivation of free wills, through the courage of political emancipation, when the majority is not motivated to change the present state of things? The instances of the opposing voices in communism, fascism or Nazism shows how European societies, not only the East-European ones, reacted to authoritarian and/or totalitarian rule, and how efficient was their protest as compared to the tacit or explicit acceptance of the great majority. Tocquevilles remark is so the more

9 10 11 12 13

ibidem, p. 228. ibidem, p. 244. ibidem, p. 245, 247. ibidem, p. 648-649. ibidem, p. 662. The difference between tyrants and schoolmasters is significant for the theme of the present, in that it provides perspectives on authoritarianism in democracies, as well. At the same time, it may suggest that authoritarian practices may well shift from brutality to a mellowed treatment of the governed, emphasizing the knowledge of the charismatic leader. 14 ibidem, p. 664.

318

Marius Jucan

striking as it suggests the annihilation of the most creative competence of democracy, the one through which the people can select its leaders by their own free wills.
Subjection in small affairs manifests itself everyday and makes itself felt without distinction by all citizens. It does not make them desperate; but it constantly thwarts them and brings them to renounce the use of their wills. [...]. In vain will you charge those same citizens, whom you have rendered so dependent on the central power, with choosing the representatives of this power from time to time; that use of their free will, so important but so brief and so rare, will not prevent them from losing little by little the faculty of thinking, feeling, and acting by themselves, and thus from gradually falling below the level of humanity15.

Returning to the lived experience of communism in Eastern Europe, it is known that communist history was planned as a continuous, accelerated transition to reach the peak of communist civilization as a golden stage of mankind. The utopian advancement was propelled by the idea of an unstoppable metamorphosis according to the visionary scientific socialism, translated into real life by a class of agents lead by the dictator. The newspeak of the communist propaganda which purported the cult of the heroic dictator aimed at a genuine social engineering of mores, habits, ideals, and national imaginary. Ceausescus political glory was coated in the language of a rewarding love felt, so to say, by the whole people. Far from depicting the Romanians true sentiments, the fabrication of trust in the last decades of Romanian communism, attempted to transform fear into the genuine affection of the leader, so that the parental relation between the dictator and citizens was regarded within a socialist family atmosphere, where equality was replaced by privilege. Patriotism and the binding love for the leader were not only the attributes of the political sublime, but also its solemn ritualistic incarnation. The intrinsic stages of Ceausescus dictatorship, seen as unique in the ex-communist Eastern European regimes, only comparable with Asian communist dictatorships, speak about cultural transplants in a cultural transition, engendered not only by the menace of terror, but also by the complacency and civic apathy of Romanians. Was civic apathy cemented due to the reign of terror during 1950s, or can civic indifferentism be looked at as a sort of truce in the cycle of political radicalism in Romanian politics? The anti-democratic ethos which nourished both fascist and communist tendencies survived in the before mentioned belief that a providential man could salvage Romania. Apart from laying the whole responsibility on such a political actor, and beyond the religiously laden vocabulary of salvaging the nation, one should remark on the absence of the citizens moral and political commitment to their own interests, as opposed to the dictators intentions of achieving absolute power. Departing from communism and advancing toward democracy in the absence of the fundaments of a democratic culture awakend the echoes of the last march toward the perfect society ever imagined. Were one to portray the transcending of history in an accelerated course, one could think of Walter Benjamins angel of history flying while looking toward past, and watching the immensity of the historical debris rise to the skies. It is within this modernist image that one could deem the
15 ibidem, p. 665.

On Cultural Transition In Post-Cold War Romania

319

sublime of the social change as destruction, annihilation of a former order, a cyclic death and rebirth. In spite of its menacing height, the sight of the growing heap of debris resulted from the destruction of the past suggests the recyclable tradition to be plastered anew into the constructions of the present, a reusable tradition to be deemed in a new discourse of power. The end of communism which coincided officialy with the death of the Ceausescus, after the masquerading trials of his close collaborators, and the temporary public quarantine of a few party bureaucrats who engineered the cult of Ceausescus personality, did not allow for the expiation of the low-grounds of the recent authoritarian experience. Accordingly, Romanian society appears as being engulfed between two worlds, torn between the past and the present, the past of its totalitarian experience which stretches for half a century, and its present-day European membership, which would claim compliance to a democratic ethos. Tocqueville would probably assess East-European democratic transition in Romania very much in the manner he had described relations between the revolutionary mind and the resistance of the ancient regime.
The world that is arising is still half entangled in the debris of the world that is falling, and in the midst of the immense confusion that humans affairs presents, no one can say what will remain standing of aged institutions and of mores and what of them will in the ends disappear16

It is said that democracies are perfectible. Yet, could perfectibility of young democracies turn into an unaccounted for opportunity for authoritarian outbursts and offer authoritarian leaders a legitimate status? Authoritarianism could be easily justified as a pragmatic phase leading to democracy. During the building of the Western consolidated democracies after WW II, authoritarianism or salient episodes of authoritarianism were currently met with, as in the case of European leaders, who led their nations wrestling with the main traditions of their political past, but also employing them to endorse their political, almost personal regimes (De Gaulle, Franco). Authoritarianism could be justified as a pragmatic phase leading to democracy, yet the ambiguity of the status of the civil society, state interventionism and the publicly revered image of the national leader thwarted the building of a democratic model comparable to the Western tradition. As known, only a few Western states could be described as democratic in the genuine sense of the concept, whereas others would have to continually improve their conditions, lining up far beyond observed models of democracy. Regarding perfectibility of democracy, as in the case of the newly established Eastern European democracies, the issue of conformity to the Western model appears rather controversial within the local cultural and political contexts of the former communist countries. Under the circumstances, one wonders if democracy in Eastern-European countries functions as a modular concept (in the sense of an uninterrupted process of adaptation), containing both the vestiges of a former totalitarian and/or authoritarian political culture, and the prospect of a future democracy. One could always wonder whether democracies in postwar Germany, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Greece could not be defined as modular, since they strove to select their paths to the proper implementation of a democratic ethos? Could democracy be developed and maintained according to authoritarian rule and for how long such measures will be helpful to
16 ibidem, p. 673.

320

Marius Jucan

democracy itself before authoritarian rulers teach people about the weaknesses of democracy and demand to be wholly entrusted by their citizens as if the latter ones have turned into their subjects? As known, the barometer of democracy in Eastern-Europe sits in the European Unions decisionism, representing the authority of European democracy. The existence of first class democracies and second class ones in a super-national articulation of the European Union casts doubt upon the existence of a single concept of democracy, as well as on the cohesion of the free world, traditionally described as democratic. Who decides which of the existing democracies is best? Should not one regard the obvious differences existing between the Western countries democracies, and the Northern American one, as actual rivalries yielding dangerous ambiguities as to the defining of democracy? Could Western democracies coexist forever with non-democratic states, and if so, what will the price of coexistence amount to, and to which part will it be detrimental? Could young democracies, on the other hand, take advantage of the short period of time they have at hand to build their democracies as compared to the normal length of time employed by consolidated democracies to reach their present-day stage? Would young democracies attempt to out-pass completely their historical tradition, or will they find a compromise with it? Will the undemocratic past of some of the powerful countries in the European Union be mellowed down into a teaching lesson for others, and if not, who will dare to criticize it? Authoritarianism might hold a key answer for each of these questions.
*

Samuel Huntington explained the meaning of authoritarianism in comparison to that of totalitarianism, showing that the first one covers the large sphere of nondemocratic countries characterized by:
a single leader or small group of leaders, no party, or weak party, no mass mobilization, possibly a mentality but no ideology, limited government, limited, not responsible, political pluralism and no effort to remake society and human nature17.

Due to its present day status, Romania does not find its place among totalitarian states. Its political regime should not be described as authoritarian either, yet the 1989 transition to democracy was not linear, containing episodes of authoritarian dirigisme, which characterized the first day of the so called Romanian revolution. The danger of authoritarianism was undoubtedly illustrated in the three miners marches on Bucharest, an episode of the Romanian democratic history which has not been studied culturally, to perceive the dimensions of transition after 1990. Democratic institutions did not prove able to safeguard the separation of powers, control corruption, or impede the rise to power of elitist groups claiming the salvation of the country from the hands of oligarchs. Why does authoritarianism manifest its fatal attraction in the post-1989 political changes? Suffice it to say that the manner in which the ex-communist regimes disappeared without any resistance, falling one after the other as in games of cards, shows not only the mechanism of a controlled
17 Samuel Huntington, The Third Wave. Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century, University of the Oklahoma Press, Norman, p. 12.

On Cultural Transition In Post-Cold War Romania

321

political change which transformed the disappearance of communism into a fte of freedom regarded by the people as a natural change, but also that the collapse of communism eventually revealed the vulnerability of democracy in this part of the world. According to Huntington: Huntington does not simply leave the door open for a possible comeback of the authoritarian rule, but takes into consideration the possibility that authoritarianism remains an alternative to democracy, nonetheless a preferable one to totalitarian regimes. Not only the snowballing effect which characterized the demise of communism may bring in reverse an authoritarian avalanche, but also the lack of democratic preconditions in Eastern-Europe. The nationalist potential, the rise of elitist groups or of populist leaders could set in motion anti-democratic changes inflamed by discontentment with the dawdling of effective democratic political measures19. Huntington underlined that world cultural traditions present a major variation to the extent attitudes, values and beliefs lead to democracy20, and accordingly the Western culture might be regarded as being the cradle of democracy. When counting the number of democratic countries at the beginning of the third millennium, it is worthwhile noticing that the waves of democratization have drawn an incredibly bigger map of democracy when comparing it to the beginning of the 20-th century, showing that the democratic epoch has reached its fullest achievement only after the passing of two centuries. Though the unprecedented expansion of democracy creates a global favorable current to it, the quality of democratic regimes can be assessed as not meeting high expectations. It is obvious that within the ongoing confrontation among democratic and non-democratic regimes, which may viewed within the dissemination of the democratic-liberal principles, the difference between the rule of democracy and an authoritarian regime is rather ambiguous. Huntington was the first to remind us in the euphoria of the 1990s that democracies rely on the experience of the belief, and so, according to the Weberian thesis it is of high importance to reexamine not only the set of political values which prompts the course to democratization and democracy, but the beliefs which sustain them. Writing about the process of democratization as encompassing the transformation of hegemonic structures into polyarchical structures, Robert A. Dahl upheld that even if he was pleading for this shift21, the change should not be viewed as immediately desirable. More significantly, Dahl considers the shift is not inevitable in history, which speaks from itself about the existence of resistance to democracy, envisioning thus a chasm between democratic and non-democratic cultures. Without mentioning cultural arguments contributing to the articulation of polyarchies, it is relevant to review from the perspective of the process of democratization in EasternEurope a few traits of this political change ushering democracy into life. Firstly, the
18 19 20 21 ibidem, p. 293. ibidem, p. 294. ibidem, p. 298.

a shift to authoritarianism by any democratic or democratizing great power would trigger similar snowballing actions in other countries18

Robert A. Dahl, Democraia si criticii ei, Institutul European, Iai, 2002, p. 55. Romanian translation of Democracy and Its Critics, Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1989.

322

Marius Jucan

transformation of hegemonic structures in adequate structure for political competition, noting on the fact that this process could be stopped if a great part of citizens would contest the legitimacy of competitive politics22, which after Dahl, could occur in a revolution or a civil war. It is the reason why Dahls remarks that in the absence of competitive politics, the political change will be probably a slow process23. Regarding the individuals capacity to sustain publicly the polyarchy, Dahl mentions two crucial components ascertaining the success of polyarchy, trust and prestige. The fall of communism began as known much earlier then the very process of its institutional dismantling, by the popular disenchantment with communist ideals and their cheap manipulation, and by general corruption. The servitudes of citizens and the aggressive bureaucratic planning and control, sustained by the omnipresent secret police and informers networks shattered public trust, and annihilated the prestige of communism favoring opportunism. The steady degradation of the prestige of communism did not automatically mean gaining trust in democracy and its values. It is within historical circumstances that authoritarianism manifested itself after the fall of communism, acting under the mask of keeping vigil against anarchy and the rapid deterioration of state symbols, which was actually happening due to the overlapping between state and party institutions, public representation of a unique leadership, inertia of an atomized society. Dahl shows that reciprocal trust favors polyarchy and public contestation, whereas utter civil distrust invites authoritarianism and/or hegemonic political groups. Thinking of Germany and Italy, Dahl considers that authoritarian regimes evidently destroyed in the past the citizens mutual trust24. Similarly, one could assert that the most serious, traumatizing aftermath of communism relies in the political apathy, indifferentism, cynicism, and the cheap materialism of the peoples survival ideals. Elaborating on the appearance of polyarchy, Dahl notices in a relevant fragment in Democracy and Its Enemies why polyarchy fails in countries fragmented culturally. He underscores the primordiality of modern culture in supporting democratic ideals. It is relevant to remind in this train of thoughts that communism was not able to solve ethnic or religious conflicts, succeeding at best to burry them under ideological taboos. The fall of communism witnessed their predictable revival, showing paradoxically how little communist repression succeeded in changing the citizens traditional frame of mind. Freed from the ideological policing of the communist power, Romanians found themselves again in the dire straits of the interwar national, ethnic and religious disputes, not succeeding to implement the change to democracy but under the constant pressure of EU institutions. Dahl affirms that polyarchy cannot last in countries where there are powerful subcultures, a warning about democracys inability to survive in conditions of strong cultural antagonisms. The most relevant remark made by Dahl regards guardianship, the notion on which authoritarianism relies. Dahl is of the mind that a perennial alternative to democracy is governing by protectors25, suggesting again that democracy is not an ultimate and absolute vision toward which the whole world fares safely. From the emblematic portrait of the philosopher-king to the one of the Leninist activist, the
22 23 24 25 ibidem, p. 70. ibidem, p. 71. ibidem, p. 168. ibidem, p. 74.

On Cultural Transition In Post-Cold War Romania

323

protectors of the simple people (who cannot decide for themselves, being incapable of political expertise), embody the real opponents of democracy. Though their persuasion is different their effect on the democratic transition is perverse, succeeding in stalling the endeavors to implement a democratic ethos. In an ingenuous dialogue between an aristos and a demos, refuting arguments supporting guardianship, Dahl finds relevant arguments to wrestle with the fatal attraction of authoritarianism. Democracy and authoritarianism differ as to the relation between the virtue of knowing and the capacity to employ knowledge for the benefit of the many. By pointing to the protectors actual lack of virtuous knowledge and incompetence of the so-called royal art of politics, Dahl emphasizes the exceptional potential of centralization at the peak of the political leadership in totalitarian regimes which outruns any limits26. In fact, as political innovation in totalitarian regimes was confined to the transfer of all prerogatives in the hands of the despotic, god-like figure of the supreme leader, knowledge was confiscated by a group considered above any duty to testify capacity of leading as a beneficial ability to the community. Quite on the contrary, democracies differ by representation, delegation of powers, specialization and administrative expertise implying a larger sphere of participation, creating a wholly different relation between genuine knowledge and the ability of using it for others. So that, those elected to know in democracies may prove their decisions due to their expertise in the field, whereas those elected according to their natural charismatic attributes, either in totalitarian or authoritarian regimes, may fail sooner or later to prove that their knowledge was or remained virtuous. Dahl considers therefore, that philosophers should not become kings, and the latter ones should not pretend to turn into philosophers. In dissuading the principles of a natural aristocracy which would allow the royal knowledge of the art of politics pave the way for the sublime of the politics, seen as a natural or a divine gift, democratic regimes prove in their being different from non-democratic ones that power cannot be exempt from being divided into specialized compartments. Knowledge of political virtues and the practicing of them cannot thrive in a free society without admitting to the growth of the field of knowledge itself, and thus, to allow for a larger basis for political participation, in other words, to bring politics to the realm of the profanes. Eventually, in Dahls view, the difference between guardianship and democracy lies in the capacity of democratic political leaders to learn from mistakes, which is completely unthinkable in non-democratic regimes. The contrast between the citizens capacity to learn from alternative experiences as in democratic regimes, and their own practical chance to follow the supreme leader in his unquestionable righteousness became explicit in the case of Romania, generally of Eastern Europe modern politics. In an article published in Journal of Political Ideologies, Robert Mayer sums up Dahls arguments, demonstrating that in the post-cold era, authoritarianism became the real contester of democracy by developing a complex strategy of justification27. Starting from defining democracy as political equality, and relying on Dahls theory
26 ibidem, p. 110. 27 Robert Meyer, Strategies of Justification in Authoritarian Ideology, Journal of Political Ideologies, 2001, 6(2), pp. 147-168.

324

Marius Jucan

of guardianship, Meyer considers that there are five issues justifying authoritarian rule, based on different types of exclusion: unequal competence, unequal stake, unequal standing, communitarian democracy, non-electoral democracy. Meyer thinks that the protectors of virtue and of a superior knowledge have improved their ways of influencing public opinion, but not to such a degree that they should not be detected:
Indeed, in the past century the strategy of guardianship has become relatively less common as an lite ideology, precisely as democratic values have spread. This is not only because authoritarian regimes now frequently portray themselves as democratic, but more important because democratic theory itself suggests strategies of justification that can be pressed in an authoritarian direction. Paradoxically, then, the rise of pluralist democracy over the last century has increased the principled legitimization strategies available to non-democratic regimes at the same time it has made the paternalist strategy of guardianship relatively less attractive as rationale for political inequality. In an increasingly democratic world authoritarian lites have had to move beyond traditional guardianship in their quest for legitimacy, and they have done so by exploiting the authoritarian potential latent in democratic theory itself28.

As known, totalitarian rule excludes citizens from political decisions, by forcefully denying the principle of political equality. The use of terror as the unique instrument acknowledging superiority of the so called popular democracy lacked citizens genuine approval, but due to peoples previous experiences in servitude, local guardians could maneuver efficiently the shaping of an obedient society, transforming it into a society of command. It relevant to show in this respect that the virtues of carrying into practice decisions taken always from above, were deemed as heroic in the so called advancement of communism in Eastern Europe. Contemplating Meyers scale of exclusion, one can understand why authoritarianism has been always equated in Romania with a sense of functionality, dutiful respect for order, and to a certain extent with avoidance of anarchical outbursts. Exclusion held more and more victims in its grip since society itself was profoundly divided economically, and furthermore ethnic and religious conflicts added to an atmosphere of territorial menaces and disputes in the interwar period. Under the circumstances, the militarization of institutions was set as a solution for maintaining discipline enforcing the state prestige. The birth of Romanian dictatorship under the king Charles II (1938) brought along the massive presence of the military in almost all compartments of society, representing both the political knower and doer. The presence of the military at power signaled that the civil symbols of the Romanian society were weak, thought to be either unreliable or corrupt, and consequently even the king encouraged the dissolution of the democratic political life. The popular opinion that the most prestigious institutions Romania are the Army and the Church was held before WWII, at the time when fascism conquered Europe and imposed a set of powerful exclusion values as normal civic conduct. King Charless dictatorship could not stop the coming to power of the far extreme, proving to be a lamentable personal adventure,
28 Ibidem, p. 148.

On Cultural Transition In Post-Cold War Romania

325

which actually redoubled the prestige of the authoritarian rule. Later on, the jargon of communist propaganda made a definite scope in inducing in the public mind the idea that the practice of excluding those considered the enemies of the people was the long awaited hour for social justice. From political trials to the rather widespread method of discriminating youth whose did not have a healthy social origin (not descending directly from a worker or peasant family, or having relatives in Western capitalist countries) the range of exclusions tore the Romanian society apart, submitting individuals into the positions of either ideological tools or victims. Exclusion did not occur only in former Stalinist trials, but also in the social and civil degrading of those belonging to the bourgeois class or of the intellectuals, sometimes of high ranks members of the communist leadership as well, proving that the struggle for power continued in the name of the purity of the communist doctrine. But for the common man who could only read between the lines about the ideological warfare in the corridors of power, it was clear that obeying orders coming from above was the only safe way of surviving in an increasingly irresponsible and de-humanized world. At the same time, safety for common people was highly improbable, as the little bureaucrats of party applied the same tactics of exclusion, regarding housing, food, fuel, cultural information, luxury items, visits abroad, etc. Exclusion in communism created as mentioned before a society of command, wholly instrumental, inimical to the individual as well as the people itself. It fabricated its own special areas of competence according to ideological and kind of paramilitary rigors, restraining power to a small group closely connected to the dictator and his family ties. It bracketed politics from the field of human experience to a sort of bureaucratic policing which stalled even after 1989 the social and cultural innovation in Romania. The toppling down of the dictator did not do away with the authoritarian cast of mind, and quite ironically, some of those who struggled to bring communism in Romania, as communist activists, claimed to assume the task of democratizing the country, even if the failure of communism would have held them responsible at least morally. For them, the sublime of transcending history might have resounded as lively as their own last hour salvation. Turning democrats over night, these professional revolutionaries seemed to contradict the vision of the advancement of human society toward communism, and furthermore, the Leninist conviction that terror would steel new habits in the hearts and the minds of the future citizens of the communist society. It is relevant to remind that the policies of terror preached by Lenin were actually a cultural continuation of the radical czarist authoritarian rules.
From the moment when all the members of society, or even only the overwhelming majority, have learned how to govern the state themselves, have taken this business into their own hands, have established control over the insignificant minority of capitalists, over the gentry with capitalist learning, and the workers thoroughly democratized by capitalists from this moment the need for any government begins to disappear. The more complete the democracy, the nearer the moment when it begins to be unnecessary. The more democratic the state consisting of armed workers, which is no longer a state in the proper sense of the word the more rapidly does every state begin to wither away.

326

Marius Jucan
For when all have learned to manage, and independently are actually managing by themselves social production, keeping accounts, controlling idlers, the gentlefolk, the swindlers and similar guardians of capitalist traditions, then the escape from this national accounting and control will inevitably become so increasingly difficult, such a rare exception, and will probably be accompanied by such a swift and severe punishment (for the armed workers are men of practical life, not sentimental intellectuals, and they will scarcely allow one to trifle with them), that very soon, the necessity of observing the simple, fundamental rules of every-day social life in common will have become a habit. The door will then be wide open for the transition from the first phase of Communist society to its higher phase, and along with it to the complete withering away of the state29.

The radicalism of Leninist assertions seems desolately simplistic nowadays, when comparing it to the complexity of the social and cultural change occurring in Eastern Europe at the end of the last century, and especially when reassessing the new role played by the ex-communists in accelerating transformation of communist dictatorships into democratic regimes. The relationship between the totalitarian experience and post-communism is not therefore difficult to be accounted for, in unfolding of course of events leading to the Ceausescus Praetorian Guard revolt against its leader. Being sparked by a number of communist personalities in connivance with the secret services, manipulating the media and public opinion and actually channeling the popular fury and desperation against the communist regime, the revolution demonstrated in its confusing but explainable enthusiasm the distance between the totalitarian cause and then democratic consequences, between two types of political culture. Having as a backdrop the American-Soviet talks regarding the end of the Cold War and the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Eastern Europe, the Romanian revolution was initiated and controlled by those who had been planning a reformation of the communist system, safeguarding their continuity to power, though in different ideological circumstances.30 Authoritarianism has fared freely over ideological frontiers, proving that its radiance in postmodern policies might be desisted by attempting to change its cultural tenets. Tocqueville was one of the greatest theorists who dealt with the alteration of the relation between masters and slaves in democracy, but could we wholly rely on his remarks nowadays? The power shift in Romania occurred on two levels running parallel during the events of the year 1989. There was the minuscule group of anti-communist opponents, who put at risk their lives, in contrast with the large majority of Romanians whose fear to take action and lack and/or solidarity with the handful of anticommunist protesters, (a fact which remains a worrying symptom of the lack of civil culture) was widely spread. Nevertheless, the latter great majority triumphantly claimed its allegiance to democracy after the political coup of December 1989 had succeeded, as a return to democracy. The great number of the new converts to democracy held the nave belief that departing from the old regime consisted in simply
29 V. I. Lenin, State and Revolution, International Publishers, New York, 1932, 1943, pp. 84-85. 30 Vladimir Tismneanu, Stalinism pentru eternitate. O istorie politic a comunismului romnesc, Polirom, Iai, 2005, pp. 260-290. Romanian version of Stalinism for All Seasons. A Political History of Romanian Communism, University of California Press, 2003.

On Cultural Transition In Post-Cold War Romania

327

sacking the old party nomenklatura. As in the case of French Revolution, the archmodel of modern revolutions in Europe, the symbol of the new calendar buttressed the authority of the political transition, making the new political class to invent a new sense of mission for its rise to power. The fallacy of authority of the new politics vaguely sustained by ideological programs was often criticized, yet eventually prompted by the EU policies which diminished the roles of national political leaders to that of local administrators. After the banishing of the hardliners once Ceausescu had been executed, it was clear for both groups that they would be facing each other in deeply entrenched political rivalries. In this regard, the old feuds among different prominent members of the ex-communist party survived in new forms in the wings of the National Salvation Front, and later on, inside the ranks of the newly formed democratic political parties. Adversity between the two before mentioned groups grew even sharper in time, as it was clear that one could not have acquired the power without the other. At the same time, the political migration from one party to the other or political fusion between parties became a rather current practice. Fallacy of authority was obvious in the almost permanent reshuffle of political parties in Romania, with the notable exception of the National Liberal Party. The obvious relations between totalitarianism and post-communist transition may be accounted for in the effective presence of the ex-communist second rank bureaucrats who benefited from their former network and ties to become the new representatives of the political class, or to form privileged groups of business men, to become diplomats, university professors, leaders of researching institutes, high ranking officers in the army or the secret services. Bucking up the rusty luggage of Marxist-Leninist ideology which separated the nomenklatura of the old regime from common people, they claimed that they gathered political professionalism and managerial lore, enabling them to fill in key positions in the post-communist regime and to take advantage over the age of the old anti-communist opponents. Many reforms were thus commenced, but broke down lacking either the political or the financial support, or due to the frequent change of governmental managers, remaining unaccomplished. What would have seemed to be a systematic change of society turned into a combination of improvisation, personal interests and political capitalization of the democratic political discourse. The state of economy, the diminution of the state authority, the spreading of corruption in the judiciary sphere, the flaring out of various conflicts among various types of institutions, or even inside them, the disappearance of the gigantic industrial enterprises and unemployment, the deplorable health system gave off signals of the anarchical atmosphere confounded by many with the course of democratization. The wish to implement reforms coexisted at the same with the nostalgia for former dirigisme, stalling the procedures for full restoration of property, or obstructing knowledge about present-day public personalities who had been secret police informers, rising thus to unprecedented levels the brain-drain of Romanians. It is relevant to note that the perspective of European integration in itself supplanted the lack of social trust, providing people with the purpose of acquiring better standards of living, whereas unaware of the civic obligations and material costs of integration. It would not be improper to consider that acceleration of reforms and the belief of outgoing transition were ascertained by the project of integration, than

328

Marius Jucan

emerging from the ideological debates among the parties, state officials or the civil society representatives. Such an all absorbing purpose was carried out eventually in January 2007, but it postponed the debate whether former notorious communist officials had the right to be in power in public offices. As a matter of fact, the European Union grew oblivious of the former communists denial of European values while the Cold War, not willing to voice condemnation of communism after its spectacular ending. It is quite paradoxical to remark in this respect that communist parties continue their existence nowadays only in Western Europe and there are not enjoying a good political repute in Eastern Europe where they ceased their existence. Though almost two decades have already passed since the overthrowing of communism, it is no wonder that remnants of the broken discourse of egalitarianism, and its messianic appeal for a compelling historic transition interfere with the present stage of democratic transition. In this respect, the remarks of Pavel Campeanu31 on the anatomy of the communist society founded on egalitarianism forcefully imposed by Stalinist political power are revealing in order to grasp the conflict between a democratic and a non-democratic ethos. Stalinism seen as a syncretic society, to use the authors term, might be deemed as dormant in the present-day course of democratic transition. As far as the idea of property has been dealt with by Casals (Pavel Campeanu) it is revealing to dwell on Stalinism which appears as the social and economical organization which confers stability to the general syncretism of premature socialism, as well as about the fact that premature socialism (the one Lenin foresaw) led to the abolishing of a form of property without replacing it with another one. This forceful change which manifested itself with utmost violence in Soviet Russia, and later on in Eastern Europe, was primordial in introducing a sharp turn in radical reforms, clarifying the communist absolute dreams to reach power and enforce total submission upon its subjects. Actually, the annihilation of right of property rose as an unsurpassable barrier between communism and modern human society, underscoring the highly experimental content of the communist revolution, the fact that besides the taking of power, the communist ideology rejected modern civilization, enfeebling the structure of the society because of the class warfare, the cult of personality and widely spread corruption. Casals (Pavel Campeanu) mentions that in replacing the necessary with
31 Felipe Garcia Casals (Pavel Cmpeanu) Societatea sincretic 1980, Polirom, Iai, 2002. Romanian version of The Syncretic Society, M.E. Sharpe Inc. White Plains, N.Y., 1980. In the prefatory note of the Romanian edition it is said the book was secretly carried to the United States, handed over to an American editor, and to the printing house of the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, eventually published it in 1980. The author, Pavel Cmpeanu, a member of the Romanian communist party before the Soviet occupation of Romania, became a dissident, but nevertheless continued to publish books under his real name before colliding with censorship. He paid however visits to the United States where he benefited from a number scholarships, and his research on the Stalinism was appreciated. The change of the political regime in Romania found him in New York, from where he returned to Bucharest to continue to activity as political writer. In the prefatory note on the Romanian version, Alfred G. Meyer underlines what Casals wrote about the main topic of his study: Stalinism is a non-system, or an a-system, an incoherent structure made up by unsuitable parts, a monstrosity (p. 17). Characterizing communist syncretism as being rooted in the Leninist revolution, Meyer shows that Leninism anticipated the laws oh history rather than followed them, while Stalinism was a sort of captivity within these laws. Lenins and Stalins achievements are gigantic after Casals, who remains a Marxist, notices Meyer, but those achievements are so impressive only to demonstrate their limits: Lenin and Stalin ended in a completer failure (p. 37).

On Cultural Transition In Post-Cold War Romania

329

the possible, Leninism gave birth to a society in which the possible becomes the necessary32. A remark which clearly certifies the bankruptcy of communism, along with its obsessive acceleration of history propagandistic appeal launched in order to control masses than to reach a utopian ideal. Casals (Campeanu) considers that acting in the name of necessity, and not from genuine necessity, Stalinism was a negative mode of production, in that it denied both capitalism and socialism33. The historical model of Stalinist society lies in the feudal society model in which the power of the dictator and the power apparatus causes politics, economy and the policies of war to merge completely into personal power. References to feudal society in Romanian communism are not hard to find as in the clannish structure of power under Ceausescu. Feudalism should not be regarded as a naively romanticized episode of Romanian national communism. As a depositary of authoritarian tradition, nationalism may imperil, not only in Romania, incipient federalist practices which articulate the European Union, bringing to the streets the national rights of various communities scattered all over Europe, proving thus that culturally speaking, Europe has never been united, and it is rather improbable to be.34 Recurrent visits into feudal history were paid in Eastern Europe in order to claim polemically cultural rights, the superiority of ones civilization over the other, or simply to enhance the importance of the existence of cultural areas beyond present-day borders of Eastern European states, areas which should be treated preferentially in the present conditions of the European policies over minorities. The parallel drawn between feudalism and communism may reveal significant characteristics of how the political figure of sovereign was reinvested in the cult of personality in communism, in the final stage of Stalinism. Not at all surprisingly, Ceausescu, as general secretary of the party, appeared as perfectly justified to be awarded various other socialist honorary titles appreciating his exceptional, incomparable qualities as a unique leader. Letters of public appreciation were published almost daily in the partys official along with messages from leaders of the world reminding all Romanians the outstanding size of their first man. Ceauescu was portrayed as the first president of a communist republic holding a scepter in his hand and keeping in the other a copy of the socialist constitution. Such a self-ennobled variant of communism showed to the world that in spite of its involuntary comic manner in which it was dealt with, the feudal past was alive in the political imagination of the communist barons. Besides buttressing legitimacy of an ideology imposed by a foreign power, the recourse to the feudal past, especially in appraising the figure of the Romanian voevode helped the fabrication of social trust mostly in an anecdotic manner, yet having paralyzing consequences on the civic ethos.. Authoritarians rule was met with resistance only in the case of certain intellectuals who chose to express their opposition to the cult of personality. In Eastern Europe, as well as in the whole world, the role of the intellectual as an actor of modernization and democratization has been an impelling factor in ascertaining cultural
32 ibidem, op. cit., p. 46-47. 33 ibidem, p. 51. 34 Stanley Hoffman, Sisiful European. Studii despre Europa (1964-1994). Romanian version of The European Sisyphus. Essays on Europe, 1964-1994. Westview Press, 1995.

330

Marius Jucan

transition.35 Previously, in the communist regime, intellectuals were portrayed rather cynically as in forming a thin social layer, occupying a third position in the communist general estates. There was always an atmosphere of suspicion surrounding their loyalty to the political regime, either because the communist party did not succeed in rising totally committed intellectuals, or because the intellectual prospects of Marxism were rather foggy and obsolete as according to the cultural vistas of the 20-th century. Differing from the 18-th century man of letters, the intellectual was in the last century was deeply involved in the vanguard of political currents and cultural movements. Relations between intellectuals and the power were susceptible to shed light on the hidden intercourse going on between power and authority, as these tended to overlap in Romanian cultural history. The experience of the totalitarian party, of the cult of the personality meant for intellectuals living in the period, according to their memories and diaries, either living with a double conscience or the necessity to experiment dissidence or overt opposition. Considering that the very existence of the intellectual cannot be extricated from the sphere of a field of power, it is noteworthy to regard this relation under two aspects. The first aspect I found peculiar to modern intellectuals is their attempt to implement their autonomy and expertise in creating authorial reference. Intellectuals are usually perceived and defined as authors, public individuals who create theories, cultural, social, artistic, literary or political works building the present day canon. Their capability of creating newness in the field of theory, or in other words their preoccupation with cultural invention distinguishes them from say, politicians, the military, managers or the clergy. Intellectuals occupy a special position in the civil society not only due their ability to master and actually produce its discourse. The power seduction of intellectuals increased considerably 1989. The power of the powerless appeared as a symbol of resistance to the extraordinary pressure of the official communist power. Intellectuals were emblematic figures of the anti-communist struggle, militating for the reform of the political class consisting in the recently converted ex-communists, or criticizing the party-system in favor of the superiority of civil society. But, at the same time, one should not overlook the fact that the greatest majority of intellectuals were conformists, ideological servants favored by lucrative official employments or feathered nests. The second aspect regarding intellectuals and power is the formation of an intello-cratic sphere, different from that of the communist period, where the ideologically committed intellectuals were acting as propellers and / or guardians of the
35 The European cultural tradition has been since The Enlightenment accustomed to the presence of the intellectuals in the field of power, either as adamants critics or as faithful supporters of the political class. From the experience of the French philosophes in the 18-century the present day disputes over the role of the intellectual in the American consumerist society (e.g. Edward Said, Cristopher Lasch, Allan Bloom), it is essential to view the intellectual as a public person for whom culture and politics interfere in a multi-layered cultural ethos influencing the course of modernization. Whether Julien Benda deplored the betrayal of the intellectuals, other famous authors of the late century pleaded for the intellectuals involvement into public affairs, urging them to bring their prestige to the altar of the political causes. Yet, is postmodern clerisy, as Coleridge dubbed the intellectuals, aware of the powers mermaid song luring the enlightened spirits of the century? In a relevant inquiry into the intellectual history of the last century, Mark Lilla provided convincing pieces of evidence speaking in favor of the intellectuals; fatal attraction to power, following the example of Plato and Dyonisus, the tyrant of Syracuse.

On Cultural Transition In Post-Cold War Romania

331

political censorship. It is quite obvious that from this point of view the new intellocracy is no longer in the service of a single circle of power, thought it tends to be in there service of power, and therefore the capacity of the new intello-cracy to promote its discourse is much larger and diverse. Denouncing the perils of authoritarianism, some Romanian intellectuals dealt with the study of the authoritarian personality, and the examining of political relations in the post-communist society. Being complementary, both aspects illuminate on the deficit of modernization in the present transition to democracy. The traits of the authoritarian personality may be rendered as follows: excessive conformity, submissiveness to authority, intolerance, superstition, stereotyped cultural patterns. The existence of the authoritarian personality shows the individuals strategy of complying with the violent imprint of social and political conformism in the age of populist and/or totalitarian leaders. Identification with the tyrant in totalitarian regimes became the issue by which the individual avoided complete annihilation of his/her personality, venting the tension between duty and responsibilities into forgetfulness of violence endured in the name of a better social order, or simply because of the necessity of survival. Accordingly, the aura of the authoritarian leader has been too seldom challenged in the recent past. Opposition to dictatorship in times of political terror was restricted to marginal public stands taken by some writers, philosophers, artists, who in their severely guarded isolation managed paradoxically to make their voices speak for an absent civil society36. After two decades since the demise of communism, examining the authoritarian personality may seem for some unnecessary once Romanian society is said to have stepped on the path of democratization. The formalist approach to democracy purporting only a quantitative change, bringing into view chiefly the institutional transformations and shunning the qualitative changes expected and delayed within this interval, conceals the presence of the authoritarian man-type. In fact the actual tribulations of populism and nationalism in nowadays Europe offer a perfect disguise for authoritarianism. It is within the past cultural experience of Europe generally, and of Romania particularly that the present-day roots of the authoritarian man could be delved out. A group of researchers, philosophers, historians, psychologists and sociologists, under the guidance of Adrian Neculau37 threw open the debate over the issue of the violence imprinted in the individuals life conceived in communism as normalization of exceptions. Though the crux of the remarks rendering the individuals reactions to a dramatically impoverished life, figuratively but also concretely speaking, some of their conclusions may be translated as articulating the after-life of the communist man, respectively in the transition to democracy. Since the authoritarian man responded obediently to the practices of centralizing power, it would be relevant to find out if between corruption and the authoritarian rule there might be, still improperly detected, a system of communicating vessels. The hypothesis of authoritarian36 Katherine Verdery, Compromis i rezisten. Cultura romn sub Ceauescu, Humanitas, 37 See Viaa cotidian n comunism, Polirom, Iai, 2005, Everyday Life in Communism, coordinated by professor Adrian Neculau. Another compelling contribution to the analysis of the cultural typology of man under communism is Explorri n comunismul romnesc, Polirom, Iai, 2004, Searching Out for Romanian Communism, by Paul Cernat, Ion Manolescu, Angelo Mitchievici, Ioan Stanomir.

Bucureti, 1994, Romanian version of National Ideology Under Socialism. Identity and Cultural politics in Ceauescus Romania, University of California Press, 1991.

332

Marius Jucan

ism paving the way to corruption, by the rise of lites cartels in countries which actually eschew democratic rule, is rendered by Michael Johnson in a compelling study of corruption38. Having weak judiciary systems, a vaguely institutionalized political competition, political parties standing for vested economic interests, countries of lites cartels are definitely exposed to corruption, as the political and the economic sphere are inextricably merged. After Johnston, in such cases, politics becomes the utilitarian means of gentrification of the leading group, and gentrification signals the pre-condition to the capacity to deal with politics exempting other categories of citizens. One of the most pervasive and argumentative analyses of the Romanian society seen as an authoritarian and therefore an undemocratic one, belongs to Daniel Barbu39. Setting out in his relevant research from the ethical fundaments of a religious culture, Orthodoxy, which did not manage to create distinct modern cultural standards, Barbu investigates the actual capability of the Romanian society to accommodate itself to democratic rules and outrun the totalitarian experience. Referring to the confusion between the Orthodox belief and the concept of law in its modern use for the common man, Barbu remarks on the accentuated religiosity in Romanian society on one hand, and its inability to stop or curb down violence after 1989, and to build a 20-th century civil society, on the other hand. Attempting to find out the reciprocal influences between religious tradition and the political beliefs in Romania, Barbu notes that the revolution of 1989 was caused by the intention of reforming the communist structures than the victory of a democratic type of culture. In this respect, Barbu is of the mind that the Romanian revolution was effective more in the field of the populist demagoguery than in cultural transition. For Barbu, it is clear that once the euphoria of overthrowing the dictator evaporated itself, there was no actual political project to assess the boundary between the two political distinct experiences and eras. Barbu considers thus that the transition to democracy would not be accredited the status of a democratic process, as it helped the birth of a post-nomenklatura, the continuation of the double speak, and actually it forbade what was too optimistically called the return of the true political discourse in the public life.
...the Romanian Revolution was no the offspring of some revolutionary agents or of a revolutionary agenda, but it produced itself its agents and revolutionary agenda40

Barbus arguments consist in comparing the general perception of politics in recent Romania, grafted in the mindset of ordinary people as well as in the present-day political class, with Tocquevilles analysis of an early 19-th century nascent democratic political culture. In this vein of thought, Barbu claims that Romanians do no want so much to be represented, but rather to be governed, because the effective po38 Michael Johnston, Corupia i formele sale. Bogie, putere i democraie, Polirom, Iai, 2007. Romanian version of Syndromes of Corruption: Wealth, Power and Democracy, The Syndicate of the Press of the University of Cambridge, 2007. 39 Daniel Barbu, professor of political sciences at the University of Bucharest, author of Republica absent, (The Absent Republic), Firea romnilor, (On the Nature of Romanians), Bizan dup Bizan, (Byzance After Byzance), Politica pentru barbari. (Politics for Barbarians), Nemira, 2007. 40 Daniel Barbu, Republica absent. Politic i societate n Romnia postcomunist, Nermira, Bucureti, 1999, p. 185. The translation of the text cited belongs to the author of the article.

On Cultural Transition In Post-Cold War Romania

333

litical task of representation has remained an unfulfilled hope in spite of the attempts to implement it after 1989. The implicit confusion between being represented and being governed, leads to the necessary spelling out of the difference between being a subject and a citizen, and thus to perceiving the image of the new barbarity and barbarians. The question of how genuinely political representation has been dealt with in Romania after 1989 comes into focus when one seeks for the necessarily different political programs, and may discovers in dismay that these are replaceable versions of the same post-communist, populist demagoguery. The shadow of the unique party towers over young Romanian democracy and the party-state concubinage is echoed in the dominant lack of trust in civil society. Instead of the appearance of different groups, associations or societies of citizens who would declare their commitment for public causes, assuming thus their role to sustain them, Romanians continue to praise the impersonality of state power or party power. As one could see the power ritualistic appeals are heard more clearly by the simple as well as by the educated Romanian. The fountain of this imaginary power is located in the paternal figure of the leader of the nation. Usually party leaders are perceived as locomotives, a metaphor showing the sacred place of the leader, its dynamism and at the same the insignificance of the ordinary party member. The absence of an active and constructive response coming from the ranks of the civil society to an endless number of issues points to the long years of dictatorship, when political representation was but the adornment of a rigid ideological yoking. It is from this perspective that Barbu resorts explicitly to a necessary distinction among true politicians, political mentors and demagogues. Real politicians are those who enroll in politics to dedicate themselves for the benefit of their communities and prove the authenticity of their commitment by their effective contribution to the rise of the ideological standards of their political groups, by making thus politics visible for the common citizen. In this way, the true politician should abstain from mingling politics with personal financial affairs or gentrification. Actually, the appearance on the public stage of rather unschooled political leaders, who can barely tell the difference of one party from another is a clear signal for the low standards of the political class, which distort the meaning of democracy. In a country where political amateurism has replaced almost completely the role of political philosophy, Barbu claims that politics is regarded in Romania only as the art of manipulation, respectively of unethical bargaining, naturally devoid of any idealism, or of any spiritual content. Demagogues have obviously contributed to the present state of things by practically proving that politics could gentrify and legitimize them better than and kind of profession. In Romanian politics at least, politics engenders the sense of a strong adversity claiming the exclusion of the other, which reminds of the political tactics of our recent past. Contemplating the chasm between meanings of modernity in Western Europe and the significance of modernity in Eastern Europe, the authors view on the Romanian status of democracy remains engrained in skepticism, as regarding the conversion of the ex-communist second rank leaders in democrats, and the possibility of reading the same meaning of democracy in Eastern Europe as in its Western part. Democracy may be seriously impaired by the rising tendencies of the so-called guardians of virtue who preach public subservience to the unique leader, in the name of democracy, nationalism or even in the name of the new European spirit, in-

334

Marius Jucan

escapably problematic in its still unresolved constitutional form. Romanias quality as a member of the European Union cannot bring directly a significant clarification of the use of democratic leadership in present-day conditions. One should not hold the illusion that the European Union is an impartial judge punishing transgressors of democracy or simply those who lack in the basics of civil culture. The state of an assisted democracy, showing the provisional character of the present-day regime suggests the presence of the remnants of the past, and obviously the enamel of what I might named a culture of grafting, which covers the issue of authoritarianism and its novel forms. In the absence of the idealist pragmatic ideals of democracy, the de-sublimating of the political discourse in transition to democracy is necessary as to shift democratic ideals from authoritarian practices. Secondly, public intellectuals should beware the dangers of the rise of a new intello-cracy, as a follower of the old cast of politically engaged intellectuals. Finally, the most complex step envisaged to increase the chances of real democracy is to refigure, once democratic changes have reached a more mature level, the figure of political representative elected by democratic procedures in the name of the peoples sovereignty.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Arendt, Hannah, ntre trecut i viitor. Opt exerciii de gndire politic, Antet, Bucureti, 1997, Romanian version of Between Past and Future, Viking Penguin, 1954. 2. idem, Crizele republicii, Humanitas, Bucureti, 1999, Romanian version of The Crises of the Republic, A Harvest Book, 1972. 3. Barbu, Daniel, Republica absent. Politic i societate n Romnia postcomunist, Nermira, Bucureti, 1999. 4. idem, Politica pentru barbari, Nemira, Bucureti, 2005. 5. Burke, Edmund, Despre sublim i frumos. Cercetare filosofic a originii ideilor, Meridiane, Bucureti, 1981. Romanian version of A Philosophical Inquiry into The Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and the Beautiful. 6. idem, Reflecii asupra Revoluiei din Frana, Nemira, Bucureti, 2000, Romanian version of Reflections upon the Revolution in France. 7. Felipe Garcia Casals (Pavel Cmpeanu) Societatea sincretic 1980, Polirom, Iai, 2002, Romanian version of The Syncretic Society, M. E. Sharpe Inc. White Plains, N.Y., 1980. 8. Cernat, Paul; Manolescu, Ion; Mitchievici, Angelo; Stanomir, Ioan, Explorri n comunismul romnesc, Polirom, Iai, 2004. 9. Dahl, Robert, Poliarhiile. Participare i opoziie, Institutul European, Iai 2000. Romanian version of Polyarchy. Participation and Opposition, Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1971. 10. idem, Democraia i criticii ei, Institutul European, Iai, 2002, Romanian

On Cultural Transition In Post-Cold War Romania

335

version of Democracy and Its Critics, Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1989. 11. Huntington, Samuel, The Third Wave. Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century, University of the Oklahoma Press, Norman, 1991. 12. Johnston, Michael, Corupia i formele sale. Bogie, putere i democraie, Polirom, Iai, 2007. Romanian version of Syndromes of Corruption: Wealth, Power and Democracy, The Syndicate of the Press of the University of Cambridge, 2007. 13. Lenin, V.I., State and Revolution, International Publishers, New York, 1932, 1943. 14. Meyer, Robert, Strategies of Justification in Authoritarian Ideology, Journal of Political Ideologies, 2001, 6(2). 15. Neculau, Adrian, editor, Viaa cotidian n comunism, Polirom, Iai, 2005. 16. Schiller, Friedrich, Scrieri estetice, Univers, Bucureti, 1981. 17. Tismneanu, Vladimir, Reinventarea politicului. Europa rsritean de la Stalin la Havel, Polirom, Iai, 1997, Romanian version of Reinventing Politics. Eastern Europe from Stalin to Havel, The Free Press, 1993 18. idem, Stalinism pentru eternitate. O istorie politic a comunismului romnesc, Polirom, Iai, 2005. Romanian version of Stalinism for All Seasons. A Political History of Romanian Communism, University of California Press, 2003. 19. Tocqueville, Alexis de, Democracy in America, translated, edited and with an introduction by Harvey C. Mansfield and Delba Winthrop, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London, 20. Verdery, Katherine, Compromis i rezisten. Cultura romn sub Ceauescu, Humanitas, Bucureti, 1994, Romanian version of National Ideology Under Socialism. Identity and Cultural politics in Ceauescus Romania, University of California Press, 1991.

Rettung durch Verkleidung und Die misslungene Verfhrung. Zwei Motive profaner und geistlicher Erzhlungen in Mittelalter und Renaissance
Bernhard Knig
Universitt zu Kln
I. Noch einmal Rettung durch Verkleidung In einer frheren Untersuchung zur Erzhlliteratur der Romania in Mittelalter 1 und Renaissance konnte gezeigt werden, wie das Motiv der Rettung durch Verkleidung bei Bewahrung der immer gleichen Grundstruktur in unterschiedlichen Gattungen und narrativen Zusammenhngen eine Vielzahl von Erscheinungsformen annehmen konnte. Da ist auf der einen Seite der epische Held, wie z. B. der Graf Fernn Gonzlez, der Begrnder der Unabhngigkeit Kastiliens im 10. Jahrhundert, den im Poema de Fernn Gonzlez (etwa um 1250) und zuvor schon in dem von Menndez Pidal erschlossenen Cantar de la libertad de Castilla, spter in einer Reihe 2 von Romances seine tapfere Gattin, doa Sancha, durch die List der Verkleidung aus der Gefangenschaft beim Knig von Len befreit; da ist auf der anderen Seite eine Vielzahl franzsischer und italienischer Novellen, in denen wie in Francesco Maria Molzas (wenig spter auch von Bandello nacherzhlten) Novella di Teodorica fiaminga eine in flagranti berraschte Ehefrau und ihr Liebhaber dank eines Verkleidungs-Strategems der tdlichen Rache ihres Mannes entkommen (bei Molza mit Hilfe der mirabile astuzia einer fante). Oft nimmt dieses Versteckspiel komische Zge an, wenn auch bisweilen die Grenze zum Tragischen berhrt wird, und in einer Epenparodie wie in Teofilo Folengos maccaronischem Baldus rckt die Prozedur der Rettung durch Verkleidung in die Nhe der sich ihrer Wirkung voll bewuten Taschenspielerei. Unbeachtet blieb bei jener motivgeschichtlichen Untersuchung ein Bereich der Erzhlliteratur, der das ganze Mittelalter hindurch und weit bis in die Neuzeit hinein durch seine Bedeutung fr Volksfrmmigkeit, Predigt und Erbauungs-Texte die
1 Bernhard Knig, Rettung durch Verkleidung. Abwandlungen eines episch-novellistischen Motivs in den romanischen Literaturen des Mittelalters und der Renaissance, in: Romanistisches Jahrbuch 47 (1996), S. 82-97. 2 Zitate daraus ebd., S. 87-89. Zum Poema de Fernn Gonzlez bleibt zu przisieren, da die Handschrift, die das Gedicht berliefert, zwar kurz vor der Episode der Befreiung des Grafen durch doa Sancha abbricht (in Strophe 760), da aber der Inhalt (und teilweise auch der Wortlaut) dieser Episode durch das Kapitel 718 der alfonsinischen Primera Crnica General berliefert ist; vgl. Poema de Fernn Gonzlez, ed. Juan Victorio, Madrid 1981, S. 179-185, insbes. S. 181 ff. (Text der Chronik).

338

Bernhard Knig

enorme Verbreitung bestimmter literarischer Motive und ihre stndige Prsenz in der kollektiven Erinnerung mit verursacht hat: der Bereich der Heiligen-Legende und Mrtyrer-Vita nmlich. Auch er kennt das Motiv der Rettung durch Verkleidung, wie hier an wenigstens einem Beispiel nachgetragen werden soll. Dieses Beispiel ist einer der am weitesten verbreiteten mittelalterlichen Legendensammlung entnommen: der Legenda aurea des ligurischen Dominikaners 3 Jacobus de Voragine (Iacopo da Varazze), der mit der Niederschrift dieses umfangreichen Buches, an dem er etwa ein Jahrzehnt lang arbeitete, wohl gegen 1260-1263 4 begonnen hat. Es handelt sich um das 60. Kapitel, De uirgine quadam Antiochena, das wrtlich dem zweiten Buch der Schrift De virginibus des Hl. Ambrosius von 5 Mailand entnommen ist, wie der Text selbst vermerkt. Die Jungfrau aus Antiochia, deren bergroe Schnheit viele Begierden erregt, gelobt, fromm wie sie ist, Keuschheit, ihres Todes gewi. Ihre Frmmigkeit lt sie es auf sich nehmen, als Strafe fr die Weigerung, den heidnischen Gttern zu opfern, als Dirne in ein Bordell gebracht zu werden: Hodie aut martyr aut virgo, sagt sie zu sich selbst, doch, da beides zu6 gleich nicht mglich sei: Tolerabilius est mentem uirginem quam carnem habere. Nun ist, sie kann es selbst kaum glauben, der erste Mann, der als Freier zu ihr gelangt, zwar ein uir militis specie terribilis, doch ist er Christ und gekommen, sie zu retten, um selber den Mrtyrertod zu sterben: Quasi adulter ingressus, si uis, 7 martyr egrediar. Und jetzt also der berraschende Vorschlag, auf den sie nach einigem Zgern schlielich eingeht: Vestimenta mutemus []. Tua uestis me uerum 8 militem faciet et mea te uirginem. Gekleidet in seinen Mantel und seinen Helm, entkommt sie ihrem Gefngnis: [] quod nulla unquam uiderunt secula, egreditur 9 de lupanari uirgo, sed Christi. Natrlich bleibt es aber nicht dabei: der Ritter wird als solcher erkannt und statt ihrer zum Tod verurteilt. Das will sie jedoch nicht akzeptieren, und es setzt ein edler Wettstreit zwischen ihnen ein, wem das Martyrium gebhre (und warum). So sterben denn beide als Mrtyrer, sie zuerst, gleich danach er es gibt leider keinen zur Umkehr fhigen Tyrannen wie den der Geschichte von 10 Damon und Pythias, der Gnade walten lie, woran Ambrosius zum Schlu11 erinnert. Der Italianist denkt an diesem Punkt an Tassos Paar Sofronia und Olindo, nur liegt deren edler Streit, vor allem Olindos Todeswunsch (der eigentlich ein Traum der Liebeserfllung im Tod ist), denn doch weit auerhalb der Grenzen unseres Motivs
3 Hier zitiert nach der neuesten Ausgabe: Iacopo da Varazze, Legenda aurea, ed. Giovanni Paolo Maggioni, 2 Bde., Tavarnuzze-Firenze 1998. 4 Ebd., Bd. I, S. 414-420; in der lteren Standardausgabe von Th. Graesse, Jacobi a Voragine Legenda Aurea vulgo Historia Lombardica dicta, 31890 (Nachdruck Osnabrck 1965), ist es (S. 273-277) als Cap. LXII gezhlt. 5 Sowohl zu Beginn wie am Ende der Legende; vgl. auch den Abschnitt der Einleitung des Herausgebers (G. P. Maggioni) zur Textgestalt, a. a. O. (wie Anm. 3), S. XXXII f. 6 Ebd., S. 416, 11 u. 14. 7 Ebd. S. 417, 42 u. 54. 8 Ebd., S. 417, 55-56. 9 Ebd. S. 418, 74. 10 Ebd., S. 419 f., 119 ff. (die Namen lauten hier Damon und Synthia). Es handelt sich um die Geschichte, die Schiller in seiner bekannten Ballade Die Brgschaft in Versen nacherzhlt hat. 11 Torquato Tasso, La Gerusalemme Liberata, ed. Fredi Chiappelli, Firenze 1957, S. 39-54 (Canto II, 14-54).

Rettung durch Verkleidung und Die milungene Verfhrung

339

von der Rettung durch Verkleidung. Es ist kein Zufall, da der Herausgeber einer neuen Teilbersetzung der Legenda aurea die Erzhlung von der Jungfrau aus Antiochia an der Stelle abbricht, als beide ihr Gefngnis, das Bordell, hinter sich ge12 lassen haben. II. Ein erster Blick auf Die milungene Verfhrung Nach diesem Rckblick auf ein schon bekanntes, hier aber durch einen (jetzt erst sichtbar gewordenen) neuen Bildbereich erweitertes Panorama nun ein Vorausblick auf bis jetzt erst teilweise erschlossenes motivgeschichtliches Gelnde (wenn ich so sagen darf), dessen Kartographie hier ebenfalls nur hinsichtlich eines Teilstcks vervollstndigt werden kann. Die milungene Verfhrung hat viele Gesichter. Besondere Aufmerksamkeit erfahren hat immer schon das Thema der leidenschaftlichen Liebe einer reiferen, jedenfalls nicht mehr mdchenhaft-jungen Frau zu einem jugendlichen Mann, der ihre Avancen entschieden zurckweist und dadurch Unheil auslst. Es gengt, an die Frau des Potiphar und Joseph (Genesis 39) oder an Phaidra und Hippolytos (in der durch Euripides begrndeten Form) zu denken, um die in den ihnen gewidmeten zahllosen Werken der Weltliteratur gestalteten Metamorphosen 13 des Themas vor Augen zu haben. Verwandt, aber doch eindeutig anderer Natur ist das in der ritterlichen Dichtung des Mittelalters in vielen Variationen erscheinende Thema der Verfhrungsversuche durch junge Edelfrulein, denen der ebenfalls jugendliche Held dieser Romane oder Kurzerzhlungen standzuhalten hat, um die ganze 14 Gre der Liebe und unverbrchlichen Treue zur Dame seine Herzens zu duplici potest amore beweisen; die hfische Liebe will Ausschlielichkeit: Nemo 15 ligari heit das dritte Gebot Amors beim Kaplan Andreas. Das bekannteste und am hufigsten nachgeahmte Beispiel ist Lancelots Begegnung (in Chrtiens Karrenritter) mit der dameisele, die ihm Nachtquartier anbietet unter der Bedingung, da er mit ihr schlafe: mes par itel herbergeroiz 16 que avoec moi vos coucheroiz.

12 Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda aurea. Lateinisch / Deutsch. Ausgewhlt, bersetzt und herausgegeben von Rainer Nickel, Stuttgart 22005, S. 198-209. 13 Vgl. Hellmuth Petriconis groe komparatistische Studie Die verschmhte Astarte, in: H. P., Metamorphosen der Trume. Fnf Beispiele zu einer Literaturgeschichte als Themengeschichte. Mit einem Nachwort von M. Kruse, Frankfurt (M) 1971, S. 53-98; zu Phaidra und Hippolytos zuletzt: Otto Zwierlein, Hippolytos und Phaidra: Von Euridipes bis DAnnunzio. Mit einem Anhang zum Jansenismus, Paderborn 2006. 14 Wenn ihm das nicht immer gelingt, er also der Versuchung nachgibt, sind oft Zauber und andere bse Mchte im Spiel, doch das braucht hier nicht weiter verfolgt zu werden. 15 Andreas Capellanus, De amore II, VIII (De regolis amoris), ed. Salvatore Battaglia (Andrea Capellano, Trattato damore), Roma 1947, S. 356; vgl. dazu B. Knig, Claridiana, Bradamante und Fiammetta. Zur Doppelliebe des Caballero del Febo [], in: Romanistisches Jahrbuch 30 (1979), S. 228-250. 16 Chrtien de Troyes, Le chevalier de la charrete, ed. Mario Roques, S. 29 (V. 943f.); die Episode insgesamt umfat die Verse 931-1325.

340

Bernhard Knig

Ein sptes komisch-parodistisches Beispiel, das im brigen bezeugt, wie die spanischen libros de caballeras dieses Motiv unverndert tradiert haben, ist im 17 16. Kapitel des ersten Teils seiner Lebensgeschichte Don Quijotes Reaktion auf das nchtliche Erscheinen der Magd Maritornes en camisa y descalza auf dem 18 Dachboden der venta que l se imaginaba ser castillo. Sie hat sich mit einem Eseltreiber verabredet, Don Quijote aber hlt sie fr eine fermosa doncella, die aus Liebe zu ihm an sein Bett komme und die er wegen seiner unverbrchlichen Liebe 19 und Treue zu la sin par Dulcinea del Toboso nicht erhren kann. Die milungene Verfhrung, um die es nun im folgenden gehen soll und fr die es eine gewisse Parallele in einem Heiligenleben gibt, ist mit den soeben kurz vorgestellten Figurationen der ritterlichen Literatur verwandt, unterscheidet sich aber in einem gewichtigen Detail von ihnen: der Verfhrungsversuch geht nicht unmittelbar von einem (oder mehreren) weiblichen Wesen aus, sondern er ist gewissermaen inszeniert. Er ist inszeniert, um hier einen Knigssohn, dort einen angehenden Heiligen von der rechten Liebe zu einer vermeintlich Nichtadeligen oder vom rechten christlichen Glauben abzubringen. Urheber der Inszenierung ist hier der Erzieher des jungen Prinzen, dort der Teufel selbst. Die eine der beiden Erzhlungen, in denen dieses Motiv Verwendung findet, ist Boccaccios Filocolo, die andere die Vita des hl. Bernhard, wie sie in verkrzter Form auch Eingang in die Legenda aurea gefunden hat. Florio, der Held des auf die altfranzsische Verserzhlung von Floire et Blan20 chefleur zurckgehenden ersten Prosaromans Boccaccios, ist als Knigssohn gleichzeitig mit Biancifiore zur Welt gekommen, der Tochter eines begterten rmischen Ehepaares von edler Herkunft, doch stirbt ihre Mutter bei der Geburt, und 21 ihr Vater war schon zuvor im Kampf umgekommen. Die beiden Kinder wachsen zusammen auf und sind einander von frh an in Liebe verbunden. Um diese Verbindung zu zerstren, denn das Mdchen gilt als Tochter einer Sklavin, unternehmen der Knig Felice und Florios Erzieher Ascalion zunchst, die beiden Liebenden zu trennen, sodann, weil das nichts fruchtet, Biancifiore zu tten, und schlielich, weil dies nicht wie geplant gelingt, Florio durch zwei junge Schnheiten verfhren zu lassen und ihn auf diesem Weg von seiner Liebe zu Biancifiore abzulenken, ja abzubringen. Auch das milingt, doch brauchen wir den noch langen Lebensweg des
17 Miguel de Cervantes, Don Quijote de la Mancha. Edicin del Instituto Cervantes, dirigida por Francisco Rico, Barcelona 31999, S. 167-176. Einige aber durchaus nicht alle Beispiele fr das Vorkommen des Motivs in spanischen Ritterromanen (vor allem des 16. Jahrhunderts) hat Diego Clemencn in den bekannten Anmerkungen seiner Quijote-Ausgabe von 1833 - (postum) 1839 zusammengestellt; sie sind leicht zugnglich in der Edicin IV Centenario: Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, El ingenioso hidalgo Don Quijote de la Mancha, Valencia 1967, S. 990-1928. In unserm Zusammenhang vgl. S. 1155, Anm. 32. 18 Cervantes, Don Quijote (wie Anm. 16), S. 173 und S. 167. 19 Ebd., S. 173 und S. 174. 20 Giovanni Boccaccio, Filocolo, ed. Antonio Enzo Quaglio, in: Tutte le Opere di Giovanni Boccaccio, ed. Vittore Branca, Bd. I, Milano 1967, S. 61-675. Zur Forschung vor dieser Ausgabe vgl. B. Knig, Boccaccio vor dem Decameron. Ein Forschungsbericht, in: Romanistisches Jahrbuch 11 (1960), S. 108-142, bes. S. 132 ff. 21 Der (pseudo-)historische Hintergrund der Erzhlung kann hier unbercksichtigt bleiben.

Rettung durch Verkleidung und Die milungene Verfhrung

341

idealen Paares nicht weiter zu verfolgen: sie werden am Ende ein Paar auch im Sinne ehelicher Verbindung und treten die Nachfolge der Eltern Florios als Herrscher des Reiches an. Zum Motiv des inszenierten und nicht gelingenden Verfhrungsversuchs gibt der sonst sehr reichhaltige Kommentar der groen Ausgabe A. E. Quaglios, der auch der Flle der literarischen Quellen Boccaccios przise nachgeht, keinerlei Erluterungen. Konstitutive Elemente der Episode, die im dritten Buch des Romans erzhlt 22 wird, sind: die Planung des Verfhrungsvorhabens durch den Herzog Ferramonte, bei dem Florio (in Montoro) untergebracht ist, und Florios Erzieher Ascalion; die Suche nach zwei der Geliebten hnlichen, also sehr schnen, jungen Mdchen von edler Herkunft, denen eingeredet wird, wenn eine von ihnen dem Prinzen Florio besonders gut gefalle, werde sie von ihm zur Frau genommen werden; die Bemhungen der beiden in jeder Hinsicht noch ganz unerfahrenen donzelle, in der paradiesischen Natur des Schlogartens, der es mit den Grten des spteren Decameron durchaus aufnehmen kann, den jungen Prinzen in Liebesglut zu versetzen; Florios Hinbergleiten in einen Zustand sinnlicher Erregung, der ihn Biancifi23 ore nahezu vergessen lt; das gerade noch rechtzeitige Erwachen Florios aus dem Rausch der Sinne dank 24 der Einwirkung Amors (il leale amore); die Zurckweisung der beiden giovani donzelle durch den sich definitiv zu seiner Liebe zu Biancifiore bekennenden Florio. Auch Mrtyrer und Heilige werden den Versuchungen sinnlicher Liebe aus22 Die Episode umfat die Kapitel 9-11 des Dritten Buches, a. a. O. (wie Anm. 20), S. 249-259. 23 Als Beispiel fr die hohe Kunst der Schilderung erotischer Sachverhalte schon des jungen Boccaccio seien die Abschnitt 12-14 des 11. Kapitels in extenso zitiert: Egli aveva la testa delluna in grembo, e dellaltra il dilicato braccio sopra il candido collo; e sovente con sottile sguardo metteva locchio tra l bianco vestimento e le colorite carni, per vedere pi apertamente quello che i sottili drappi non perfettamento copriano. Egli toccava loro alcuna volta la candida gola con la debole mano, e altra volta singegnava di mettere le dita tra la scollatura del vestimento e le mammelle; e ciascuna parte del corpo con festevole atto andava tentando, n niuna gliene era negata, di che egli spesse fiate in se medesimo di tanta dimestichezza e di tale avvenimento si maravigliava. Ma non per tanto egli era in se stesso tanto contento che di niente gli pareva star male, e la misera Biancifiore del tutto gli era della memoria uscita. E in questa maniera stando non piccolo spazio, questi loro e esse lui serano a tanto recato, che altro che vergogna non li ritenea di pervenire a quello effetto dal quale pi inanzi di femina non si pu disiderare (ebd., S. 254). 24 Ebd., Abschnitt 15: Ma il leale amore, il quale queste cose tutte sentia, sentendosi offendere, non sofferse che Biancifiore ricevesse questa ingiuria, la quale mai verso Florio non lavea simigliante pensata; ma tosto con le sue agute saette soccorse al cuore, che per oblio gi in altra parte stoltamente si piegava.

342

Bernhard Knig

gesetzt. Ein mit Boccaccios Florio vergleichbarer Fall ist der des hl. Bernhard von Clairvaux, dem der aus einer Reform des Benediktinerordens hervorgegangene Zisterzienserorden seinen Aufstieg verdankt. Dem Leben und Wirken des Heiligen 25 ist ein dicker Band der Migneschen Patrologia latina gewidmet, und die vielen berlieferten bildlichen Darstellungen der wichtigsten Stationen seiner Vita beruhen auf26 diesen Texten, mit denen auch die krzere Bernhardslegende der Legenda aurea zusammenhngt. Vor kurzem erst hat eine vorzgliche Klner Ausstellung den Bernhard gewidmeten Glasmalerei-Bilderzyklus des frhen 16. Jahrhunderts aus der Verglasung des Kreuzgangs des ehemaligen Zisterzienserklosters Altenberg, dessen Scheiben nach 1803 erheblich dezimiert wurden und an weit voneinander entfernt 27 liegende Orte gelangten, fr einige Monate als Zyklus restituiert; dabei wurde sichtbar, welche besondere Bedeutung den Szenen der frhen Jahre Bernhards, seiner Jugend und der ersten Klosterjahre zukommt: denn sie zeigen ausfhrlich, wie er (i. e. Bernhard) darum ringt, ein zchtiges und keusches Leben zu fhren und alle 28 weltlichen Bedrfnisse in sich abzutten. Der Teufel, der alt bse Feind (um Luthers Formulierung zu gebrauchen), will dies nicht hinnehmen; Jacobus de Voragine formuliert dies so: Videns antiquus hostis propositum pueri tam salubre, eius castitatis proposito inuidit multosque sibi laqueos temptationis opposuit. [] Circa idem tempus instinctu demonis puella quedam in lectum dormientis se nudam iniecit; [] Cum iterum in domo cuiusdam matrone hospitaretur, illa adolescentem aspectu decorum considerans uehementer in concupiscentiam eius exarsit. Com autem seorsum lectum sibi 29 sterni fecisset, ipsa impudenter et silenter de nocte surgens ad eum accessit. Der hl. Bernhard wird mit diesen und anderen vom Teufel inspirierten Versuchungen fertig, wenn er zumindest einmal auch wie Boccaccios Florio nicht vllig unberhrt bleibt und sich zur Abkhlung der Sinnenglut in eiskaltes Wasser strzt. Eine Reihe dieser Szenen waren in der Abtei Altenberg (im Bergischen Land)
25 Patrologiae cursus completus, Series secunda, ed. J.-P. Migne, Bd. 185, Paris 1855; darin am wichtigsten fr unsern Zusammenhang die sogenannten Vita prima (Sp. 225-466) und Vita secunda (Sp. 469-524). 26 Iacopo da Varazze, Legenda aurea (wie Anm. 3), Bd. II, S. 811-826 (Kap. 116, De Sancto Bernardo); in der ed. Graesse (wie Anm. 4) ist die Legende als Kap. 120 abgedruckt (S. 527-538). 27 Dazu die prchtigen Begleitbnde: Dagmar Tube u. a. (Hrsg.), Rheinische Glasmalerei. Meisterwerke der Renaissance, I, Essays, II, Katalog, Regensburg 2007. Hervorzuheben fr unser Thema im Essay-Band die Beitrge von Hans-Joachim Ziegeler, Der Altenberger Bernhard-von-Clairvaux-Zyklus und die Bernhard-Legende (S. 77-79), von Helga Giersiepen Contigit quondam Einst begab es sich . Die Inschriften des Altenberger Zyklus (S. 80-92); im Katalog-Band die Erluterungen von Dagmar Tube zum Altenberger Bildprogramm im Rahmen ihrer Einfhrung Der hl. Bernhard als leuchtendes Vorbild. Die Glasmalerei der Kreuzgnge der Klster Altenberg und St. Apern (S. 10-22, bes. S. 15-18) sowie generell alle Erluterungen des eigentlichen Katalogs (S. 23 ff.) zu den Glasbildern, deren Thema die gegen Bernhard gerichteten Verfhrungs-Attentate (wenn man so sagen darf) sind, also die Nummern 4, 5, 6 des Altenberg-Zyklus (S. 29-34) und die Nummer 69 des St. Apern-Zyklus (S. 140-142). In diesem Zusammenhang wird auch den Inschriften und ihrem Bezug zu den Texten der vitae die gebhrende Aufmerksamkeit geschenkt. 28 Ebd., S. 17. 29 Legenda aurea (wie Anm. 3), II, S. 812 f. Leicht abgewandelt entspricht dieser Text den Vorlagen der Vita prima (wie Anm. 25), Sp. 230 f., und der Vita secunda, ebd., Sp. 472 f.

Rettung durch Verkleidung und Die milungene Verfhrung

343

und im Klner Kloster St. Apern bildlich dargestellt, z. T. unter Beifgung der Legendentexte, so da Gebildete und Laien sich an den erbaulichen Prfungen des noch jungen Heiligen erfreuen und ein Beispiel nehmen konnten. Bei aller Unterschiedlichkeit der Ausgestaltung des zentralen Erzhlmotivs, die hier nur in wenigen Details angedeutet werden konnte, drfte deutlich geworden sein, da hfischer Roman (wenn wir Boccaccios Filocolo denn fr einmal als solchen bezeichnen drfen) und Heiligenlegende in den hier besprochenen signifikanten Episoden ein in seiner Grundstruktur identisches Erzhlmotiv variierend gestalten. In seiner Treue zu Biancifiore ist auch der Knigssohn Florio ein Heiliger ein Heiliger des amour courtois.

Cloches et clochettes: croyances et magie

Claude Lecouteux
Paris IV-Sorbonne
Cependant que la cloche veille sa voix claire lair pur et limpide et profond du matin Mallarm, Le Sonneur

En fer ou en airain puis en bronze, seules ou en carillon et de toutes tailles, du bourdon au grelot en passant par les blires et clarines, sonnailles, clochettes, campanes, cloche du bateau o lon pique les heures, les cloches ont jou un rle important dans la vie des hommes du Moyen ge et sont omniprsentes. Elles rythment le temps, accompagnent les ftes, les entres, les dcs, les noces, les alarmes, les lpreux. Il ne faut pas oublier les clochettes, par exemple celle que faisait tinter le clocheteur qui marchait en tte des convois funbres, ou celle du crieur de corps qui parcourait les rues la nuit prcdant la Toussaint, Nol et dautres ftes pour demander quon prie pour les trpasss. Soccuper des cloches, les fondre, ouvrage du clochier, ou les sonner, tche du clocheman ou clocqueman, confrait honorabilit aux hommes, comme en attestent plus de vingt-cinq noms de famille qui sont form sur cloche (Glocke) outreRhin1. Et un pote nurembergeois du bas Moyen ge sappelait Georg Glockendon. En 1350 la cloche est un vtement ecclsiastique; dans lAngleterre du haut Moyen ge, on jurait plus souvent sur une cloche que sur les Evangiles, mais on alliait aussi les deux (ags. swear t bcan and bellum), et le parjure pouvait sattendre une horrible punition2. On convoquait les tribunaux et les assembles per pulsationem campanae3. Sur Charlemagne court la lgende suivante que rapportent la Chronique universelle de Jansen Enikel (vers 1277), la Chronique rime et dautres textes. Il fit placer une cloche sur un pilier devant son palais; quiconque rclamait justice pouvait la sonner. Un jour, cest un serpent qui la fit tinter car un crapaud stait install dans son nid. Charlemagne condamna le crapaud tre brl. En remerciement, le serpent apporta le lendemain au souverain une pierre prcieuse4. La cloche a servi dunit de mesure pour le houblon, nous la retrouvons comme meuble en hraldique, dans les techniques la cloche plongeurs par exemple
1 Comme Glockshuber, Glockner, Glockenmeyer, Glckel (-le, -len, -ler, -ner), Danzglock. 2 Jacob Grimm, Deutsche Rechtsaltertmer, 2 v, Leipzig 1899, reprint Hildesheim, Olms, 1992, t. 2, p. 546. 3 Ibid., 470 sq. 4 Reimchronik, Heidelberg, Cod. Pal. 336, fol. 21-273. Ce rcit correspond au conte-type AaTh 207 C, que lo trouve aussi dans les Gesta Romanorum cap. 105.

346

Claude Lecouteux

, en botanique (campanule, etc.), dans les contes de fes (la fe clochette), dans loprette (les Cloches de Corneville, par Clairville et Gabet, 1877), bref, elle est omniprsente et pas uniquement dans les clochers, beffrois et campaniles. Cloches et horloges sont mme devenues le symbole de certaines villes, Bordeaux par exemple, avec la Porte de la grosse Cloche: quand le roi voulait punir la ville, il en faisait enlever les cloches et les horloges. On connat Big Ben Londres, la cloche du Kremlin Moscou (20,8 t.), que Napolon ne put emporter, la grosse horloge de Rouen (1214) et la Liberty Bell de Philadelphie (USA). Les cloches entrent dans des mcanismes complexes comme la cathdrale de Strasbourg, mcanismes parfois plus simple comme les jaquemart de Dijon et de la Tour de lHorloge Venise. Les cloches sont aussi prsentes dans la toponymie. Aux Pays-Bas, par exemple, nous rencontrons Klokmoerke, Klokkeheide, Klokkeven5. En France, vingt-sept toponymes sont btis sur cloche et donnent un total de 216 noms de localit; nous avons ainsi Clochmont, Clocheville, Clocheret, Malacloche et Montecloche. Mais aucun nest aussi clbre que Clochemerle, roman de Gabriel Chevallier (1956)! En littrature, les cloches entrent dans des proverbes et chez Hugues de Trimberg (vers 1230, aprs 1313) nous relevons: Cloche fle a mauvais son6, ou dans cette tournure proverbiale plus rcente: Les infirmits de lge sont un coup de cloche que nous donne la mort. Elles entrent dans des comparaisons : dans ses Sermons, Jacques de Voragine compare ainsi le Christ, les aptres, la Vierge et toutes les cratures des cloches7. Le Prtre Conrad crit ceci dans son exgse de larchitecture dune cathdrale: Les fentres et les cloches reprsentent tous les professeurs spirituels qui, avec de bonnes paroles et de bonnes uvres, prsentent aux chrtiens le bon enseignement8. La Chanson dEcke (vers 1250) indique que le gant de ce nom porte un casque qui rsonne comme une cloche lorsquil court en fort et que son casque heurte une branche9. Dans LAnneau Henri Wittenwiler dresse le portrait de la hideuse Mtzli Renrenzumph: elle est si bossue quon aurait fondu une cloche sur son dos10. Plus rcemment, Brenger (au XVIIIe s.)crivait: Le pouvoir est une cloche qui empche ceux qui la mettent en branle dentendre aucun autre son.
5 Cf. M van den Berg.- De volkssage in de provincie Antwerpen in de 19de en 20ste Eeuw, 3 vol., Gand, Koningl. Akad. voor Nederlandse Taal- en Letterkunde, 1993, 3 vol., t. 3, p. 1909. 6 Hugo von Trimberg, Der Renner v. 3802, d. Gnther Schweikle, in: Texte des Mittelalters, t 4, Berlin, 1971. 7 Jacobus de Voragine, Sermones aurei , d. Clutius, 1760, p. 173b-174a. 8 Diu venster unde diegloggen die bezaichent alle gaistliche lerr, die paidiu mit den guoten worten unde mit guoten werchen der heiligen christenheit die guote lere suln vor tragen (chap. 43, li. 1820), Altdeutsche Predigten, d. Anton E. Schnbach, Graz, Styria, 1891. 9 Ed. Francis B. Brevart, Tbingen, Niemeyer, 1999, 36, 8 13: denhelnmanhortemaenicvalt widerusdemwaldeerclingen, rehtalsaingloggewaererschalt: swainainastegeruorte, mitclangerimdasgalt. 10 der Ring, v. 81 sqq., d. E.Wiessner, Leizig, 1931 : Liebengsellen,hret,wie Irderruggwasberschossen: Manhieteingloggendrbergossen.

Cloches et clochettes: croyances et magie

347

Limportance des cloches ressort du langage, des dictons et des locutions. Les gentilshommes de la cloche sont les descendants des mayeurs et des chevins; sonner la grosse cloche signifie mettre en uvre des moyens dcisifs, et fondre la cloche, prendre une rsolution extrme. Lorsquon est surpris de voir manquer quelque chose sur laquelle on comptait, on est penaud comme un fondeur de cloches, et ne pouvoir faire deux choses la fois se disait on ne peut sonner les cloches et aller la procession. Ntre pas sujet au coup de cloche gale tre libre de son temps, et chacun connat dmnager la cloche de bois, cest--dire partir sans payer. Outre-Rhin, cest dcid se dit la cloche est fondue11, frapper la bonne porte, sonner la grosse cloche12, porter une affaire sur la place publique, courir la grosse cloche13, et divulguer quelque chose, accrocher quelque chose la grosse cloche14. Lexpression il va aller dans la cloche15 a pour sens il est proche de la mort, et on a dj coul la cloche sur moi16 signifie je suis dj pratiquement condamn? cest inou sexprime par voici que la cloche sonne treize coups17, et pour une affaire en cours on disait les cloches sonnent encore18 . Correspondant au franais il nest jamais sorti de son trou, lAllemand dit: Il na jamais entendu dautre cloche que celle de son village19. Dtail amusant: dire des grivoiseries sexprimait par sonner la cloche de la truie20. En Angleterre, remporter la palme se dit de faon familire emporter la cloche ou encore sonner la cloche21. Les textes historiques allemands du Moyen ge, chroniques et ordonnances de police par exemple, voquent six cloches diffrentes:
Die mortglocke, que lon sonnait lors de soulvement Die sturmglocke, le tocsin Die viurglocke, que lon sonne en cas dincendie Die torglocke, qui annonce la fermeture ou louverture des portes dune ville Die wahteglocke, la cloche du veilleur Die winglocke qui sonne la fermeture des estaminets

et ils nous livrent un beau compos, glockenspse, la nourriture de la cloche, terme utilis pour mtal. Lusage des cloches dans les glises parat avoir t introduit vers lan 400 par saint Paulin de Nole ( 431) et ds le VIIe sicle elles taient suspendues dans les
11 Die Glocke ist gegossen. 12 Die grosse Glocke luten. 13 An die grosse Glocke laufen. 14 Etwas an die grosse Glocke hngen. 15 Er kommt bald in die Glocke. 16 Die Glocke ist schon ber mir gegossen. 17 Jetzt schlgt die Glocke aber 13. 18 Die Glocken tnen noch. 19 Er hat nie eine andere Glocke gehrt als die seines Dorfes. 20 Mit der Sauglocke luten. 21 To bear the bell away; to ring the bell.

348

Claude Lecouteux

glises. Les textes religieux citent les cloches sonnant les heures, comme die mettnglocke, en franais la coque, qui sonne les matines, et le glas (die todtenglocke). Guillaume Durand, vque de Mende mort en 1296 consacre aux cloches un chapitre de son Rationale divinorum officiorum22 et nous apprend que chaque difice religieux glise, chapelle, moutier, etc. possdait une cloche au son facilement identifiable, ce qui permettait au voyageur gar ou au chevalier errant de savoir o il trouverait un gte23. Dans les couvents, on distinguait cinq espces de cloches: celle du rfectoire, squilla, du clotre, cymbalum, du chur, nola, du clocher, campana, et des tours, signum. Mais ce son signale aussi un lieu merveilleux: Prs de Cardeuil, nous dit Gervais de Tilbury24, outre-Manche, stend une fort au milieu de laquelle se trouve une valle entoure de monts: Chaque jour, une certaine heure, un carillon mlodieux de cloches sy fait entendre. Dans le Lanzelet de Ulrich von Zatzikhoven (v. 3902-3908), il y une petite cymbale dairain (rin zimbel) aussi appele clochette (glockeln); frappe trois fois avec un marteau; elle fait venir Iwaret au combat25. Notons en passant que sous lancien rgime des arrts du parlement restreignirent lusage des cloches, que la Rvolution linterdit et que le Consulat rendit aux glises le droit de sonnerie. Les cloches sont traites comme des personnes: elles sont baptises, reoivent un nom la premire attestation en est une cloche fabrique sur lordre de Folcuin, abb de Lobbes (965-990)26 , possdent parrain et marraine depuis le XIIe sicle selon le Pontifical de Sarum , ont une voix. Les noms les plus rpandus outre-Rhin sont Anna, Suzanne et Margarethe. Elles peuvent agir seules. Jacques de Voragine nous dit que toutes les cloches de Rome sonnrent spontanment lors de llection du pape Grgoire, et Etienne de Bourbon que dautres firent de mme la mort de Simon de Crpy27. Dans la ballade Sir Hugh on mentionne une cloche qui sonne sans lintervention de mains humaines:
And a the bells o merry Lincoln Without mens hands were rung, And a the books o merry Lincoln Weere read without mans tongue, And neer was such a burial Sin Adams days begun.

Bien aprs le Moyen ge, on pensait encore que si une cloche produisait un son lugubre ou continue de vibrer longtemps aprs avoir t sonne, elle annonait un dcs. Lindpendance des cloches ressort bien dune croyance des Ctes-du22 Durandus Rationale in sptmittelhochdeutscher bersetzung nach der Hs. CVP 2765, d. par G.H. Buijssen, 4 vol., Assen, Van Gorcum, 1966-1983 (Studia Theodisca, VI, XIII, XVI & XVI). 23 Bel exemple de rcupration par le roman: Prosa-Lancelot, Teil 1, Seite 537, Zeile 19 25: Da hort der konig ein glocken ltenzu eim closter, dar hub er sich bald und sin gesinde. Ed. Reinhold Kluge, Berlin, Akademie-Verlag, [1980]1948. 24 Otia imperialia III, 69. 25 Ulrich von Zatzikhoven, Lanzelet. Texte prsent, traduit et annot par Ren Prennec, Grenoble, ELLUG, 2004, p. 205. 26 Dom Jules Baudot, Les cloches, tude historique, liturgique et symbolique, Paris, Bloud, 1913, p. 26. 27 Stephani de Borbone Tractatus de diversis materiis predicabilibus I, 7, d. J. Berlioz & J.-L. Eichenlaub, Turnhout, Brepols, 2002 (CCL CXXIV), p. 304.

Cloches et clochettes: croyances et magie

349

Nord: elles refusaient de sonner, dit-on, pour le baptme dun enfant illgitime28. De nombreux tmoignages nous apprennent quelles sopposent leur dplacement en plongeant dans leau29 ou en senfonant dans la terre; vendues, elles reviennent. En Espagne, la cloche de la Villela sonne toute seule la veille dun malheur30. On croyait donc quelles annonaient lavenir. La personnification des cloches nous a valu quelques beaux vers de Marceline Desbordes-Valmore (1786-1859):
La cloche pleure le jour Qui va mourir sur lglise, Et cette pleureuse assise Qua-t-elle pleurer ?... Lamour

Et noublions pas ces belles lgendes, celle du voyage des cloches Rome pour la semaine sainte, do elles rapportent des cadeaux pour les enfant, et celle des cloches des villes englouties, qui sonnent pour rappeler leur existence31, ou bien remontent la surface comme celle du lac Noir, en Oisans32. Un animal dcouvre parfois une cloche enfouie33 Les enqutes ethnographiques nous disent que leau dans laquelle on a tremp le battant dune cloche gurit les points de ct, qucrire son nom sur une cloche gurit lenrouement et les otites34, que des rognures de leur mtal sont bonnes pour lpilepsie et la fivre; le caractre magique des cloches vaut aussi pour leur corde qui gurit de la fivre; si on en coupe de petits morceaux que lon attache dans un sachet au cou des enfants, cela facilite la dentition, et enfin quavec un morceau de cette corde on peut tirer soi le lait des vaches aussi loin que porte le son de la cloche35. Toucher la corde de certaines glises rendait fcondes les femmes striles. Le son des cloches gurit le mal de dents et, au XVIe sicle, favorise laccouchement36. Mais il empche les sorcires de partir au sabbat et, si elles sont en vol, celui-ci sarrte37; elles appellent les cloches des chiens aboyant (bellende Hunde)38.
28 P. Sbillot, Le folk-lore de France, t. 4, Paris, 1907, rd. 1968, p. 147. 29 Motif V115.1: church bell sunk in iver (sea). 30 Cf. Leander Petzold, Historische Sagen, 2 vol., Munich, C.H. Beck, 1976, t. 1, p. 85. Autres exemples, Sbillot, op. cit. supra, p. 142 sq. 31 Motif E533.1: ghostly bell sounds from under water; F993: sunken bell sound. Voir aussi M. van den Berg.- De volkssage in de provincie Antwerpen in de 19de en 20ste Eeuw, 3 vol., Gand, Koningl. Akad. voor Nederlandse Taal- en Letterkunde, 1993, 3 vol., t. 2, p. 1015-1020. 32 Charles Joisten, tres fantastiques: patrimoine narratif de lIsre, Grenoble, Muse dauphinois, 2005, p.163. 33 Une chvre, par exemple: Th. Vernaleken, Alpensagen, Salzburg, Leipzig, Anton Pustet, 1938, p. 236; la lgende ajoute que lon grava sur la cloche: Le pied de la chvre me dcouvrit. 34 On croit que si lon inscrit son nom sur la grosse cloche de Degerloch, proche de Stuttgart, lorsquon est enrou ou aphone, on est guri (Wrttembergisches Jahrbuch 1857/II. p. 151). 35 Hans Bchtold-Stubli, Eduard Hoffmann-Krayer, Handwrterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens, 10 vol., Berlin/New York, De Gruyter, 19872, t. 3, col. 868-876. 36 Elisabeth Mozzani, Le livre des superstitions: mythes, croyances, lgendes, Paris, Robert Laffont, 1995, p. 464-465; P. Sbillot, op. cit. supra, p. 145. 37 Jacob Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie, 3 vol., Darmstadt, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1965, t. 3, p. 313. 38 Ibid., t. 2, p. 908.

350

Claude Lecouteux

Par ailleurs, des dizaines de lgendes recueillies au cours des deux sicles derniers narrent le dpart des nains et autres Subterranens (underjordiske) parce quils ne supportent pas le son des cloches39. Prs de Hagelsberga, en Vestmanland (Sude centrale), se dressait une colline surmonte dune pierre entoure dun muret et appele Chambre du Nisse (Tomtenissens stuga) on apercevait l, la nuit, le gnie, mais il disparaissait au point du jour ou lorsque retentissaient les cloches dOdensvi. Jvoquerai une curiosit: dans les ballades anglaises The Cruel Mother et The Maid and the Palmer une femme a assassin un enfant; elle est punie tre soumise des mtamorphoses, dont tre transforme en une cloche dglise ou en lhorloge dune glise pendant sept ans40. Dans les romans courtois, clochettes et grelots, comme accessoires du vtement, du harnachement ou du mobilier, symbolisent le luxe, la richesse, la noblesse. Dans le Wigalois de Wirnt de Gravenberg41, les clochettes que porte lquipement de dame Elamie, sont ouvres et ciseles dans lor de main de matre, tintinnabulent (v. 9200); les chevaux ont des rnes richement pares de clochettes en or qui tintent (v. 10650), et une moustiquaire tisse avec art est couverte de clochettes en or suspendues son bord infrieur (v. 10389). La Saga de Thodoric de Vrone, dcrit ainsi la bannire du roi Erminrek: la bordure extrieure en tait de soie noir corbeau, celle du milieu couleur de lor et la dernire verte comme lherbe. Soixante-dix clochettes dor taient accroches sur son pourtour; elles tintaient et retentissaient si bien que toute larme pouvait les entendre quand quelquun chevauchait en la portant ou que le vent lagitait42. Notons au passage que les Ielele, cruelles fes roumaines parfois confondues avec les bonnes fes, appeles plutt les Belles par euphmisme, portent des clochettes aux pieds, que le balaur a la gueule est pleine de clochettes qui rsonnent comme le sifflement joyeux dun jeune homme amoureux43 Parfois la clochette reoit une forme et un pouvoir particulier. Des allusions au caractre magique des cloches se rencontrent dans la littrature du XIIIe sicle. Dans le Garel vom blhenden Tal (v. 2456 sqq.), par le Pleier, une clochette en forme de chien provoque loubli, et dans lanonyme Lohengrin, la cloche du chteau du Graal en Inde se met sonner sans discontinuer lorsque Elsa de Brabant a besoin dun champion; une inscription apparat alors sur le Graal, dfinissant en quelque sorte la mission de Lohengrin44. *** Le dcors tant plant, venons-en au caractre magique des cloches, qui se dessine dj derrire ce que jai voqu, et commenons par le baptme des cloches qui relve entirement de la magie chrtienne et sest peu peu impos. Un capitulaire
39 Ibid., t. 1, p. 380, note 1. 40 Cf. Lowry Charles Wimberly, Death and Burial Lore in the English and Scottish Popular Ballads,, Lincoln (Nebraska 1927), p. 88-89. 41 C. Lecouteux, V. Lvy (d.), Wirnt von Grafenberg, Wigalois, le chevalier la roue dor, Grenoble, Ellug, 2001. 42 La Saga de Thodoric de Vrone, prsente et commente par C. Lecouteux, Paris, Champion, 2001, chap. 330. 43 Cf. Ion Talo, Petit dictionnaire de mythologie populaire roumaine, Grenoble, ELLUG, 2002, s. v. balaur, fes mchantes. 44 Lohengrin v. 372-380 et 492-509; d. H. Rckert, Quedlinburg & Leipzig, 1858 (DNL, 36).

Cloches et clochettes: croyances et magie

351

de 789 (Duplex legationis edictum) voque ces baptmes et met une restriction: il ne faut pas baptiser les cloches dans ce contexte entendons plutt des clochettes pour quelles soient efficaces contre lorage45. Je vais revenir sur ce point dans un instant. On bnissait la fonte de la cloche et le clocher, nous dit le Pontifical de Reims (XIIe sicle)46. Le baptme, ou plutt la bndiction des cloches, est voqu pour la premire fois par Alcuin47 au VIIIe sicle, mais la coutume fut tablie sous Jean XIII, pape de 965 972. Le Liber ordinum du XIe sicle nous fournit leur rituel de baptme48 et dlivre une information capitale: le prtre exorcise la cloche qui vient dtre mise en place. Voici le passage intressant: Je te conjure, esprit nfaste et impur, par le nom invincible de la divine majest, pour que tu reconnaisse le dsir de notre humilit et que, par la puissance du Christ, que nous appelons, tu tenfuies sur-le-champ de ce mtal auquel Dieu le Crateur donna son et force (atque fugias ab hoc metallo cui Deus condens indidit sonum et fortitudinem) [] . Tu sais bien que tu nas pas contribu la cration, disparat donc de lui avec tes tares afin quil soit purifi et serve honorer celui qui par Son verbe a fait ce qui est form49 Dans son De antiquis Ecclesiae ritibus50, le Pre Martne (1654-1739) cite une autre formule proche de celle-ci: Faites, Seigneur, que le son de cette cloche serve appeler les fidles au giron de notre mre la sainte Eglise, repousser au loin les embches de notre ennemi, les ravages de la grle et limptuosit des temptes; que votre main puissante impose silence aux ouragans; quils tremblent au son de cette cloche et quils fuient la vue de cette croix grave sur ses contours. La fonderie, tout comme la forgerie, possda dans les temps anciens un caractre magique car matriser lart du feu ainsi que celui de la transformation des minraux en mtaux requrait, aux yeux du vulgaire, des connaissances surnaturelles, comme la bien montr Mircea Eliade dans Forgerons et Alchimistes (Paris, 1956). Le baptme sert donc purifier le mtal, substituer une magie chrtienne une magie paenne, expulser le dmon du mtal afin que celui-ci puisse tre utilis religieusement, pour en faire un instrument du culte et un moyen de dfense contre les esprits malins. Il faut savoir que le mtal, au mme titre que le sel et leau, est une crature dans lesprit des liturgistes, et que toutes ces cratures doivent tre exorcises avant emploi chrtien. Le baptme des cloches taient indispensables: de nombreuses lgendes narrent comment le diable cherche dtruire ou emporter les cloches non baptises parce quil sait quil ne pourra plus rien contre elles aprs. Sil ne russit pas en emporter une, celle-ci reste brlante pour longtemps51. Une fois christianis, le mtal se transforme en la voix de lEglise, voire mme
45 Ut cloccas non baptizent [] propter grandinem, d. MGH Leges 2 I 64 c. 34. 46 Ms. 672, Reims, bibliothque municipale (trsor de la cathdrale). 47 Dom Baudot nest pas daccord avec Martne pour attribuer le texte Alcuin, cf. Les cloches, op. cit. supra, note 3. 48 Exorcismus ad consecrandum signum basilicae et benedictio eiusdem. 49 Ed. M. Frotin, in: Monumenta Ecclesiae liturgica V, Paris, 1904, col. 159 sq. 50 4 vol., Antverpiae, J. B. de La Bry, 1736-1738. 51 Cf. Johann Wilhelm Wolf: Deutsche Hausmrchen. Gttingen, Dieterichsche Buchhandlung. Leipzig, Vogel, 1851, p. 560 sq.

352

Claude Lecouteux

de Dieu. Sur une cloche de lglise de Roskilde (Danemark) se lit une inscription disant: Ma voix est une terreur pour tous les mauvais esprits. Tulle, une cloche tait appele Sauvo-Tero parce quon croyait quelle sauvait les rcoltes de lorage52; sur une cloche de Frickenhausen et de Beuren se lit : Anna, Suzanna, tu dois pendre pour lternit, / tu dois rester l pour lternit, / tu dois repousse le [mauvais] temps53; en Arige, Mariouno, nom de la cloche de lglise de Larcat, sauve des jeunes gens des Dragas, des fes malignes qui les auraient mis en pices54, et chacun sait que les peuplades de nains disparurent de nos contres parce quelle ne supportaient pas le son des cloches Nous comprenons ds lors pourquoi lon sonnait les cloches lorsque lorage menaait. Les mtores taient rputs envoys par les dmons puis par les malefici connus sous le nom de tempestaires55. Le pape Jean IX aurait ordonn, vers lan 900, de sonner les cloches comme moyen de dfense contre la foudre. Le sacristain de Hirsau faisait sonner les cloches contre les orages, sortait les reliques et la croix pour conjurer les orages, nous disent les Constitutiones Hirsaugiensis (II,35). Des inquisiteurs rhnans notent quon les sonne pour que, comme des trompettes consacres de Dieu, elles mettent en fuite les dmons et les dtournent des malfices; pour que le peuple rveill invoque Dieu contre les temptes56. Les Solomonari ou les Pietrari envoient la grle, et on peut lviter en faisant sonner les cloches de lglise57. Mais pour que la cloche devienne un vritable phylactre, il fallait y graver des signes et/ou des paroles58.
Grave ces mots sur une cloche Dum turbor procul cedant ignis grando tonitrua Fulgor fames pestis gladius Satan et homo malignus Quand tu sonneras la cloche, elle mettra en fuite lorage, la foudre, la peste, Satan et les hommes mauvais59.

On ne stonnera donc pas de trouver des lgendes contant lassaut du diable contre une cloche. A Muhr, rgion de Salzbourg, il y a une cloche dont le bord est trs brch et, lintrieur, il y a la marque de la sorcire qui a tent de la faire tomber
52 Sbillot, op. cit., p. 144. Pour lAutriche, cf. Th. Vernaleken, Alpensagen, Salzburg, Leipzig, Anton Pustet, 1938, p. 208. 53 Wrttembergisches Jahrbuch 1857/II. p. 151. Les cloches cassant les orages sont, par exemple, celles de Pappelau (Blaubeuren), la Cloche de Neuf Heures (Neunuhrglocke) de Zwiefalten, deux autres du monastre de Stuttgart, et les celles sur le Brackberg Brackenheim. 54 Charles Joisten, Les tres fantastiques dans le folklore de lArige, Portet s/Garonne, Editions Loubatires, 2000, p. 31. 55 Cf. C. Lecouteux, Les matres du temps: tempestaires, obligateurs, dfenseurs, in: Le temps quil fait au Moyen ge: phnomne atmosphriques dans la littrature, la pense scientifique et religieuse, d. J. Ducos et C. Thomasset, Paris, P.U.P.S., 1998, p. 151-169. 56 Le marteau des sorcires, op. cit., p. 506 sq. 57 I. Talo, Petit dictionnaire, op. cit. supra, s. v. grle. 58 Cf. C. Lecouteux, Charmes, conjurations, op. cit., p. 46. 59 J. Habets, Middeleeuwse klokken en klokinschriften, Publications de la Socit historique et dArchologie dans le Limbourg 5 (1870), p. 313.

Cloches et clochettes: croyances et magie

353

sur lordre du Malin60. Les clochettes avaient les mmes proprits que les grosses cloches. Sainte Salaberge de Lyon, morte en 655, aurait reu dune biche une clochette pour sa fille Anstrude qui avait peur des orages. Lorsque lon exorcisait un possd et quil se mettait gesticuler, on sonnait des clochettes bnites (cum spiritus in motu, tunc pulsetur campanella)61. Il faut cependant noter quune cloche peut aussi servir appeler les esprits. Le pseudo-Paracelse nous communique ce qui suit:
Je ne puis cependant passer sous silence un trs grand miracle que je vis faire en Espagne par un certain Ncromant. Il avait une cloche qui ne pesait pas plus de deux livres. Chaque fois quil la frappait, il pouvait voquer et amener des spectres, des visions dEsprits nombreux et varis. Quand il lui plaisait, il inscrivait sur la surface interne de la cloche quelques mots et caractres, puis il la mettait en branle et sonnerie, et il faisait apparatre un Esprit de la forme et apparence quil voulait. Avec le son de cette mme cloche, il pouvait attirer vers lui ou carter de lui de nombreuses autres apparitions dEsprits []. Chaque fois cependant quil faisait uvre nouvelle, il changeait les mots et les caractres62.

Il faut savoir que certaines cloches des difices religieux prsentent au Moyen ge la particularit dtre graves des fragments de prires : sur une clochette main irlandaise que lon date du IXe sicle se lit: Une prire pour Chumascah, fils dAillil; une cloche de labbaye de Moissac portait Salve Regina mater misericordiae avec des mdaillons, une croix et une tte humaine entoure dailes enlaces; ou dune formule comme help got vnde maria bi s sur la cloche de lglise de Rakkestad (XVe sicle) en Norvge. Elles taient aussi graves de cryptogrammes, comme Ammerbach et Sulzbach, de signes divers dont lexamen indique clairement quils relvent dune magie chrtienne. Lglise de Hvaler, proche dOslo (Norvge) porte une inscription runique. Ronald Grambo me signale que souvent les inscriptions sont crites en sens contraire et quil sagit alors de formules magiques, de conjurations. Ces inscriptions sont trs difficile comprendre car elles sont souvent abrges pleines de fautes de grammaire, dorthographe, etc. Dans une tude hlas passe inaperue et publie dans un volume collectif en 1979, Kurt Kster sest pench sur les cloches alphabet et en a dress un catalogue63. On y trouve les quatre vanglistes, tenus pour les matres des mtores, les trois Rois, le Christ, des anges, des saints, des nomina sacra leur prsence ne doit pas tonner si nous songeons aux paroles de lEvangile selon saint Luc (10,17): Mme
60 Th. Vernaleken, Alpensagen, Salzburg, Leipzig, Anton Pustet, 1938, p. 211. 61 A. Franz, Die kirchlichen Benediktionen des Mittelalters, 2 vol., Fribourg e/B., 1909, T. II, p. 572 62 Philippi Theophrasti Bombast von Hohenheim Paracelsi Geheimne aller siner Geheimnsse, Leipzig, 1750. Pseudo-Paracelse, Liber secondus Archidoxis magicae. De sigillis duodecim signorum et secretis illorum, 1570, livre VI). 63 K. Kster, Alphabet-Inschriften auf Glocken. Mit einem Katalog europischer ABC-Glocken vom 12. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert, in: R. Schutzeichel (d.), Studien zur deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters, Bonn, Bouvier, 1979, p. 371-422.

354

Claude Lecouteux

les dmons nous sont soumis en ton nom , des sceaux de plerinage et, trs frquemment / . Mais le plus frappant, ce sont les alphabets qui se mlent ces figures en mdaillons et dont on ne sexplique pas la prsence a priori si lon ignore quils sont magique en ce sens quils contiennent tous les noms de toutes les divinits64. Or ces alphabets sont sur les cloches complets ou partiels (chapelle du chteau dtlishausen, en Thurgovie, vers 1300), rpts totalement (glise Saint-Laurent de Flachslanden, Bavire) ou en partie, en lordre ou en dsordre (glise de Battenfeld, en Hesse), mlangent parfois majuscules et minuscules, se lisent de gauche droite ou de droite gauche (Setzingen, prs dUlm en Bade-Wurtemberg), les lettres ont la tte en bas (Biel, canton de Berne, XIVe s.) ou bien sont vues comme dans un miroir (lgars, Sude), ou sont couchs paralllement au bord de la cloche (glise Saint-Martin de Landshut, Basse-Bavire). Tous ces jeux nont rien voir avec le christianisme et ont peut les rapprocher des signes et formules que lon inscrivait sur des pommes, des hosties ou du pain que lon faisait ingrer aux malades dans le cadre dune gurison magique65. Lorsque lalphabet est port normalement sur la cloche, il na rien de magique; mais lorsque commencent toutes les variantes cites ci-dessus, nous pouvons affirmer que nous sortons du cadre chrtien pour revenir dantiques pratiques paennes. Dans certains cas, lorsque les alphabets sont en dsordre et partiels, nous sommes en droit de nous demander si chaque lettre ne reprsenterait pas linitiale dun mot, lensemble formant alors une formule magique. Nous avons des exemples de cette faon de faire avec, par exemple ANANIZAPTA, formule dun antidote magique. Le mlange de caractre latins et grecs et mme hbraques dans les alphabets, comme sur la cloche de Diemeringen Bas-Rhin, XIIIe sicle), recouvre exactement ce que nous trouvons, par exemple, dans des charmes anglais antrieurs lan mil. Lintention magique est claire quand on trouve les initiales de la formule Christus vincit, Christus regnat, Christus imperat, sur la cloche de Fontenailles, qui date de 1202, conserve au muse de Bayeux. Se lit: XV XR XIPAT et la date MCCII66. Cette formule tires de lEcriture sainte est lune des plus frquentes de la magie chrtienne, les autres tant:
Christus natus est Christus passus est Christus crucifixus est Christus lancea perforatus est67 Vincit leo de tribu Juda, radix Dauit, alleluia68

Bref, les gravures des cloches prsentent un mixte dlments paens et chrtiens: il sagit de procurer la cloche une puissance surnaturelle maximale, et lon allie sans vergogne la religion et la magie, encore une fois exactement comme dans
64 Cf. F. Dornseiff, Das Alphabet in Mystik und Magie, Leipzig & Berlin, 19252, p. 75; 123. 65 Le Livre des Grimoires: aspects de la magie au Moyen ge, Paris, Imago, 20052, p. 71-110 et du mme: Le Livre des amulettes et talismans, Paris, Imago, 2004. 66 Baudot, Les cloches, op. cit. supra, p. 26. 67 Tony Hunt, Popular medicine in thirteenth-century England, introduction and texts, Cambridge, 1994, p. 9, n 67. 68 Dans le grimoire de Vinje (Norvge), la formule se lit: De viro vicit leo de tribis Judae (p. 72, n 14). La formule se rencontre dans le Geraldus falconarius (XIIIe sicle), dans un trait dhippiatrie pour protger du ver, dans un mdicinaire ligeois, sur le triptyque de Stavelot, et mme pour protger du tonnerre! Cf. B. Van den Abeele, De arend bezweren. Magie in de middeleeuwse valkerijtraktaten, Madoc. Tijdschrift over de Middeleeuwen 11 (1997), p. 66-75.

Cloches et clochettes: croyances et magie

355

les charmes et bndictions. Manifestement, on nest pas fermement assur de lefficacit totale des croix, mdaillons de saints, etc., et lon y ajoute le fruit de croyances sculaires. Le pseudo-Paracelse, voqu prcdemment, nous a lgu des instructions dtailles pour fabriquer une cloche magique, les voici:
Commence par noter le jour de ta naissance et lequel cest dans la semaine. Si le Soleil est dans le Lion, le Taureau ou la Vierge, en ascension, le ive, ve, vie, viie, xiie, xive, xve jour, et la Lune dans le Blier, les Gmeaux ou la Balance, et Saturne dans la Vierge, le Taureau ou le Sagittaire, du lEst jusquau treizime ou quatorzime degr, et quand le Lion et la Tte du Dragon sont dans un bon aspect. Quelle que soit la semaine, prends deux onces dor, une dargent, de mercure, de plomb, dtain, six de fer. Mais prends une once de plus du mtal correspondant au jour de ta naissance. Quand tu as tout mlang, fais fondre une cloche. Quand elle est prte, grave ADONAY sur le battant, et THETRA GRAMMATON sur le pourtour, et JHESU sur la prise. Ensuite, conserve-la propre et garde-la en un lieu propre, car cest un secret de Dieu, et tu nas pas besoin dautres noms que ces trois l. Lorsque tu veux utiliser cette cloche, prpare-toi ix jours auparavant, sois chaste et mage et bois modrment, prie et passe des vtements neufs. Il faut commencer un vendredi. A la nuit, gagne alors une pice secrte afin que nul ne sache o tu es. Dresse une table, couvre-la dune belle nappe verte ou jaune et recouvre toutes les chaises alentour, dpose sur la table trois beaux cierges de cire dans un chandelier dargent ou de cuivre, prpare une encre comme je te lindique, et, avec une plume doie neuve que tu dois avoir taille avec un couteau neuf, cris les noms des esprits ou des plantes que tu dsires, chacun avec sa couleur. Cela fait, dis: O Dieu Thetragrammaton, Adonay, moi, N, ta crature, je te prie dobliger ces esprits me rvler ce que je veux. Ensuite, sonne la cloche en disant: Esprit N ! je dsire que tu mapparaisses immdiatement. Rpte ceci trois fois et sonne trois fois de la cloche. Ils apparatront. Ordonne leur de sasseoir en les appelant chacun par leur nom, et dis: Moi, N, je te demande et tu nommeras lesprit de la plante que tu me dises et crives ce que je dsire.

Ici la cloche tire son pouvoir de la configuration du ciel, de lalliage des mtaux qui refltent celle-ci, et des noms quon y inscrit. La citation, recte convocation des esprits suit un rituel prcis et se droule en un lieu secret. Tous les dtails sont importants. Ainsi la couleur de lencre utilise qui varie avec chaque esprit: le Picatrix (II,3)69 y consacre un long dveloppement et dit, par exemple, quil faut prendre de lencre rouge pour lesprit de Mars et de la verte pour celui de Jupiter. En vertu des noms de Dieu, les esprits doivent obtemprer linjonction de loprateur. Nous voyons bien aussi combien la magie est proche de la religion: quest-ce qui diffre dans le processus de fabrication de celui des cloches chrtiennes qui, elles
69 D. Pingree, Picatrix, the latin version of the Ghayat Al-Hakim, Londres, 1936 (Studies of the Warburg institute, 39)

356

Claude Lecouteux

aussi, portaient des inscriptions? Seuls la soumission une configuration astrale et lalliage; en effet, lor est rgi par le Soleil, le fer par Mars et le plomb par Saturne. Rsumons! Une fois bnite ou grave de signes cabalistiques, la cloche devient une vritable amulette protectrice. Sur la grosse cloche de la collgiale de SanktMoritz, fondue en 1419, se lit: Je mappelle sainte Anne de la Cellule de Dieu, / Que Dieu garde tout ce sur quoi je rsonne, / Que Dieu garde la belle valle / Aussi loin quon entend mon son. Instrument de musique, de communication et de signalisation par ses types de sonnerie, objet liturgique, les cloches ont reu une place particulire dans la vie quotidienne des hommes dantan, et mme si la littrature du Moyen ge nen donne quun tout petit aperu, une tude portant sur la longue dure rvle toute leur importance.

Elments de bibliographie
Mats mark, Sveriges medeltida kyrkklockor. Bevarade och knda klockor, Stockholm, 1960. Dom Jules Baudot , Les cloches, tude historique, liturgique et symbolique, Paris, Bloud, 1913. Enzyklopdie des Mrchens, t. 5, s.v. Glocken. Joseph Berthel, Etudes campanaires. Notes, tudes et documents sur les cloches et les fondeurs de cloches du VIIIe au XXe sicle, Montpellier, 1903. Nils-Arwid Bringus, Klockringningsseden i Sverige, Diss. Lund, 1958. Kurt Kster, Alphabet-Inschriften auf Glocken. Mit einem Katalog europischer ABCGlocken vom 12. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert, in: R. Schutzeichel (d.), Studien zur deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters, Bonn, Bouvier, 1979, p. 371-422. B.C. Lange, Norske kirkeklokker som kulturhistoriske monumenter, in : Acta Campanologica 1966. Warren R.Maurer, German Sunken City Legends, Fabula. 17 (1976), p.189-214. Sigrid Thurm (d.), Deutscher Glockenatlas, Munich, Berlin, 1959.

Annexe
1. La cloche de la cathdrale de Breslau sonne seule la mort dun chanoine; il y est inscrit, droite70: Mors venit et nescis aderit ubi, quomodo, quando, Saepe deus signis hanc properare docet. Quippe ut dissolvi debeat Canonicus illic, Pulsus agit templum, murmura dira strepunt. Credite his verbis monitor attente tuorum, Martyr Vincenti numen inesse tuum. Sed quoniam colitur venerabilis hic tua cervix, In mortis luctu, poscimus, affer opem.
70 Johann Gustav Bsching, Volkssagen, Mrchen und Legenden, Leipzig, Reclam, 1812, p. 433 sqq.

Cloches et clochettes: croyances et magie

gauche: Res est praedigna, quam signa mente benigna, Cunctis praelatis et canonicis sodalitatis, Stallo sit pulsus, cum quis vadat moriturus. Martyr Vincenti facis hunc clangore recenti, Quos cum Baptista parce salute pia.

357

2. Dans la cathdrale de Mersebourg, la plus petite des deux grosses cloches qui sonne les heures, la Gloriosa, est rpute apaiser les incendies et arrter lavance des ennemis, comme lindique son inscription: Si Gloriosa sonat, turbor procul hostis et ignis. 3. Sur une cloche de Covenhausen, dans le comt de Dassel (Prusse), se lit: Vivos voco, mortuos plango, fulgura frango. 4. La Maria Gloriosa, grosse cloche dErfurt, fondue le soir de la Saint-Kilian 1497 par le matre fondeur Gerhard Juon von Kempen en mme temps que deux autres, Wolf et Osanna, toutes trois pendues dans les clochers de Sainte-Marie, porte ceci: Laudo patronos, cano Gloriosa Fulgur arceo et Daemones malignos Sacra templis a populo sonanda carmine pulso. Gerhardus Juon de Cempis me fecit Anno Dom. 1497. 5. La cloche des pauvres pcheurs de lglise Marie-Madeleine porte en minuscules gothiques: Maria ist der Name mein. Selic musen alle die seyn, die meinen lout hren. oder vernemen spate oder fru. die sprechen Gote dem hern czu. amen. O Rex Glorie veni cum pace amen. Anno Domini MCCCLXXXVI fusa est haec campana in die Alexii. 6. Marisfeld, glise Saint-Maurice, 2e moiti du XIIIe sicle.

7. Landshut (Basse-Bavire), glise Saint-Martin, 2e moiti du XIIIe sicle

358

Claude Lecouteux

8. Ravensburg-Weingarten (Bade-Wurtemberg), vers 1300

9. Gelnhausen (Hesse), XIVe sicle, cloche du beffroi

Dendrolatria i conservarea unor componente

ale dendroflorei romneti

Anamaria Lisovschi
Institutul Arhiva de Folclor a Academiei Romane, Cluj-Napoca
Cea mai evoluat treapt a mitologiei botanice este dendrolatria. Ea definete concepia vegetal asupra vieii i lumii, concretizndu-se n adorarea arborilor sacri, ca diviniti proteice i demiurgice. Dintre arborii totemizai pe teritoriul Daciei amintim: bradul, stejarul, fagul, plopul, salcia, nucul, mrul, cireul. Din materialele documentar-istorice analizate, bradul ne apare ca fiind cel mai semnificativ totem arboricol de pe teritoriul trii noastre. Cultul arborilor se refer att la arborii individuali, ct i la arborii n grup sau la unele pduri sacre. Sub raport filologic, legendele i miturile arborilor sacri redau la modul epic, viaa zeilor i a eroilor care au avut raporturi cosmogonice cu acetia. Dac ne referim numai la Europa, constatm c exist numeroi arbori nchinai unor zeiti, cum ar fi: pinul consacrat Cybelei, stejarul lui Jupiter, palmierul zeiei Ceres, mslinul Minervei, mirtul lui Venus i multi altii. Toi aceti arbori ndeplineau multiple funciuni sacre. De aceea li se acorda o atenie special, fiind ngrijii i mpodobii n zilele de srbtoare. Pe lng arbori sacri-trofee, n mitologia greac sunt menionai i arborii-idoli de tipul celor nchinai lui Bachus. n Grecia etnologii menioneaz tradiia arborilor posedai i cultul lor particular este menionat i n Macedonia i n Tracia. n jurul arborilor socotii sacri, pentru rolul lor de intermediari ntre divinitate i om, s-au creat n timp, altare i temple. Probabil tradiia lcaurilor sacre n scorburile arborilor seculari a stat i la baza a ceea ce n cultura romn s-a numit biserica dintr-un lemn, adic alctuit din lemnul unui singur arbore. Odat cu dendrolatria s-a trecut de la cultul arborilor la adorarea arborilor sacri, ca diviniti propriu-zise. n aceast faz se considera c de aceti arbori depind geneza, formele, evoluia i destinul omenirii. Arborii sacri sunt considerai forme metamorfozate ale zeilor. La grecii antici, urme de dendrolatrie s-au pstrat n srbtorile numite dendroforii, n onoarea unor diviniti ce patronau mistere sacre, cum ar fi: Demeter, Apollon, Dionysos sau Muzele. i n mitologia latin, dendroforiile sunt prezente; ele aveau loc n 22 martie i erau nchinate Mamei Zeilor (Magna Deum Mater) i lui Silvan, socotit zeul dendrofor prin excelen. De altfel, n ntreaga Europ solul era acoperit de pduri iar mitologia carpato-balcanic evoc splendorile acestui univers vegetal. De aceea, totemizarea arborilor a devenit pentru autohtoni un mod de reflectare spiritual a vieii lor, ce se desfura cu precdere n pduri. Astfel, cultul codrilor se bazeaz pe funcia general a arborelui n viaa material a omului, i pe funcia special a acestuia n viaa spiritual a oamenilor.

360

Anamaria Lisovschi

n acest mod s-a dezvoltat o dendrolatrie complex. Arborii cei mai utili au fost declarai sacri. Tierea lor neritual sau degradarea lor erau pedepsite cu sanciuni ce mergeau pn la pedeapsa capital. n aceste condiii, bradul, stejarul, plopul, salcia i ali arbori slbatici sau domestici au nceput s fie protejai de legi profane, pentru valoarea lor material i de legi sacre, pentru valoarea lor mitologic. Referitor la caracterul sacru al bradului, avem o serie ntreag de consemnri. La popoarele din sud-estul Europei, bradul era considerat arbore al vieii, n timp ce tisa era vzut ca arbore al morii. La traci, antagonismele acestea dispar, bradul fiind arbore cosmic, dar i arbore al vieii, arbore al vieii dar i al morii, arbore al norocului dar i al nenorocirii, arbore benign dar i malign. Bradul simbolizeaz, n acest mod, viaa vzut n toate aspectele ei, fiind prezent n toate manifestrile rituale i ceremoniale, de la ciclul vieii - natere, nunt, moarte - pn la ciclul calendaristic. Un rol similar bradului este deinut de stejar. La greci, romani, traci, celi i daco-romani, stejarul era nchinat zeului focului, deintor al fulgerului i tunetului. Era ngrijit n mod special, aducndu-i-se jertfe animaliere i vegetale. La romni, arborele cosmic se prezint, n plan folcloric, nfiat cnd sub form de brad, cnd sub form de mr, dar bradul reprezint forma cea mai arhaic, mrul fiind o imagine mai recent a arborelui cosmic. n unele cazuri i stejarul apare ca arbore cosmic, ceea ce denot faptul c mai muli arbori, fie slbatici, fie domestici, au fost considerai de autohtoni extrem de valoroi, spiritual i material i protejai ca-atare, prin ridicarea lor la rang de arbori sacri. Alturi de temele majore ale dendrolariei, i anume arborele cosmic, arborele ceresc i arborele vieii, foarte importante sunt aspectele legate de monumentele dendromorfe secundare, adic arborii sacri, legai de activitile omului din viaa zilnic. Aici are loc substituirea bradului cu stejarul, gorunul, fagul, plopul, salcia i ali arbori pentru realizarea funciei de integrare a omului n cosmos. Aceast funcie era ndeplinit de arborele de natere, arborele de nunt, arborele de judecat, arborele funerar i arborele de poman. Noiunea arborelui de natere a cptat n etnologia romn, trei sensuri, i anume: nfrirea simbolic dintre un nou-nscut i un arbore slbatic ales din pdure; druirea noului nscut n grija simbolic a unui arbore mitic i comuniunea ntre noul nscut i un arbore fructifer, implantat n curtea gospodriei n ziua de natere a copilului. nfrirea noului nscut cu un arbore slbatic este forma cea mai arhaic a cultului arborilor la romni, iar nfrirea cu un arbore fructifer este forma cea mai nou. Pentru prima form de nfrire se prefera bradul, arborele sacru prin excelen la romni. Exista credina c aa cum cretea bradul ales, tot aa trebuia s creasc i copilul nfrit cu el. nfrirea cu un pom fructifer se manifesta prin sdirea unui aa-numit pom de natere de ctre prinii copilului nou-nscut. Acest pom trecea n grija copilului cnd acesta cretea i era capabil de acest lucru. i aici exist credina c n vrsta pomului fructifer st nscris soarta copilului. Arborele de nunt este o alt categorie de monumente dendromorfe, care particularizeaz funcia sacr a arborilor folosii n acest scop. O prim ipostaz a arborelui de nunt este cea a steagului de nunt sau a bradului de nunt, care se confeciona n ajunul nunii, dup un anumit ritual: flcii din partea mirelui intrau n pdure i alegeau un brad de mrimea mirelui, i se cerea iertare bradului pentru c urma s fie tiat; apoi bradul era adus n sat i mpodobit. n jurul bradului se juca hora iar brdarul avea grij ca ntregul ritual al mpodobitului s se desfoare dup reguli

Dendrolatria i conservarea unor componente ale dendroflorei romneti 361 bine stabilite. O alt ipostaz a arborelui de nunt este aceea a cununiei la salcie, obicei practicat n vechime n Munii Apuseni i semnalat de I.A Frncu i A.Candrea n lucrarea Romnii n Munii Apuseni. Prin acest obicei aparent straniu, o fat nemritat care rmnea nsrcinat era supus acestei cununii simbolice cu salcia. Se urmrea astfel absolvirea tinerei fete de actul ilicit i reintegrarea ei n comunitatea moral a familiei i a satului. Ritualul avea totodat i funcia de a pune sub ocrotirea unui arbore, ce semnifica viaa i perenitatea, a mamei i a copilului ce urma s se nasc. Dintre monumentele dendromorfe care particularizeaz funcia dezintegrrii sacre, un rol deosebit l-au cptat arborii funerari. n rolul lor funerar apar dou etape: etapa mortem, ca bradul mortului i etapa post-mortem, ca arborele de poman. Amintim aici obiceiul arhicunoscut de a se pune pe mormntul unui tnr necstorit un brad mpodobit, care simbolizeaz cstoria ce nu a mai avut loc i suplinete astfel o absen, care ar putea provoca nenorociri comunitii familiale i steti. Bradul funerar este mpodobit dup un ritual asemntor cu cel al mpodobirii bradului de nunt. Bradul morii devine astfel substituentul arborelui cosmic, al vieii i al morii. Bradul de poman continu acest ritual. Astfel, un brdu mpodobit este pus ntr-un colac mare, fcut anume pentru sufletul mortului iar ramurile bradului sunt mpodobite cu fructe, dulciuri, flori i panglici, datina ncheindu-se cu consumarea alimentelor de ctre copiii sraci din sat. Bradul apare la romni, ca i la alte popoare, ca un simbol al tinereii masculine, al nunii dar i al nemuririi. Toate acestea presupun existena unui cult strvechi al bradului. Dovada cea mai elocvent pentru aceast idee este spovedania la brad, nregistrat n Munii Vrancei i n Mrginimea Sibiului1. Referitor la aceasta avem informaia c: ...pe vremuri, ciobanii se mrturiseau la copaci, mai ales la brazi. Fceau o cruce n coaja copacului i-i mrturiseau pcatele, ca la preot, n timp ce bteau mtnii...Tiau apoi cteva achii din copac pe care le aruncau. Dup jurmntul pe care-l fceau, dac ntr-un an copacul se usca sau nu, erau iertai sau nu erau iertai de pcate. Ciobanii susineau c aceast spovedanie era mai bun dect cea fcut la preot2. n Mrginimea Sibiului, este menionat i obiceiul ciobanilor de a se mprti cu muguri de brad, n loc de pine i vin (trupul i sngele lui Christos), cuminectur considerat, din nou, mai bun dect cea bisericeasc. Toate acestea dezvluie importana major pe care oamenii acestor locuri o acordau n vechime arborilor sacri, de unde deriva i grija lor sporit n protejarea acestora. Toate aceste acte rituale aveau rolul de a pstra intact bogia pdurilor, la modul particular i a naturii, n general, prin legi profane i prin legi sacre, a cror nclcare ducea la pedepse drastice, uneori capitale. Astfel doreau cei de atunci s conserve i s protejeze ceea ce aveau ca pe un dat firesc de la natur, nelegnd probabil mult mai bine dect noi, cei de azi, rostul imens al naturii nconjurtoare n viaa oamenilor.

1 T. Herseni, Forme strvechi de cultur poporan romneasc, Cluj-Napoca, Ed. Dacia, 1977, p. 184. 2 Ibidem.

Conotaii funerare n colindele romneti din zona ibleului

Episcopul Macarie (Marius-Dan) Drgoi
Episcopia Europei de Nord, Stockholm
n lumea satului tradiional, respectarea riguroas a obiceiurilor de nmormntare era considerat o sacr ndatorire a tuturor membrilor familiilor i a comunitii sociale din care fceau parte. Dac n cadrul ritualurilor determinate de naterea unui prunc ori n cadrul obiceiurilor nupiale erau posibile unele schimbri, mutaii, inovaii, misterul morii impunea credine, gesturi, practici, norme i cutume fixe care ntrec pe cele legate de alte momente de rscruce ale vieii. Acestea le putem descifra nc din vestigiile neolitice, n splendida ornamentaie a vaselor din acea perioad, ncrcat de mistere i simboluri, credine animiste, fetiiste, totemice, care exprimau credina n nemurire prin cultul Soarelui i al apei. Aceste semne-simbol s-au pstrat pn azi n arealul nostru carpato-dunrean, dnd posibilitatea reconstituirii practicilor i riturilor strvechi, prin concreteea esteticii, a plasticii, a artei tradiionale. O alt cale de cunoatere i de recunoatere a vechilor rituri funerare o constituie folclorul nescris, transmis pe calea oralitii, din generaie n generaie. Se regsesc aici - ntrea etnologul Ion H. Ciubotaru - n forme de o surprinztoare coeren, practici arhaice, gesturi i acte ceremoniale, credine, datini i cntece rituale, ce continu s se performeze i astzi, n cele mai multe zone etnografice ale rii. Scopul lor este acela de a evita posibila traumatizare psihic a celor lovii de nenorocire i, n acelai timp, de a favoriza desprinderea defunctului de lumea pmntean i integrarea sa n cealalt jumtate a neamului, aflat pe trm mitic, n misterioasa lume de dincolo, dup cum spun credinele populare1. Cercettorii etnologi au relevat n repetate rnduri, marea unitate a obiceiurilor funebre romneti, din toate zonele intra- i extracarpatice. Conform mentalitii tradiionale, moartea unui membru al colectivitii nu nsemna dispariia sa definitiv, ci doar o trecere a dalbului cltor de la lumea cu dor , la cea fr dor, Dincolo, n satul fr nume al strmoilor. Colindele romneti, acest mare tezaur folcloric al spiritualitii noastre, adevrat compendiu al istoriei neamului, constituie una din cile sacre prin care se transmit obiceiuri, practici, gesturi, simboluri legate de complexul ritualic, ndtinat n toate zonele carpato-dunrene, avnd funcii augurale, protocolare, agrare, pastorale, dar i legate de riturile de trecere- cum le numea etnologul francez, Arnold van Gennep2. Colindele din subzona Vii ibleului, integrate n aceeai unitate a folclorului
1 I. H. Ciubotaru, Catolicii din Moldova. Universul Culturii populare, Editura Presa Bun, Iai, 2002, p. 143; a se vedea i I. H. Ciubotaru, Marea Trecere. Repere etnologice n ceremonialul funebru din Moldova, Editura Grai i Suflet, Bucureti, 1999. 2 Arnold Van Gennep, Riturile de trecere, traductoare Lucia Berdan i Nora Vasilescu. Studiu intro-

364

Macarie Drgoi

romnesc - ncifreaz rituri i simboluri legate de etapele vieii familiale (natere, nunt, moarte). n prezentul studiu ncercm s decodificm doar cteva exemple de conotaii funerare, desprinse din bogia produciilor cercetate de noi, n arealul aezrilor submontane, din nordul Transilvaniei. Colindate, incantate sau asociate unor obiceiuri augurale cu dans, muzic i mascai, ele transmiteau n perioada augural a srbtorilor solstiiale i cretine, o multitudine de tradiii, coduri i cutume, care trebuiau memorate i respectate ntocmai, aa cum au fost motenite, de ctre generaiile prezente i viitoare. Regretatul etnolog Nicolae Bot susinea pe drept cuvnt aseriunea potrivit creia, colindele indiferent de funciile lor (marital, agrar, funebr etc.) au de cele mai multe ori, o mare ncrctur metaforic i simbolic, dar, cu toate acestea au o mare fidelitate fa de obiceiul descris i fa de funciile sale3. Colindele ndtinate n satele din subzona ibleului rememoreaz toate etapele ritualice ale obiceiurilor funerare. O prim categorie o formeaz riturile preliminare, care includ toate practicile, gesturile, prevestirile anticipative ale morii, pe baza unor semne oraculare : cntecul unor psri, noaptea (bufnia, cucuveaua, ciurica), n timpul zilei, pe cas sau n apropierea casei, dar n locuri marcate de nefertil (pe arbori uscai, sterpi), ntre Blagovetenie i Snziene, deci de la echinociul de primvar pn la solstiiul de var; urletul unor animale, noaptea (cinele, lupul), ticitul arpelui casei, ziua, pe prag, ntre srbtoarea Alexiilor i Ziua Crucii. Alte semne sunt constituite de simboluri onirice (vise prevestitoare) sau diferite sunete (pocnetul uii i al ferestrelor, cderea unor obiecte, vase, icoane etc.) 4. n colindele despre Crciun cel Btrn, frecvent cntate n satele de pe vile ibleului, apare simbolul cucului, n disput cu Moartea, care-i cere glasul, pentru a semnala funcia sa funest. ncercnd s decodificm textul acestor colinde, credem c el se refer la credinele strvechi privind mbtrnirea anului i dispariia lui, pentru a lsa loc renvierii i regenerrii Noului An. Cucul, care n anumite circumstane comunic evenimente funeste, - devine odat cu rennoirea anului (care se celebra altdat primvara, n apropierea echinociului): vestitorul vieii i al relurii ciclului agrar i al drumului pinii: Colo-n jos i mai n jos, Cresc florile mrului, Este-un rt mndru, frumos. La mijlocul rtului Este-un pat al Domnului. Tt n pat cine-i culcat ? Sfntu Crciun mort de beat, Mort de beat, mort de beteag i cu moartea lng cap i cu cucu la picioare [...]
ductiv de Nicolae Constantinescu. Postfa de Lucia Berdan,Ed. Polirom, Iai, 1996. Nicolae Bot, Dreptul cutumiar i folclorul obiceiurilor, n Anuarul de Folclor, I, Cluj Napoca,1980,pp. 93-104; vezi i Nicolae Bot, Studii de etnologie, volum ngrijit de Ioana Bot i Ileana Benga, Ed. Casa Crii de tiin, Cluj-Napoca 2008, p. 171. 4 Ion Ghinoiu, Lumea de aici, lumea de dincolo. Editura Fundaiei Culturale Romne, Bucureti, 1999, p. 204; Marius-Dan Drgoi, Rituri, gesturi i practici funerare din zona ibleului, n Studii i comunicri de etnologie, tomul XX, Sibiu, 2006, pp. 52-54. 3

Conotaii funerare n colindele romneti din zona ibleului

365

Zice moartea ctre cuc: - D-mi, cucule, glasu tu, C i eu i-l dau pe al meu. - Nici mi trebe glasul tu Nici i l-oi da pe-al meu Cucul refuz acest schimb al rolului oracular, cci moartea este aductoare de nenorociri i de despriri n familii : Da eu pe unde m duc Ies plugari cu plugurile Pcurarii cu oile5

ntr-o alt variant culeas n acelai sat, cucul respinge din nou rolul de mesager al morii, considerndu-se sol al vieii, al iubirii i al regenerrii ntregii naturi: Io p unde locuiesc So cu so i ntlnesc Csile le veslesc Rturile le-nverzesc6.

n fine, ntr-o alt variant culeas din satul Spermezeu, cucul neag rolul su deviant (cnt doar primvara, apoi, spune tradiia, devine pasre rpitoare): Da io p unde m duc Rmne tt glas de cuc Rmn luncile-nverzite, Pcurari cu oi ieite, Ies plugari cu plugurile, Neveste cu prnzurile7.

Colindele ncadrate n tipul Moartea i cucul (n care pasrea respinge rolul su deviant, fiind cnd mesager al morii, cnd al renvierii, i investitura cu simbolul funest), ntlnite n arealul cercetat (n cele 16 variante culese din localitile Oarzina, endroaia, Trliua, Spermezeu, Aluniul, Cianu Mare, Mire, Dobric, Perior, Agrie) stau mrturie a rspndirii acestei teme n ntreaga zon studiat, ca i n alte arii nvecinate, Valea Someului, Cmpia Transilvaniei, Slaj etc.). O seam de colinde din repertoriul performerilor satelor din zon, ncifrau metaforic, simbolic, rituri i practici de desprindere a defunctului din lumea terestr, la rspntia dintre existen i postexisten8. Momentelor care precedau marea cltorie li se acordau maxim atenie de ctre membrii familiei, de acestea depinznd nu numai
5 Macarie Marius-Dan Drgoi, Ler Sfnt Mrie. Editura Renaterea, Cluj-Napoca 2005, p. 184, inf. M Ana, 68 ani, endroaia, jud. Bistria-Nsud. 6 Ibidem, p. 185, inf. Rus Reghina, 70 ani, endroaia, jud. Bistria-Nsud. 7 Ibidem, p. 187, inf. Stiop Mriua, 72 ani, Libotean Raveca, 69 ani, Chira Marina, 61 ani, Spermezeu, jud. Bistria-Nsud. 8 I.H.Ciubotaru, op. cit., 2002, p. 149.

366

Macarie Drgoi

integrarea mortului n Lumea de Veci, ci i linitea i resemnarea celor rmai n via. Asistm astfel la practici rituale funerare, preliminare care stau mrturie a sincretismului specific cretinismului popular. Dup mplinirea sacramentelor de ctre preot (uneori chiar naintea acestora), se svreau rituri, ncercri, fie de a-l aduce n via pe muribund, fie de a-i pregti calea dalbului cltor prin gesturile mrunte de secular nelepciune a naintailor, pstrate i azi i executate cu grij, alturi de gesturile bisericii i menite s apere sporul, prosperitatea gospodriei, pe care aceast nstrinare a mortului, ce pleac spre o alt lume, o poate amenina9. n cele 18 variante ale colindelor de doliu, cum le numeau etnologii Ovidiu Brlea i Ion Cuceu10, interpretate odinioar la casele ndoliate de pierderea unei fete fecioare sau a unei neveste tinere, se pot identifica astfel de ncercri pentru nlturarea funestului eveniment. ncadrate tipologic la tema Seceriul funest, intitulate dup incipitul M luai, luai, aceste colinde aveau o larg rspndire altdat, rmnnd pn azi, n memoria colectiv a multor sate din nord-vestul Transilvaniei. n unele variante, apare din nou elementul prevestitor, pupza, pasrea oracular a morii : I-auzi, frate, auzi, I-auzi pupza, Da nu-i pupza, C-i drgua ta11. Din aceeai variant se desprinde cu pregnan ritul de prentmpinare a morii prin practicile etnoiatrice, acvatice, de esen magic : M-sa se lua Jos pe rturele Cu nou ulcele Dup lecurele12 . Etnologii I. H. Ciubotaru i Ion Ghinoiu identificau motivul leacului pierdut n Moldova de nord i n inutul Nsudului13, aadar, n arealul nvecinat Vii ibleului, n cntecele funerare. Sperana de vindecare cu apa magic, adus n nou ulcele, de departe, ca ultima ans de revenire la via se stinge n suspinul fetei, care cere ndeplinirea ritului de pe urm (liminar), ndtinat pentru linitirea mortului i agregarea n lumea (De Dincolo), aezarea n slaul fcut din lemn de brad (arborele morii i al veniciei), mbinat ca o cas de veci: - Stai, mam, nu mere, C se face noapte,

9 tefania Cristescu Golopenia, Drgu. Un sat din ara Oltului (Fgra), Manifestri spirituale. Credine i rituri magice, Institutul de tiine Sociale, Bucureti, 1944, p. 106. 10 Ion Cuceu, Introducere, la vol. Macarie Marius-Dan Drgoi, Ler Sfnt Mrie, Ed. Renaterea, Cluj-Napoca, 2005, p. VII. 11 M.M.D.Drgoi, op.cit., 2005, p. 205, inf. Hognogi Raveca, 53 ani, Spermezeu, jud. BistriaNsud. 12 Ibidem 13 I. Ghinoiu, op.cit., p. 205.

Conotaii funerare n colindele romneti din zona ibleului Satele-s departe i moartea-i aproape. - Hai, mam-napoi, C leacul l-am aflat : Tri scnduri de brad i-o cruce la cap; Patruzeci de cuie, Pe sla s-mi puie14.

367

Aceste colinde sunt comparabile cu descntecele de leac, de mare vechime n repertoriul folcloric romnesc i n cel al aezrilor din Valea ibleului. La fel ca n descntece, boala, moartea au o cauzalitate, iar efectul se ncearc a fi ndeprtat prin leacurile magice, apa nenceput cu puteri vindectoare adus din locuri ndeprtate de sat, adic sacre. Odat cu panaceul natural, se invoc valoarea magic a numerelor: trei, (tri scnduri) nou (ulcele), patruzeci (de cuie), pentru ntrirea efectului profilactic. Etnologul Gh. Pavelescu releva c n concepia magic, numerele sunt dotate cu puteri deosebite, transmisibile fiinelor, obiectelor, spaiului15. n faa destinului i a morii, descntecul devine adesea ineficient : Leacul l-o adus Da n-o fost de-ajuns16.

Cifra patruzeci amintete numrul zilelor de paos sau de trasul izvorului, obiceiul druitului a 40 de ulcele cu ap, la rudenii i vecini, dup nmormntare (ca rit postliminar), pentru stmprarea setei defunctului i pentru mplinirea integrrii lui n Cealalt Lume. Tot attea zile de post i de doliu, prescrie Biserica, pentru odihna sufletului celui decedat, dup care se fac slujbele de pomenire. Moartea unui membru al colectivitii tradiionale era anunat prin semnale sonore, prin glasul clopotelor sau prin sunetele tnguitoare ale unor instrumente tradiionale, trmbia, buciumul, tulnicul, aa cum surprindea acest obicei, etnomuzicologul Tiberiu Alexandru, n ara Oaului, Maramure, Bucovina17. Dar, iat, c n colindele seceriului funest este menionat acest obicei i n inutul Nsudului - I-auzi, frate-auzi, I-auzi trmbia . - Ba nu-i trmbia, Asta-i moartea mea18.

Obiceiul comunicrii unui deces prin sunete de bucium a fost atestat i n sudul

14 M.M.D.Drgoi, op.cit., 2005, p. 205, inf. Hognogi Raveca, 53 ani, Spermezeu, jud. BistriaNsud. 15 Gh. Pavelescu, Cercetri asupra magiei la romnii din Munii Apuseni, Institutul Social Romn, Bucureti, 1945, p. 40. 16 M.M.D.Drgoi, op.cit., 2005, p. 206, inf. Cocean Virginia, 62 ani, Trliua, jud. Bistria-Nsud. 17 Tiberiu Alexandru, Instrumente muzicale ale poporului romn, Bucureti, 1956, p. 29. 18 M.M.D.Drgoi, op.cit., 2005, p. 210, inf. Filimon Victoria, 45 ani, Zagra, jud. Bistria-Nsud.

368

Macarie Drgoi

Carpailor, n Dmbovia, Gorj etc19. De o mare varietate i valoare estetico-documentar sunt n arealul ibleului colindele mioritice, rivaliznd cu cele mai frumoase i extinse variante ale baladei, din inuturile de dincolo de Carpai. n cercetrile viitoare asupra Mioriei (...) testamentele din aceste variante locale ar putea prezenta un interes aparte tocmai prin varietatea i expresivitatea formulrilor ncercate de creatorul popular, de la sat la sat, ntr-un vizibil efort de a decoda tainicul mesaj al ciobanului mioritic exprima etnologul Ion Cuceu20. Fiecare din cele 25 de variante culese din satele vilor ibleului (Agrie, Ciceu-Hma, Trliua, Borleasa, Perior, Breaza, Dobricel, Spermezeu, Zagra, Rcte, Pltineasa, Moliet, Ciceu-Poieni, Cianu Mare, Purcrete) cuprind lsmntul celui destinat morii, din care se desprind conotaii funerare precretine, cu rdcini n obiceiurile autohtonilor notri. Resemnat n faa tragicului su destin, pcurarul cel mic cere s fie nmormntat : n strungua oilor, n jocuu mieilor.

Iar ca semnal al morii dorete : ntr-o alt variant: Fluieraul meu cel dulce Pune-mi-l n loc de cruce. Cnd vntuu va sufla, Fluierau-mi mi-a cnta, Oile m-or alina21. i cnd vntu a sufla, Tricua mndru-a cnta22

Fluierul, trica i trmbia (unele din cele mai vechi instrumente n toate civilizaiile lumii) devin nu doar un mijloc de comunicare al funestului eveniment, ci nsei simbolurile ntreruperii existenei umane a unui tnr nelumit, nenuntit. Fluierul nsufleit de glasul omului, dar i de spiritul arborelui, este deopotriv un relict al cultului animist, dendrolatric, comparabil cu stlpul funerar care se punea pe mormntul tinerilor nenuntii n riturile precretine, mai trziu, n cretinism, pstrndu-se acest semn al lcaului de veci, alturi de cruce23. Aceast conotaie
19 Georgescu Dan Corneliu, Semnale de bucium. Tipologie muzical i corpus de melodii. Editura Muzical, Bucureti, 1987, p. 23. 20 Ion Cuceu, Introducere la volumul Macarie Marius-Dan Drgoi, Ler Sfnt Mrie, Ed. Renaterea, Cluj-Napoca, 2005, p. VIII. 21 M.M.D.Drgoi, op.cit., 2005 , p. 218, inf. Costin Lucreia, 80 ani, Ilinca Margareta, 55 ani, Moldovan Livia, 51 ani, Ciceu-Hma, jud. Bistria-Nsud. 22 M.M.D.Drgoi, op.cit., 2005, p. 221, inf. Bojor Florentina, 28 ani, Brici Anioara, 24 ani, Perior, jud. Bistria-Nsud. 23 Vezi i Gh. Pavelescu, Pasrea suflet, Alba Iulia, 2008.

Conotaii funerare n colindele romneti din zona ibleului precretin devine mai evident n versurile : i-n loc de cruce de brad Mi-or pune trica la cap24. Fluierul s-l punei cruce i trmbia de-a dreapta i cnd vntu-a trgna Fluieru a fluiera Trmbia a trmbia, Oile s-or aduna25

369

Impresionant este grija pcurarului pentru mama sa, acest sentiment aprnd i ca o ncercare de amnare a tragicului moment, poate chiar n credina anulrii lui: - Dragii mei, frucii mei, Lsai-m atta Pn scriu o crticea, S-o trimit la maica mea, S-i scriu unde m-a-ngropa: n strungua oilor, n glasu miorilor n jocuu mieilor. Fluierau meu cel drag Mi-l puie cruce la cap ! Cnd vntu tare-a sufla, Fluieru mndru-a cnta Maica a sta i-a lcrma26.

De o semnificaie deosebit este un alt element al lsmntului pcurarului, ritul liminar al punerii n mormnt. Tradiiile strvechi, precretine, ulterior cele cretine, impuneau cutuma punerii n cociug a linoliului alb, de pnz esut din in sau bumbac ori chiar din fire de ln, semnificnd puntea dintre cele dou lumi i peste apa morilor. Aceeai conotaie o aveau n riturile funerare i cmile sau prosoapele date poman peste sicriu27. n obiceiurile funerare din nordul rii, Oa, Maramure, Slaj, Valea Someului Mijlociu, ca i n Vrancea, s-a mai pstrat pn n a prima jumtate a veacului XX, ritul liminar al aezrii pe pmnt de la ieirea din cas pn la poarta gospodriei i de la vrania (poarta) cimitirului pn la mormnt, a unei fii de pnz alb. Cociugul era purtat pe deasupra acestei puni, care era apoi mpturat i pus peste mort ori era tiat n 7-9 buci, care se ddeau poman. n practicile populare, aceast pies ritual era adeseori o pnur de glugi, din care, tradiional, se confeciona gluga, pies de sorginte autohton, folosit pn azi, ca vemnt de protejare mpotriva intemperiilor. Unii etnologi acrediteaz ideea c versurile din colindele mioritice ale zonelor intracarpatice, n
24 M.M.D.Drgoi, op.cit., 2005, p. 224, grup de colindtoare, Zagra, jud. Bistria-Nsud. 25 Ibidem, p. 227, inf. Brici Susana, 71 ani, Perior, jud. Bistria-Nsud. 26 Ibidem, p. 217, inf. Rus Valer, 57 ani, Agrie, jud. Bistria-Nsud. 27 A se vedea i Lucia Berdan, Feele destinului, Editura Univeritii Al. I. Cuza, Iai 1999, p. 174.

370

Macarie Drgoi

care pcurarul cere s fie acoperit n sla (sicriu) cu gluga, se refer la o practic strveche, din ritualitatea funerar autohton28: - Voi dac mi-i omor Lut pe mine nu punei, Numa drag gluga mea, Fluieru dup curea, Cu fluieru-oi fluiera, Mndrele s-or aduna i pe mine m-or cnta (m-or boci)29

O alt variant mrturisete aceeai practic ritual : Pe mine nu punei lut Numa drag glugua i la cap fluieria.30

Ritualul funerar i conotaiile religioase i precretine din colindele aezrilor de la poalele Muntelui ibleului reflect practici tradiionale, care sunt repetate n perioadele augurale ale anului, prin oralitate, pentru a nu fi uitate sau omise de-a lungul existenei umane, ele devenind fore spirituale integratoare a sufletului n transcendent. Riturile postliminare, precretine (cntatul, bocitul), trasul izvorului, libaiile pe morminte i punerea de ofrande alimentare i acvatice, festinurile colective ca poman funerar, la srbtorile de Moi, purtatul doliului cu veminte cernite, crora li s-au suprapus ritualurile religioase, deveneau cutume i aveau menirea linitirii sufletului celui plecat i a celor rmai ntre cele dou lumi, legturile fiind astfel permanente, n lanul generaiilor. -Haide, mam, i m-mbrac ! - Vini-o-a dragu mamii, Lutu-i greu, nu poci iei; Du-te acas dragu mamii, Ia-i n cap nfram neagr Dac lumea nu i-e drag. Ia-i nfram mohort, Dac lumea i-i urt31. Colindele noastre readuc astfel, mereu n curgerea timpului, strvechile credine n nemurirea sufletului, ntr-o nlnuire perpetu de motive care au fost nnobilate tot mai mult de spiritualitatea cretin.
28 A se vedea: Maria Boce, Obiceiuri tradiionale romneti din Transilvania. Srbtori, credine, rituri, mituri, Centrul Judeean pentru Conservarea i Promovarea Culturii Tradiionale, Cluj-Napoca, 2007, p. 259. 29 M.M.D.Drgoi, op.cit., 2005, p. 220, inf. Curtuan Maria, 56 ani, Borleasa, jud. Bistria-Nsud. 30 Ibidem, p. 223, inf. Merean Victoria, 65 ani, Spermezeu, jud. Bistria-Nsud. 31 Ibidem, p. 265, inf. Bizo Aurica, 65 ani, Moliet, jud. Bistria-Nsud.

Emancipation, assimilation, disimilation

Andrei Marga
Universitatea Babe-Bolyai
Le dbat moderne sur lmancipation, lalination, lassimilation a inclus dans bien des pays modernes les Juifs, mais cela ne transforme nullement ces concepts en thmatisations juives, comme lantismitisme a toujours voulu laccrditer. Ces concepts et la constellation dont ils font partie ont une valabilit gnralement humaine. Kant a t parmi les premiers en tre conscients et lavoir exprim de manire univoque. Mais la situation des Juifs en Europe a stimul linterrogation plus prcise et plus aigu de la socit moderne du point de vue de lmancipation et de lalination, et les penseurs juifs ont mis en dbat de nouvelles optiques et des arguments dcisifs, incontournables. De ces optiques et arguments, la culture civique et politique europenne a normment appris, de sorte que la conscience de soi de lEurope, que nous prenons aujourdhui en considration, ne peut gure tre spare des contributions juives. Cest pourquoi, dans mon expos, je mets en relief cette osmose de la chrtient et du judasme dans larticulation de la conscience de soi de lEurope moderne. Jassume ds le dbut quil y a eu trois seuils pour ce qui est de la vision en rapport avec laquelle, invitablement, en quelque sorte, nous pensons aujourdhui les socits modernes: jenvisage le concept de Rousseau de lmancipation civique1, les distinctions faites en Allemagne, dans le cadre du dbat concernant lmancipation des Juifs, entre rapprochement (Annhrung), adaptation (Anpassung), partage de la citoyennet (Anbrgerung), identification (Identifizierung), intgration (Eingliederung), fusion (Verschmelzung), dissolution (Auflsung) ou assimilation2 et, plus tard, dissimilation, et la distinction propose par Marx entre lmancipation politique, lmancipation religieuse et lmancipation humaine3. Cest justement dans le registre de ces conceptualisations que sest droul le dbat europen. Hegel a introduit dans la discussion lalination(Entusserung)4, et Marx a thmatis le ftichisme de la marchandise5, pour que, ultrieurement, Lukacs explore la rification6. Marcuse a parl de la rification universelle7. Habermas a clos ce chapitre, o la pense europenne explore la perte du contrle des gens sur la socit o ils vivent, inscrivant tout le dbat sur une ligne de pense noclassique, ouverte par Hannah
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Rousseau, Du Contrat social. Dominique Bourel, Moses Mendelssohn. La naissance du judasme moderne, Gallimard, Paris, p. 15. Marx, Contributions au problme juif. Hegel, La Phnomnologie de lesprit. Marx, Le Capital Lukacs, Histoire et conscience de classe, Minuit, Paris, 1960. Marcuse, Eros et civilisation, Minuit, Paris, 1963.

372

Andrei Marga

Arendt8, dans lhorizon de la communication non distorsionne9. Saisissons lmergence historique des concepts dmancipation, dassimilation, de dissimilation, en captant ainsi leur sens. * * * Le dbat sur lmancipation a eu son point de dpart dans loeuvre de Spinoza. Dans le Trait thologique-politique (1665-1667) on a pos le problme de ltat moderne, le dtachant de ses lgitimations traditionnelles par des tableaux religieux du monde. Ltat dmocratique bas sur les liberts et les droits individuels, o chaque citoyen se manifeste sans entraves et il est protg contre les abus, et la libert de la foi va sans dire puisque lordre dtat est largement assum par la lgitimation religieuse, a t lidal de Spinoza. Nous ninsistons pas ici sur les vastes implications de leffort de Spinoza daboutir un point de vue nouveau, diffrent de celui des sceptiques tels Mose Maimonide et le purisme calviniste, qui abaisse la raison devant la rvlation, et de loptique des dogmatiques , qui abaisse la rvlation devant la raison. Lo Strauss10 les a claircies de faon loquente, de sorte que je me contente de reprendre sa conclusion: Il ne sagit pas seulement pour Spinoza de la libert de commu niquer publiquement des vrits dj dcouvertes: ce dont il sagit pour lui, cest de lhomme qui est pris dans ces prjugs, cest dune libration dont la philosophie est la fin et laccomplissement. Tel est lobjectif premier et dernier que Spinoza sest donn en crivant le Trait thologico-politique11. De toute vidence, luvre de Spinoza dlivre amplement des prjugs. La mme action libratrice a t assume dans la culture allemande par Lessing. Die Erziehung des Menschengeschlechts (1780) voit dans toutes les religions positives lavancement ncessaire que lintellect humain doit pouvoir poursuivre partout et continuer poursuivre, qui signifie, avant tout ducation. La rvlation est pour lespce humaine ce quest lducation pour lindividu - cest avec ce paragraphe que Lessing ouvre sa rflexion. Dans cette perspective le peuple isralite est celui qui a commenc laction ducative, le christianisme tant la continuation dans de nouvelles conditions, avec un message renouvel, du Vieux Testament. La rvlation a guid la raison du peuple juif; prsent, cest la raison qui claircit dun coup sa rvlation12. Lessing parle de lide des trois stades du monde et sattend un nouvel vangile ternel, qui relie indissolublement la raison et la rvlation. Dans Die Streit der Fakultten (1798), Kant mentionne un vnement de notre temps qui prouve cette tendance morale de lespce humaine: il sagissait de la Rvolution franaise13. Il est attach linterprtation selon laquelle la rvolution a eu une substance morale, laquelle la marche de lhistoire a donn de la lgitimit. Dautre part, Kant partage la doctrine juridique de Puffendorf et condamne les actions des rvolutionnaires ( commencer par lexcution de Louis XVI). En fait, chez
8 9 10 11 12 13 Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition, The University of Chicago Press, 1958, cap. I-II. Jrgen Habermas, Theorie des kommunikativen Handeln, Suhrkamp, Frankfurt am Main, 1984. Leo Strauss, La critique de la religion chez Spinoza, 1996. Ibidem, p. 120. Lessing, Die Erziehung des Menschengeschlechts, Voss und Sohn, Berlin, 1780. Kant, Le conflit des facults en trois sections, J. Vrin, Paris, 1997, p. 100 et suivantes.

Emancipation, assimilation, disimilation

373

Kant la philosophie de lhistoire embrasse la Rvolution franaise en tant quincarnation de la tendance morale de lespce humaine, et la philosophie du droit la condamne en tant que recours la rvolte14. Il reste ainsi dans la conception kantienne une divergence (certains disent ambigut) entre la philosophie de lhistoire ouverte vers le renouveau et la philosophie du droit qui soppose la rvolte. Cette divergence se retrouve galement dans dautres secteurs de la conception de Kant. Arrtons-nous sur la relation entre sa politique et sa cosmopolitique. Lorsquil a abord des problmes de ltat, Kant sest prononc de manire univoque pour lmancipation civique dans les conditions de lencadrement dans lorganisation sur des principes chrtiens de ltat. Sa politique est univoquement favorable ltat moderne bas sur des liberts individuelles. Kant reste, en tant que philosophe qui a conu une ralit au-del de ltat, lhumanit, une grande distance de Joseph de Maistre, qui allait voir dans lhumanit une abstraction, et de Carl Schmidt, qui allait contester la ralit de lhumanit. Mais Kant donne non seulement une politique, mais aussi une cosmopolitique. Celle-ci, la cosmopolitique, ne part plus de lennemi mais du dpassement de lhostilit, cest--dire de lhospitalit. Du point de vue philosophique, lhospitalit cosmopolitique doit surmonter lhostilit15. Le statut de ltranger change, cependant, au cours de lhistoire. Kant a eu cette intuition. Il na pas ignor les complications de lhistoire, qui offrait bien des raisons de dception sous cet aspect, mais il a parl du progrs culturel de lespce humaine comme dune hypothse pratique indispensable. Il considrait quil y avait des raisons pour que lon pense lvolution de la socit humaine dans la perspective de la paix perptuelle, universelle. Chez Kant, on fait des pas pour conceptualiser le passage dun ordre juridique-politique traditionnel un ordre cosmopolite, de la citoyennet civile une citoyennet universelle qui fonde lide dune communaut de lhumanit et oblige lhospitalit16. La cosmopolitique de Kant a pris forme dans lopuscule Il se peut que ce soit juste en thorie, mais en pratique cela ne vaut rien(1793). Ici, il sest oppos Moses Mendelssohn: tout comme dans la socit la violence a t remplace par le droit, de mme dans les relations entre les nations on peut remplacer la violence par une constitution cosmopolitique, o lon articule un droit des hommes. De toute vidence, Kant invite lhomme devenir un tre dont le but final est la ralisation de soi selon les exigences du droit et de la morale. Tel est lhumanisme kan tien qui, en jetant sur lexprience des hommes le filet des finalits et des normes dune raison pratique morale et juridique, ne mconnat ni les limites, ni les errances, ni la mchancet humaine, mais nous donne penser travers lunit de lespce et lgale dignit de tout homme, une ide du cosmopolitisme qui est, peut-tre, aujourdhui encore capable de nous inspirer17. Limage de Kant sur lhomme t bien surprise de la faon suivante: chaque individu est, sur le plan politique, citoyen dun tat particulier, mais il est en mme temps, sur le plan culturel, le citoyen dun monde
14 Benjamin Delannoy, Burke et Kant interprtes de la Rvolution Franaise, LHarmattan, Paris, 2004, p. 43. 15 Yves Charles Zorka, Cosmopolitisme et hospitalit chez Kant, n Yves Charles Zorka, Caroline Guibert (direction), Kant cosmopolite, ditions de lclat, Paris, 2008, p. 21. 16 Ibidem, p. 30. 17 Jean Ferrari, Entre idalisme transcendantal et ralit empirique, n Yves Charles Zorka, Caroline Guibert, op.cit., p. 65.

374

Andrei Marga

en voie de formation et de dveloppement, qui est le monde de son espce18. Kant a ouvert, ainsi, la rflexion politique dans la perspective supranationale19 lintrieur de son universalisme, qui est un universalisme moral, et cest de ce point de vue quil aborde les problmes de fondation ou de justification du droit . On peut dire que ltat cosmopolitique universel est donc le lieu o saccomplit et sactualise lhumanit de lhomme, comprise comme lessence rationnelle du monde en gnral et, plus simplement, comme un unique peuple ralisant en commun, de gnration en gnration, une mme tche20. Il est clair aujourdhui que dans luvre de Kant, les Critiques ne prcdent nullement les rflexions sur lhistoire et la socit: les Critiques sont labores dans le milieu mme de ces rflexions. Et lorsquil sagit dexpliquer les rflexions du philosophe sur lhistoire et la socit on ne peut gure faire abstraction de lcho de laction de Lessing qui reconnait lhumanit de tous les hommes et des consquences que Moses Mendelssohn en a tires pour lmancipation des Juifs. Dailleurs Kant lui-mme a remarqu la valeur universelle de loptique de Jrusalem (1783), le clbre ouvrage de Mendelssohn. Dans la lettre (du 16 aot 1783) envoye lauteur, Kant disait: Monsieur Friedlnder vous dira combien, en lisant votre Jrusalem, jai admir la pntration, la subtilit et lintelligence. Je considre ce livre comme la proclamation dune grande rforme sans doute lente dans son installation et sa progression qui ne concernera pas seulement votre nation, mais dautres galement. Vous avez su concilier votre religion avec une libert de conscience que lon na jamais crue possible de sa part et que nulle autre ne peut ignorer. En mme temps, vous avez expos la ncessit dune libert de conscience illimite en ce qui concerne nimporte quelle religion si profondment et si clairement que, de notre ct, lglise elle-mme devrait se demander en fin de compte comment purer sa religion de tout ce qui peut opprimer la conscience ou la dfendre; ce qui ne peut aboutir finalement qu lunion des hommes en ce qui concerne les points essentiels de la religion21. Pourtant Mendelssohn lui-mme a t prcd, du moins chronologiquement, par une personnalit bien informe de la bureaucratie prussienne de lpoque, dont linitiative sest impose la large reconnaissance publique (Das Judische Lexicon de 1927 parle dans le cas de cet ouvrage de la Bible de lmancipation des Juifs). Il sagit de Christian Wilhelm Dohm, avec le livre ber die brgerliche Verbesserung der Juden, (1781). Dominique Borel a dcrit en dtail et a prsent, avec damples citations, dans la monographie Moses Mendelssohn. La naissance du judasme moderne (2004)22, le plaidoyer de Dohm en faveur de lmancipation des Juifs et les actions de Joseph II pour manciper les Juifs dans les diverses parties de lEmpire Habsbourgeois. Ce plaidoyer venait sur un terrain qui laissait apercevoir une nouvel18 Monique Castillo, Pluralisme culturel et cosmopolitisme chez Kant, n Yves Charles Zorka, Caroline Guibert, op.cit., p. 34. 19 Emmanuel Picavet, Du non-mariage des tats, n Yves Charles Zorka, Caroline Guibert, op.cit., p. 181. 20 Caroline Grubet Lafaye, Cosmopolitisme comme excellence morale, n Yves Charles Zorka, Caroline Guibert, op.cit., p. 93. 21 Apud. Dominique Bourel, Introduction, n Moses Mendelssohn, Jrusalem ou Pouvoir religieux et judasme, Gallimard, Paris, 2007, p. 48. 22 Dominique Bourel, Moses Mendelssohn. La naissance du judasme moderne, Gallimard, Paris, 2004, pp. 255-304.

Emancipation, assimilation, disimilation

375

le faon daborder lmancipation des Juifs, mme sil ne manquait pas dasprits. La judophobie trouvait encore des adeptes, certains dentre eux, rudits et acharns, comme Johann Andreas Eisenmenger (Entdecktes Judentum, Knigsberg Berlin, 1710), qui ont spcul sur les divergences entre les chrtiens et les Juifs, caricaturant la reprsentation judaque de Dieu. Cependant, la devise de Lessing le Juif est plus homme encore quil est juif largissait sans cesse son influence. Sur ce terrain Dohm a plaid pour la reconnaissance civique des Juifs : cela signifiait le passage du droit de rsidence dans une ville (Stadtbrger) et dans un tat (Staatsbrger) aux droits affrents au citoyen (bourgeois). Comme on la dit, le Brger jouit des avantages de la vie commune o tous sont gaux et possde la brgerliche Freiheit sans puissance politique23. La question politique, Dohm ne la pose pas, restant en quelque sorte au paternalisme politique de son temps, mais le pas quil propose tait norme: que les Juifs soient reconnus comme citoyens pareils tous les autres citoyens. Pour faire accepter ce pas, Dohm a commenc par caractriser ltat comme tat de loppression contre les Juifs (il avait en vue directement la situation de lAlsace) et, lorsquil sest produit Strasbourg une clbre action diffamatoire contre les Juifs, il a pu raliser, bnficiant dune formation juridique et ayant des connaissances de statistique, un dplacement de lapproche thologique-littraire, o tait inscrite jusqualors la question juive, dans un autre espace, celui de la communaut, de la cit et de la politique24. La thse cardinale de Dohm a t que les Juifs sont des gens comme tous les autres: ce qui, ventuellement, les a particulariss tient des conditions o ils ont t obligs de vivre dans leur longue diaspora. Cette thse, lauteur la amplement argumente, considrant les diffrents aspects mis en discussion par les diffamateurs. Le mrite de Dohm est davoir fait entendre pour la premire fois comme chrtien et en tant que fonctionnaire dun grand tat une voix discordante dans les politiques appliques aux Juifs en Europe; ce qui na point affect, dailleurs, les pratiques, qui taient parfois plus tolrantes, dautres fois plus judophobes. Il offrait une lgante synthse des arguments pour et contre, rsolvait les difficults dans lrudition et la bonne volont. Inscrit dans lexigence de la tolrance, le cas des Juifs tait souvent dramatis, les comparaisons avec les quakers et/ou les anabaptistes prouvant que les tats pouvaient grer entirement de telles minorits25. Dohm a dfinitivement dtruit le mythe de la corruption ontologique des Juifs et a plac le problme de leur mancipation sur le terrain de la construction dtat, laissant en arrire la considration de celui-ci sous aspect exclusivement thologique. Aujourdhui on connat les liens entre Dohm et Mendelssohn. Le troisime Mose des Juifs aprs le biblique Mose et aprs Moses ben Maimon a lev un autre niveau la conception de lmancipation: il a argument quen matire de foi religieuse il ne peut tre question de quelque contrat et quen matire de droits civiques il convient que les Juifs deviennent sujets. Mendelssohn a repris, sans doute, une tradition de la pense juive europenne cette tradition qui a donn Menasseh ben Israel, avec Vindiciae Judaeorum, 1656, uvre qui dmonte les accusations profres dans le monde chrtien contre les Juifs et qui tale des arguments, y compris de la
23 Ibidem, p. 263. 24 Ibidem, p. 263. 25 Ibidem, p. 281.

376

Andrei Marga

nature des avantages commerciaux pour les pays respectifs, en faveur de lmancipation des Juifs. Mendelssohn a accompagn dune loquente prface la publication en allemand (1789) de lcrit appartenant au clbre promoteur de la cause juive en Europe, o il a tent de prouver la fois la compatibilit du judasme avec la promotion de la culture moderne et le besoin que les Juifs sortent des ghettos o ils vivaient. Il a salu les pas vers lextinction du dlire qui fait les peuples se sparer et se har et a fait appel ses coreligionnaires pour quils manifestent de lamour pour les autres. Les nations se tolrent et se supportent les unes les autres et laissent aussi apercevoir votre gard, amour et mnagement, lesquels peuvent, avec laide de celui qui dirige les curs des hommes, crotre jusquau vritable amour fraternel. O mes frres, suives cet exemple damour comme vous avez suivi lexemple de la haine26. Cest sur cette toile de fond quest intervenu le livre Jrusalem. Jrusalem a apport un nouvel horizon de pense en Europe et reste, si lon regarde rtrospectivement les choses, un seuil dans lvolution de la conscience de soi europenne. Lautorit peut humilier, mais non enseigner; elle peut abattre la raison, mais ne peut lenchaner27 - ce nouvel horizon est prcis par Mendelssohn dans une rflexion sur les rapports entre la religion et ltat. Le concept mis en discussion dune manire nouvelle est la libert de conscience, qui est assume comme instance inconditionnelle de lexistence humaine. Mendelssohn dsigne la libert de pense comme le trsor le plus prcieux de lhomme. Partant de la reconnaissance de cette libert, lauteur de Jrusalem a clarifi dune nouvelle faon la relation entre ltat et la religion. Ltat, il le conoit dans le prolongement du contractualisme, comme effort de gouverner les hommes par les murs et les convictions 28, mais laccent dcisif est mis sur la dlimitation des comptences des deux. Tandis que ltat gouverne et impose des rgles, la religion enseigne et console, en appelant des valeurs spirituelles. La socit religieuse na nulle prtention au droit de contrainte et elle ne peut, par aucun contrat du monde, obtenir quelque droit de contrainte29. De la libert de conscience rsulte de manire vidente que nulle institution na le droit de prendre sous contrle les croyances religieuses; ces croyances ne sont jamais la matire dun contrat. Le droit nos propres convictions est inalinable; il ne peut transiter dune personne une autre, car il ne donne ni ne prend aucun droit la richesse, au bien et la libert30. Par consquent, aucune institution na la comptence dvaluer les croyances religieuses. Ltat a, toutefois, lobligation de veiller de loin ce que nulle doctrine incompatible au bonheur public ne soit propage31. Ltat est construit en rapport avec les citoyens et non en rapport avec leur religion; ltat se fonde sur le droit de lhumanit32. De la position de ceux qui taient encore entours de prjugs, Mendelssohn adressait ce vibrant appel: Ne nous considrez pas comme frres et concitoyens, mais du moins comme semblables et cohabitants du pays. Montrez-nous la voie, mettez entre nos mains le moyen de pouvoir devenir des hommes et des cohabitants
26 Apud. Dominique Bourel, op.cit., p. 315. 27 Moses Mendelssohn; Jrusalem, p. 117. 28 Ibidem, p. 68. 29 Ibidem, p. 71. 30 Ibidem, p. 88. 31 Ibidem, p. 90. 32 Ibidem, p. 183.

Emancipation, assimilation, disimilation

377

meilleurs et laissez-nous jouir avec vous, autant que les temps et les circonstances le permettent, des droits de lhumanit33. Mendelssohn sest fait limposant protagoniste des droits humains de ses coreligionnaires et de tous les hommes. Dans le contexte de la fin du XVIIIe sicle, Mendelssohn a argument non seulement pour la reconnaissance de ses coreligionnaires comme humains, mais galement pour la connaissance dlivre des cliches du judasme. Il a montr que le judasme se spare de lidoltrie et reste fidle au Dieu de sa tradition et que le monothisme comprend une condition de la dignit de la personne humaine34. Il a interprt le judasme non comme religion rvle, mais comme droit rvl, comme lgislation divine 35. Il sagit de vrits ternelles qui ne peuvent tre autres que celles qui peuvent tre non seulement comprhensibles par la raison humaine, mais peuvent tre exposes et vrifies par les forces humaines36. Il a prsent le judasme comme une doctrine conformment laquelle tous les habitants de la terre sont appels au bonheur; et les moyens de lobtenir sont aussi rpandus que lhumanit mme, administrs avec la mme clmence que les moyens de se mettre labri de la faim et dautres besoins naturels37. Il a mis en relief lascendance judaque du christianisme et a montr que Jsus de Nazareth ne sest pas content de respecter la loi de Mose, mais sest conform galement aux prescriptions des rabbins, et ce qui, dans ses dires et dans les crits sur lui, semble sopposer ceux-ci na cette apparence, en fait, qu premire vue38. Le christianisme repose sur des assises judaques et dpend de la solidit de celles-ci. Jrusalem a suscit des ractions diverses, parmi les Juifs et les chrtiens, les orthodoxes et les htro-orthodoxes. Une raction significative a eu lieu parmi certains chrtiens, protestants et catholiques, qui ont formul la proposition de lmancipation des Juifs la condition quils abandonnent le judasme. Mendelssohn ne sest pas laiss abattre et il est pass luvre grandiose de traduction de la Bible en allemand, dans un effort de faire connatre son peuple par sa langue et son uvre majeure. Pour comprendre limpact extraordinaire de Moses Mendelssohn sur son poque il faut mentionner, ne ft-ce quen passant, au moins deux grands changements sur la scne culturelle europenne, avec des effets dimportance universelle. Tous les deux sont lis aux noms de deux personnalits qui ct de Kant, de Garve et de Lavater ont salu laction de Mendelssohn davant Jrusalem ou le livre mme. Aujourdhui nous connaissons, puisque nous sommes sur le cours dune norme accumulation de connaissances concernant la vie, la vision et laction de Jsus de Nazareth, davantage que nimporte quelle gnration, lhistoire du christianisme originaire et de la religion chrtienne. La dcouverte de Jsus historique est un des plus grands renouveaux apports par la culture moderne. Dans ce cadre, limportance de Reimarus, qui est la base de la recherche historique de Jsus, comme
33 Ibidem, p. 183. On a dit, juste titre, que Mendelssohn a germanis les Juifs allemands et a rgnr tout le judasme (Isaac Bloch, mile Lvy, Histoire de la littrature juive, Ernest Leroux, Paris, 1901, p. 578). 34 Ibidem, p. 141. 35 Ibidem, p. 123. 36 Ibidem, p. 122. 37 Ibidem, p. 129. 38 Ibidem, p. 182.

378

Andrei Marga

complment de leschatologie chrtienne, ne cesse de saccrotre. Albert Schweitzer a montr quel point la recherche historique, initie timidement par Reimarus avec Vom Zwecke Jesus und sei ner Jnger, a contribu ouvrir la perspective dune nouvelle approche des dogmes et que lapproche de la vie de Jsus a t, pour la thologie, lcole de la vracit39. La gnration de Mendelssohn, chrtiens et Juifs, a projet une nouvelle perspective fconde sur Jsus, le christianisme, la religion, et a cr le cadre dune nouvelle comprhension de lascendance du christianisme, du judasme, laquelle prtendait elle-mme la mise en discussion de lmancipation dans de nouveaux termes et avec dautres perspectives. La culture allemande a t celle qui a mis en mouvement la culture europenne de la fin du XVIIIe sicle. La thmatisation de la raison due aux crivains franais des Lumires a t reprise, mais ici, dans la culture allemande, on a abord comme une interaction vivante(lebendige Ne beneinander und Ineinander) la thmatique philosophique, la sensibilit critique, lintuition historique et le sentiment religieux, comme laffirme le mme Albert Schweitzer. Aujourdhui, en observant ce qui a t fait par la gnration de Mendelssohn et de Kant, il est clair que cette approche a incorpor elle-mme des contributions allemandes et juives et quil a t question dune osmose allemande-juive. Un de ses rsultats majeurs pour le thme de lmancipation, qui nous intresse ici, a t sans aucun doute le dbut de la nouvelle conscience historique du judasme ou relative au judasme. Ce fut le mrite de Herder, parmi les auteurs de synthses majeures, davoir observ, mme dans Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschen (1784), ltonnante rsistance dans le temps de la culture des Juifs, quil a interprte lintrieur de sa bien connue philosophie de lhumanit. En fait, lorsquil a argument la ralit des caractres nationaux spcifiques, Herder en a appel tout dabord lexemple des Juifs. Une preuve pour cela [lexistence de caractres culturels spcifiques, n. n.] pourrait tre la faon de penser des Juifs, qui nous est le mieux connue de leurs livres et de leurs exemples: dans le pays de leurs parents, comme au milieu dautres nations, ils restent ce quils ont t et mme lorsquils se mlangent dautres peuples ils gardent leurs spcifique(Geschelechter) 40. Nous pouvons imaginer leffet de cette valuation dans le contexte historique allemand de la fin du XVIIIe sicle, effet qui a t double: la reconnaissance de la prsence des Juifs dans lhistoire universelle de lhumanit et lencouragement des Juifs, se trouvant aprs des sicles doppression et de marginalisation force, par le fait quon leur montrait quils reposaient sur une culture imposante. Nous pouvons dire que, aprs Reimarus et Herder, limage chrtienne sur les Juifs devait tre ncessairement autre: les Juifs sont un peuple ayant eu une contribution majeure dans lhistoire, et le christianisme a t bti sur les assises du judasme. Les vieux clichs commenaient tomber, du moins dans la sphre des rflexions. Comme effet, Hegel allait changer lapproche aprs que, sur la ligne Spinoza-Lessing-Mendelssohn-Herder, on a enregistr un dveloppement qui a men louverture du discours de la philosophie de lhistoire comme philosophie oriente moins vers les constantes du monde que vers le changement. Ernst Cassirer a reconstitu
39 Albert Schweitzer, Von Reimarus zu Wrede. Eine Geschichte der Leben-Jesu-Forschung, Siebenstern, Mnchen und Hamburg, 1906, p.49. 40 Herder, Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte der Menscheit, n Herders Werke in fnf Bnden, Vierter Band, Aufban, Berfin und Weimar, 1982, p. 238.

Emancipation, assimilation, disimilation

379

de manire convaincante ce dveloppement: Spinoza fait entrer les considrations historiques dans lapproche de la religion et disloque les miracles, Lessing rejette tout miracle, mais admet les miracles de la raison (tmoignage authentique et scne de la manifestation de Dieu), Mendelssohn considre que lhistoire ne se laisse pas rduire un scnario unique, mais reste dpendante des individualits qui se manifestent sur son terrain, et Herder fait ici le premier pas dcisif, posant le problme de la totalit de la ralit historique et y cherchant une rponse dans lobservation concrte des phnomnes historiques41. Et sur le terrain du problme de la totalit allait marcher, avec des conceptualisations encore plus ouvertes vers lavenir, Hegel lui-mme. * * * Dans la prface de 1920 son volume Hegel et ltat (1909), Franz Rosenzweig dit que son livre il ne restait plus qu le publier dans son tat dorigine, comme un tmoignage de lesprit des annes davant guerre, et non de lesprit de 1919 . L, il expose la conception de Hegel sur la politique et ltat, commencer par le premier texte de Hegel Conversation trois, crit par ladolescent: Tout nest un quhumainement, personnellement, sous arrire-plan pourrait-on dire en anticipant le point de vue ultrieur de Hegel. Laction politique apparat comme le produit des instincts personnels et rien dautre. Trs tt, Hegel tire des extraits de Mendelssohn (sur limportance dclairer les citoyens ) et de Nicola (limportance de la culture pour une nation) et rend toujours hommage, y inclus Berlin, la Rvolution franaise. Tbingen il se concentre sur la nature de lglise et prend ct de Kant le livre Jrusalem de Mendelssohn comme base de dpart. Berne, cependant, Hegel se spare de Mendelssohn: En effet, alors que Mendelssohn fonde essentiellement la sparation de lglise et de ltat sur le concept de contrat et limpossibilit de passer contrat sur des choses intrieures, cette sparation prcde chez Hegel, du concept de socit et plus prcisment de la distinction entre une socit volontaire et une socit de coercition42. Mais il est daccord avec Mendelssohn que ltat intervient dans la vie par la moralit, qui a besoin de religion. Francfort, Hegel fait des esquisses sur Abraham et lesprit de lhistoire juive. Lesprit dAbraham est lunit, lme qui commandera toutes les destines de sa descendance et il considre Jsus comme lannonciateur des principes kantiens. Le jugement gnral de Rosenzweig tait que Hegel navait pas pens ltat comme nation, car il tait rest lindividu singulier comme point de dpart: Dautres, venus aprs lui, en refusant dans leur dduction de ltat de mettre la volont de lindividu singulier au point de dpart de la pense, ont fait place la nation dans lidal mme de ltat mais pas Hegel43. Cependant mme lorsquil a pens ltat de manire non-rationnelle, universaliste, Hegel a envisag la situation historique des Juifs. Nous navons pas de sa part un point de vue propre sur lmancipation des Juifs, mais nous avons une incessante agitation autour de la question, que Karl Rosenkranz, dans la Vie de Hegel (1844), la premire monographie significative consacre au clbre philosophe, allait consi41 Ernst Cassirer, La philosophie des lumires, Fayard, Paris, 1966, p. 205. 42 Franz Rosenzweig, Hegel et ltat, PUF, Paris, 1991, p. 45. 43 Ibidem, p. 432.

380

Andrei Marga

gner de faon loquente. Le point de vue de Hegel sur lhistoire juive a fortement vari diffrentes poques. Elle la aussi violemment repouss quelle la captiv et, sa vie durant, elle la tortur com me une obscure nigme. Tantt, comme dans la Phnomnologie, il lignora; tantt, comme dans la Philosophie du droit, il la plaa dans ltroite proximit de lesprit germanique; tantt, comme dans la Philosophie de la religion, il fit delle le premier maillon, en tant que sa forme immdiate, de lindividualit spirituelle des Grecs et des Romains; pour finir, dans la Philosophie de lhistoire, il lintgra lEmpire perse. Sous chacun de ces aspects, lhistoire de Juifs trouve se justifier, mais la satisfaction ne peut venir que de la synthse de tous ces cts en une unit44. Hegel na pas manqu daccents critiques lgard du judasme, dans le prolongement des prjugs hrits. Mais il a abord les Juifs comme tous les autres gens, sous le concept dhumanit universelle quil avait appris de Lessing.Les choses en sont dj ainsi dans ses rflexions de jeunesse sur le judasme et surtout sur la gense du christianisme. Par exemple, dans les manuscrits runis ultrieurement sous le titre de Lesprit du christianisme et son destin (1907), Hegel engage dans lexplication un concept dont il est le crateur: celui dalination. Hegel est parti de lobservation quAbraham reprsentait la considration de la communaut sous laspect de lunit45et a tudi de prs les commandements, les rgles morales et juridiques dans ltat, du point de vue du besoin de lhomme, de la manifestation sans entraves des individus. Il parle de la relation extrieure, de lextriorit qui intervient historiquement dans le rapport entre les rgles et les individus.Le christianisme est apparu, selon Hegel, justement dans un contexte de lhistoire du peuple juif o les rgles taient senties comme extrieures, leur corpus comme quelque chose dtranger46. Dans la Phnomnologie de lesprit, Hegel thmatise largement le rapport entre matre et serviteur, en tant que relation dalination, considre le travail du point de vue de lobjectivation et de lalination et conceptualise la conscience malheureuse comme scission entre lindividuel et le gnral, intrieur et extrieur, subjectif et objectif47. Le rsultat gnral a t la dfinition prcise des concepts dobjectivation et dalination et dun vritablenouveau paradigme de considration de la moralit, du droit, de ltat et, finalement, de la socit, celle qui est conduite par le concept dalination, lequel allait tre utilis, parfois de manire copieuse et peu raliste, dans lhistoire ultrieure. Marx allait utiliser le concept hglien de lalination par un pas majeur lextrieur de lhglianisme : labandon de linterprtation de lhistoire comme histoire de lesprit et de lincarnation de lesprit en faveur de linterprtation juridiquepolitique et, en fin de compte, technico-conomique de lhistoire. Cest pourquoi, lorsquils ont abord la situation des Juifs, dans le contexte des dbats allemands de lpoque, il a repris la distinction entre lmancipation politique, lmancipation religieuse et lmancipation humaine, mais il la fait dans lhorizon de la
44 Karl Rosenkranz, Vie de Hegel suivi de Apologie de Hegel contre le docteur Haym, Gallimard, Paris, 2004, p. 156. 45 Hegel, Lesprit du christianisme et son destin prcd par Lesprit du judasme, J. Vrin, Paris, 2003, p. 63. 46 Ibidem, p. 97. 47 Hegel, Fenomenologia spiritului, Editura Academiei Bucureti, 1965, pp. 111-123.

Emancipation, assimilation, disimilation

381

transcendance de lmancipation politique dans une mancipation politique ayant bien des notes utopiques48. Marx a pris en compte, sans doute, le fait que la religion judaque reste la caractristique de la judat. Toutefois, il a abord le judasme dans le cadre de lmancipation de la religion, qui se rapportait la religion en gnral, ayant un horizon socio-conomique, non un horizon ethnico-national, ni un spcifiquement religieux. Le judasme et le christianisme sont abords ensemble comme des religions en rapport avec lesquelles Marx propose une mancipation humaine. Il est vrai, cependant, que Marx a utilis le terme de judasme dans un autre sens aussi, comme morale mercantile engendre par la modernit, que les Juifs ne sont pas les seuls pratiquer et qui ne leur est pas spcifique. Lmancipation humaine quil projette signifie la sparation de cette morale de la modernit. Le judasme et le Juif assument ici un rle que Marx allait attribuer plus tard la bourgeoisie. Bien que la critique du judasme chez Marx prcde, dans la chronologie de son uvre, la critique de la bourgeoisie, sa pense est dj oriente, ce point, sur les structures de lconomie politique49. Entre temps, surtout la suite dun crit de Krug (ber das Verhltnis verschiedener Religionsparteien zum Staate und ber die Emanzipation der Juden, 1828), qui a galement lanc le terme, lmancipation des Juifs est entre, en Allemagne, sur lagenda du jour. Avec ladoption darticles constitutionnels par lesquels les Juifs taient mis sur pied dgalit, sous laspect des droits et des devoirs, avec les autres citoyens, sont apparus non seulement des applaudissements, mais aussi des ractions. Le vieil idal de ltat chrtien, qui promettait aux Juifs lmancipation, condition quils renoncent au judasme, a commenc une nouvelle carrire. Son porte-parole de premire heure allait tre lhglien Bruno Bauer, avec louvrage Die Judenfrage (1842) et avec larticle Die Fhigkeit der heutigen Juden und Christen, frei zu werden (1843). Sa thse a t que les droits de lhomme ne pourraient sappliquer aux Juifs pour au moins deux raisons. La premire consisterait en ce que les Juifs veulent tre ainsi, de sorte quils restent autre chose que cet homme purement et simplement suppos par la doctrine des droits de lhomme. La seconde consisterait en ce que ltat reste chrtien, puisque seulement dans le christianisme on peut appliquer tous les droits de lhomme. La conclusion de Bruno Bauer tait que les Juifs pourraient smanciper sils smancipaient du judasme50. Dans la seconde moiti du XIXe sicle taient vcus en Europe les bnfices de lmancipation politique, y compris de lmancipation politique des Juifs par les Juifs eux-mmes et par les socits respectives. On a remarqu juste titre, dans bien des ouvrages, lextraordinaire effervescence de contributions, crations et personnalits juives, pratiquement dans tous les domaines dactivit. Nahum Goldmann (dans Mein Leben als deutscher Jude, 1980) a dcrit la situation en termes convaincants, surtout dans le cas de lAllemagne, qui a t le lieu du plus grand panouissement des manifestations culturelles des Juifs et o la symbiose semblait la plus riche de perspectives51. De prominents intellectuels juifs, qui ont rflchi sur lmancipa48 Marx, Contributions au problme juif. 49 Marx, Le Capital. 50 Raphael Gross, Carl Schmitt und die Juden. Eine deutsche Rechtslehre, Suhrkamp, Frankfurt am Main, 2005, p. 223. 51 Ibidem, pp. 211-214.

382

Andrei Marga

tion, ont adopt des voies sensiblement diffrentes dadaptation (jusqu un certain point dassimilation) dans les socits europennes respectives. Par exemple, Hermann Cohen a voulu faire connatre le judasme ses contemporains et le rendre acceptable au protestantisme allemand. Contre la tendance danticarisation, prsente dans le judasme mme, il a prsent le judasme comme religion de la raison, indispensable lhumanit52. Son horizon tait celui de lintgration sans assimilation, dun cosmopolitisme effectif, situ une grande distance du sionisme53. Il allait tre daccord avec la proposition de Rosenzweig de dvelopper la science du judasme, mais, tandis que son lve se dirigeait vers lassumation plnire de la religion, Cohen restait lintrieur de la philosophie classique allemande54. Husserl, assimil au protestantisme, considrait que lhumanit, les nations, ne vivaient et ne craient dans la plnitude que si elles taient animes dune croyance profonde, capable de motiver laction de cultiver les valeurs de la raison, mais il plaait tout leffort de mtamorphose de la ralit dans la personne de lhomme. Dans Sur le renouveau, tude crite aprs la Premire Guerre Mondiale, il dfendait lide de lactualit dune prise de conscience approfondie et objective55. Laffaire Dreyfus en France, les pogromes de lEst, lantismitisme rcurrent dans les pays europens ont montr, cependant, que sous la couche de lmancipation politique, qui a t un norme pas en avant, se cachaient des forces menaantes. Dans ce contexte Theodore Herzl a lanc lappel: il est besoin dun tat juif. Dans Der Judenstaat (1895), cette aspiration est la plus profonde:die Herstellung des Judenstaates, partant des impratifs de ltat de fait (Judennot) et des besoins dutemps (Der Judenstaat ist ein Weltbedrfniss, folglich wird es entstehen). Lencouragement adress aux autres Juifs est ferme, stimulatif: les Juifs qui le voudront auront leur tat et le mriteront56. Herzl a pris en considration lmancipation politique des Juifs, ralise dans divers pays europens, mais aussi limpuissance de ces pays de dpasser un rsidu mdival tenace, lantismitisme. Nous nous dirigeons, bien sr, vers les lieux o nous ne sommes pas perscuts; mais par notre apparition mme se produit ensuite la perscution 57. La question juive nest ni sociale, ni religieuse, mais une question nationale qui ne peut tre rsolue quen tant que question internationale(Weltfrage) . Herzl a apport une argumentation complexe pour montrer que les Juifs sont discrimins mme dans les constitutions les plus dmocratiques (telles celles de France ou dAngleterre), qui assurent lmancipation politique et occasionnent lassimilation. Dans les principaux pays de lantismitisme, celui-ci est une consquence de lmancipation des Juifs 58. Car, aprs lmancipation, les Juifs
52 Nahum Goldmann, Mein Leben als deutscher Jude, Ullstein, Frankfurt am Main, 1983, pp. 456459. 53 Herman Cohen, La religion dans les limites de la philosophie, Les ditions du Cerf, Paris, 1990, pp. 165-167. 54 Marc de Launay, Une reconstruction rationnelle du judasme, Labor et Fides, Genve, 2002, p. 93. 55 Myriam Bienenstock, Cohen face Rosenzweig. Dbat sur la pense allemande, J. Vrin, Paris, 2009, pp. 125-147. 56 Theodor Herzl, Der Judenstaat, n Theodor Herzl, Zionistische Schriften, I Band, Jdischer Verlag, Berlin, 1934, p. 22. 57 Ibidem, p. 25. 58 Ibidem, p. 39.

Emancipation, assimilation, disimilation

383

sont perus comme concurrents et attaqus de toutes les manires possibles. Herzl a fait appel aux Juifs pour quils se considrent comme Isralites (par exemple, en France, comme israelitische Franzosen) et, surtout, pour quils se considrent capables dtablir leur propre tat.Der Judenstaat est le manifeste bien articul du mouvement de constitution de ltat juif et douverture dun nouveau cycle de la vieille histoire des Juifs. La publication du trait Der Judenstaat a consacr le passage du dsir ancien de solution, ordonne den haut, de la question juive, derrire les huis clos, un mouvement de masse du sionisme politique59. Herzl a mis en mouvement un nouveau processus historique et il est devenu ainsi le pre de ltat dIsral. * * * Dans le domaine de la religion, en dpit des progrs concernant lattestation historique de lmergence judaque du christianisme et de lappartenance juive de Jsus de Nazareth, les progrs nallaient pas jusquau bout. La raction de Leo Baeck von Harnack a t lgitime et loquente. Le clbre auteur de Lhistoire du dogme (1886-1890) a profil lanalyse historique du christianisme comme alternative lhellnisation et la prvalence de lorganisation dogmatique et il a cherch arriver au-del des vangiles sur Jsus lvangile de Jsus . Lui, Jsus, a fait la preuve dune vie nouvelle devant Dieu et en Dieu, mais dans les limites imposes par le judasme et sur le sol de lAncien Testament, dont il a ramen la lumire les trsors cachs- dit-on dans Lhistoire du dogme60. Le christianisme est devenu vie et acte dans la personne de Jsus, que lon doit rendre dans sa ralit historique effective. Adolf von Harnack a investigu cette ralit, mais son optique na pas abandonn des cadres traditionnels. Leo Baeck a rpliqu, juste raison, que von Harnack, sous largument de la focalisation de lanalyse historique sur ce qui est significatif, narrivait que partiellement Jsus et sarrtait devant la ralit historique, quil voulait capter. En fait, Jsus est une personnalit profondment juive; tout son effort et action, sa mmoire et sa manire de sentir, ses paroles et ses actes sont ceux dune faon dtre juive, une sorte didalisme juif, le meilleur que lon puisse trouver dans le judasme et qui, en mme temps, ne pouvait tre trouv que dans le judasme. Il a t un Juif parmi les Juifs61. Et cest juste devant ce fait que von Harnack sest arrt, avec loptique que Das Wesen des Christentums (1900) a assume explicitement, ds le dbut: ce que nous sommes et nous avons dans un sens plus haut nous lavons de lhistoire et dans lhistoire, bien sr uniquement dans ce qui a eu des consquences et agit jusqu aujourdhui62. Leo Baeck signalait que mme la recherche programmatiquement historique de Jsus, incarne par un brillant promoteur, reste tributaire une tradition dont les faits historiques mmes exigent le questionnement.
59 Steven Beller, Theodor Herzl, Eichbaner, Wien, 1996, p. 49. 60 Adolf von Harnack, Istoria Dogmei. Introducere n doctrinele cretine fundamentale [Lhistoire du Dogme. Introduction dans les doctrines chrtiennes fondamentales], Herald, Bucureti, 2007, p. 34. 61 Leo Baeck, Harnacks Lectures on the Essence of Christianity, n Fritz A. Rothschild (ed.), Jewish Perspectives on Christianity, Continuum, New York, 1996, p. 44. 62 Adolf von Harnack, Das Wesen des Christentums, Chr. Kaizer, Gtersloher Verlagshaus, Gtersloh, 1999, p. 54

384

Andrei Marga

* * * Dans ces circonstances, Franz Rosenzweig est intervenu avec son livre monumental Ltoile de la rdemption (1921). Heidegger a lanc Sein und Zeit (1927), aprs avoir tudi la signification de la vie chez les premiers chrtiens. Franz Rosenzweig a t, biographiquement mais aussi historiquement parlant, devant le choix: christianisation ou affirmation de lidentit judaque? Il avait dj assum, par ltude intensive de luvre de Hegel, que la civilisation europenne sest forme sur les assises du christianisme et il avait commenc confronter les ralits des alentours de la premire Guerre Mondiale avec la prtention de Hegel en conformit avec laquelle le monde europen (en essence germanique) tait le stade culminant, ultime de lhistoire, lincarnation la plus volue de la raison. Dans Hegel und die Staat la conclusion na pas t tire, Rosenzweig continuant se situer dans le cadre des obligations lgard de celui qui dirigeait son doctorat, Meinnecke: une investigation du cours pris par lvolution dEurope, notamment par lAllemagne bismarckienne, de la perspective de lhistoire universelle comme objectivation de lesprit. Mais on est arriv au seuil de la conclusion, qui a commenc tre dploy dans la correspondance du philosophe et puis, systmatiquement, dans Der Stern der Erlsung63. la base de la conclusion il y a eu trois expriences. Il sagit de lexprience de la redcouverte personnelle de lidentit juive et de la valeur de lhritage judaque, de lexprience de la Premire Guerre Mondiale, qui avait infirm la thse de lexcellence europenne et de lhistoire comme incarnation de la raison, et de lexprience de la redcouverte de la mort comme donne dcisive de lexistence humaine. Ces trois expriences ont dtermin Rosenzweig abandonner, en fait, linterprtation de lhistoire dans le sens du XIXe sicle et ouvrir une autre interprtation, qui a prfigur les interprtations caractristiques du XXe sicle. Dans la nouvelle interprtation, lhistoire nest plus un champ de la manifestation de la raison, ne reprsente pas une incarnation de lesprit et ne possde plus lunit quavait postule Hegel. De toute vidence, la philosophie amplement droule de Hegel cachait dans ses prmisses des ralits pres, contraires aux gnralisations faites par le philosophe, qui prsent se dmasquent dans toute leur force. Cest pourquoi Der Stern der Erlsung a un tout autre point de dpart de la rflexion philosophique: de la mort, du fait de la mort, se dtache toute la connaissance de tout ce qui est(All) , qui est la philosophie64. Nous ninsistons pas ici sur les implications de cette philosophie qui assumait, quelques annes avant Sein und Zeit, le clbre livre de Heidegger, dexplorer le fait inluctable de la mort. Je souligne seulement que le nouveau point de dpart de la rflexion philosophique, en mme temps que les expriences mentionnes, ont conduit Rosenzweig se dtacher de Hegel, des cadres de pense avec lesquels a culmin lEurope moderne, et rvaluer lhritage judaque et lidentit juive. Ceux-ci apparaissent au philosophe non seulement comme un nouveau repre, mais aussi comme quelque chose de suffisant. Rosenzweig introduit le terme de dissi63 Voir Stephane Moses, Der Engel der Geschichte. Franz Rosenzweig, Walter Benjamin, Gershom Scholem, Jdischer Verlag, Frankfurt am Main, 1992, pp. 51-55. 64 Franz Rosenzweig, Der Stern der Erlsung, Suhrkamp, Frankfurt am Main, 1988, Einleitung.

Emancipation, assimilation, disimilation

385

milation pour dcrire le processus intellectuel o il tait lui-mme entr. Tout limpetus spculatif de Rosenzweig menait ainsi leffort de dlivrer le judasme de cette alination pour lui rendre son caractre indpendant65. Rosenzweig a considr le christianisme et le judasme comme voies du salut(Erlsung) dtaches de la mme religion, Dieu allant dvoiler, au bout de lexprimentation du monde par lhomme, la vrit proprement dite. * * * Sous le national-socialisme, lantismitisme est devenu politique officielle de ltat. Il na plus t question de lopposition lmancipation politique des Juifs, mais dun renversement complet du cours de lhistoire du dernier sicle et du passage llimination physique des Juifs. Les divers courants de lantijudasme et de lantismitisme se sont unis dans un cours qui a men la Shoah. Le plus labor, sous aspect juridique, est rest le courant reprsent par Carl Schmitt, que nous pouvons mieux connatre aujourdhui grce toute luvre du fameux juriste, devenu disciple de Hans Franck. Je prends comme repre, cet gard, la trs solide monographie Carl Schmitt und die Juden. Eine deutsche Rechtslehre (2005) de Raphael Gross, qui met en discussion des crits posthumes de Carl Schmitt. Le bon droit de la rvolution allemande, la lgalit des dispositions du prsident du Reich pour la protection du peuple et de ltat, le besoin de dmonter lgalit juridique dans ltat pour faire face au Fremdasteter, le besoin de passer au totalen Staat66i, le passage eine neue Ordnung fr Juden67ii, lanachronisme du normatif In dem ich mich der Juden erwehre kmpfe ich fr das Werk des Herrn68iii, la ralit der versteckten Juden69iv dans la culture allemande, la rductibilit de ltat au moment de la dcision, Souvern ist, wer ber den Ausnahmezustand entscheidet70v, Der Sieger schreibt der Geschichte71vi ce sont l des devises et des thmes de Carl Schmitt. Le fameux juriste berlinois a labor, dans une polmique tacite ou explicite avec le normativisme de Hans Kelsen, toute une conception sur ltat et le droit ax sur le thme de lennemi interne et sur la thse de la distinction ennemi-ami comme base de la politique. Linsistance de Schmitt sur le dcisionisme est un combat contre toute loi universelle et, surtout, contre le concept parlementaire de la loi, qui sest dvelopp dans la succession de 178972. Carl Schmitt na pas cach un antismitisme initial, mais a eu la tendance de le mettre au compte de lantijudasme de lglise. Son Glossarium, destin, videmment, la postrit, non seulement quil reprend la thse der Jude ist der wahre Feind73vii, mais il prtend la justification thologique-religieuse de cette politique. Mais, comme on la observ, le problme de linterprtation que pose le Glossarium consiste en ce que ladversit de Schmitt envers les Juifs est interprte de manire errone comme
65 Stephane Moses, op.cit., p. 28. 66 i ltat total. 67 ii un nouvel ordre pour les Juifs. 68 iii Me protgeant contre les Juifs je combats pour louvrage du Seigneur - mot dordre que Carl Schmidt semble avoir repris du Mein Kampf dAdolphe Hitler. 69 iv des Juifs cachs. 70 v Souverain est celui qui dcide sur ltat de ncessit. 71 vi Le vainqueur crit lhistoire. 72 Raphael Gross, op.cit., p. 166. 73 vii Le Juif est le vrai ennemi.

386

Andrei Marga

antijudasme marqu par le christianisme. Cependant le combat de Schmitt contre les Juifs a t, dans son essence, politico-thologique, non purement thologique74. * * * Le bilan du drame de lassimilation des Juifs en Europe jusqu la Seconde Guerre Mondiale a t anticip ou dress par nombre dintellectuels sur la scne culturelle du monde. Ceux qui ont plaid pour le sionisme politique ltablissement de ltat juif sur la terre ancestrale des Juifs ont assum ds le dbut les difficults insurmontables de lassimilation et ont prconis une autre solution: linstallation en Palestine. Aprs la Seconde Guerre Mondiale, cest Leo Strauss qui a exprim le plus clairement le bilan. Il a plaid explicitement pour le sionisme politique et a intgr ensuite le sionisme politique dans un sionisme culturel et la cohabitation dans les cadres des socits ouvertes. lvaluation de Heinrich Heine le judasme nest pas une religion, cest un malheur il en a oppos une autre : Ce ntait pas seulement un malheur; ctait quelque chose de bien plus grand que le malheur75. Leo Strauss a argument que les expriences de lassimilation se sont termines par lexplosion des actions antijuives, invoquant diverses expriences: en Espagne certains Juifs se sont christianiss, mais bientt est apparue la distinction entre les anciens chrtiens et les nouveaux chrtiens, suivie par lexpulsion des Juifs (1492); dans les socits librales, bases strictement sur la distinction entre la sphre prive et la sphre publique, entre ltat et la socit civile, a disparu la discrimination juridique des Juifs, mais la discrimination prive ne saurait tre supprime sans que lon supprime la sphre prive; Auguste Bebel a lanc la formule selon laquelle lantismitisme est le socialisme des imbciles,mais si lon observe que le rgime communiste mme a recouru lantismitisme comme arme politique, il faut dire quil sest tromp. Leo Strauss a tir la conclusion de la situation: Il est impossible de ne pas rester Juif. Il est impossible de fuir ses origines. Il est impossible de se dbarrasser de son pass, en dsirant quil disparaisse. Il nexiste rien de plus que la solution malaise que fournit la socit librale, ce qui signifie galit juridique accompagne de discrimination prive 76. Dun point de vue, il nexiste pas de solution au problme juif, comme on devra accepter quil y a des problmes au monde qui ne peuvent tre rsolus de la manire dont on cherche la solution. Lo Strauss a vu, cependant, la solution de la question juive dans labandon de lassimilation des individus et de lassimilation base sur la considration du judasme comme secte en faveur de lassimilation en tant que nation, ce qui incombe lexigence dun tat juif77. Il a montr que le sionisme politique se proccupe avec plus de passion et plus srieusement de la dignit humaine des Juifs, davantage que tout autre mouvement. Ce quil voulait en fin de compte tait que les Juifs puissent retourner sur leur terre la tte haute, non grce une action divine, mais plutt grce une action politique et militaire, grce la lutte78. Lo
74 Ibidem, p. 367. 75 Leo Strauss, Pourquoi nous restons juifs. Rvlation biblique et philosophie, La Table Ronde, Paris, 2001, p. 46. 76 Ibidem, p. 21-22. 77 Ibidem, p. 22. 78 Ibidem, p. 24.

Emancipation, assimilation, disimilation

387

Strauss a t parmi les avocats de la thse selon laquelle il ne suffit pas que les Juifs aient un tat: cet tat doit avoir une culture juive. En dautres termes, il doit avoir une vie propre La substance du judasme nest pas une culture, mais une rvlation divine. Par consquent, la seule solution rigoureuse, la seule solution claire, consiste abandonner le sionisme culturel, aller au-del du sionisme culturel et devenir clairement un sionisme religieux. Un retour la foi juive, la foi de nos anctres79. * * * Le peuple juif, surtout aprs la fondation de ltat dIsral, sur sa terre historique, a pu affirmer en toute libert sa propre identit. Mais la Shoah a laiss une douleur infinie et une Europe appauvrie de lune des communauts qui en ont toujours t le ferment et qui ont faonn son identit. Car, sans Jrusalem, mais uniquement sur les bases mises Athnes et Rome, lEurope reste encore hors delle-mme. Il est vrai que la question juive , qui sest forme et sest aggrave, dans les conditions historiques connues, dans diffrents pays de notre continent, ntait pas seulement un problme pour lEurope, mais un problme que lEurope avait avec elle-mme : le problme de la comprhension de soi de lEurope, de sa propre identit, de son avenir et de la signification de sa propre existence80. Il reste maintenant lEurope de trouver ces solutions qui permettent, aprs le tragique dnouement de lmancipation des Juifs, la reprise de ce cours de lhistoire qui a men la fois son grand panouissement et la libre affirmation culturelle des Juifs.

79 Ibidem, pp. 25-26. 80 Yirmiyahu Yovel, Les Juifs selon Hegel et Nietzsche. La clef dune nigme, Seuil, Paris, 2001, p. 9.

Structuralisme en robe des champs: le liseron et lhirondelle

Marianne Mesnil
Universit Libre de Bruxelles
1. Le nom dune mauvaise herbe 1.1. Convolvulus Arvensis: Cest le binme botanique1, qui dsigne la petite plante champtre de nos rgions dEurope. Dun point de vue botanique, on la dcrit comme une plante qui possde une tige couche ou volubile aux feuilles hastes longuement ptioles. Les fleurs solitaires relativement grandes prsentent une corolle largement ouverte en entonnoir, aux bords lobs, de couleur blanche ou rose. Le liseron est soit une adventice des cultures agricoles et des jardins, soit une espce croissant dans les pturages, la lisire des champs, aux abords des chemins ou sur les coteaux herbeux relativement secs.2 Sa dsignation latine de convolvulus lui vient de son caractre parasite: en effet, cette plante quon qualifie vulgairement de mauvaise herbe senroule autour de toute tige rigide qui peut lui servir de tuteur. Cest cette tymologie que lon retrouve en franais pour dsigner dautres plantes de la mme famille, telle que le volubilis, que lon peut rapprocher sans peine du mot volubile. Dun point de vue smantique, en latin classique, le terme signifie dabord qui tourne , et par extension, facile, rapide3. Puis, par analogie, volubile renvoie lide de tourbillon de parole. Cest le sens que nous lui trouvons prcisment dans la langue franaise. En roumain, la filiation tymologique latine avec ses dsignations populaires est directe, puisque nous en trouvons des formes rgionales telles que Volbur, Volbura mic, Bolbur, Holbur, Holbura mic, Volvur 4 . 1.2. La Robe de lHirondelle: rochia rndunicii

1 Rappelons que, depuis Linn, les botanistes ont gnralement adopt un systme universel de dnomination des plantes, appel binme botanique. Le premier terme de ce binme indique quel genre appartient la plante et le second en indique lespce. Les deux termes reprennent une terminologie en langue latine. 2 Voir Krisa, op. cit. :266 3 Dictionnaire historique de la langue franaise A. Rey (Robert) 4 Borza, op. cit.: 51.

390

Marianne Mesnil

Mais, toujours en roumain, ct de ces appellations directement drives du latin, il existe aussi, pour dsigner le liseron, une srie de termes populaires qui en font une pice du vtement de lhirondelle. Ainsi, peut-on relever la srie suivante: Fusta rndunicii (jupe de lhirondelle); Poala rndunicii (idem); Rochia Rndunelei (robe de lhirondelle.); Rochia psricii (petite robe du petit oiseau); Rochia rndunicii (petite robe de lhirondelle) etc. 5 A noter galement lappellation de forfecari (de a forfeca, couper en petits morceaux, de la mme racine que foarfece, les ciseaux), autre appellation que lon ne peut comprendre sans se rfrer aux contes de lhirondelle et au motif des ciseaux (Voir plus loin le lien lactivit textile). Ainsi, les deux sries dappellations rsultent chacune dune qualit sensible de la plante: dune part, nous lavons vu, elle tournoie; et dautre part, on peut trouver dans sa petite fleur rose ou blanche, laspect dune robe ou dune jupe, voire dune autre pice de vtement. Reste comprendre pourquoi ce vtement est attribu lhirondelle. Pour trouver la rponse cette question, il suffit de parcourir les contes populaires roumains concernant loiseau, jadis familier des demeures rurales. 2. LHirondelle et le Liseron des contes On sait combien lHirondelle est un oiseau connu et respect des socits rurales . Et lon connat surtout sa valeur mtorologique dannonciateur de printemps.6 Mais lHirondelle des traditions orales des Balkans est aussi lhrone dautres rcits qui concernent, cette fois, des Histoires de familles. Elle y apparat gnralement comme une jeune pouse rcalcitrante, qui se rvolte contre le mariage qui lui est impos, et se mtamorphose en oiseau que son mari tche de retenir par le pan de sa robe (ou jupe) au moment o elle senvole; mais il ne russit qu dchirer son vtement, ce qui explique pourquoi lhirondelle a la queue fendue. Dans la plupart des rcits sur lHirondelle que lon rencontre dans les Balkans, lhistoire sarrte ici. Mais, en Roumanie, il existe une variante qui se poursuit comme suit: Quant au morceau quil { le mari} avait gard dans la main, il sest transform en une petite fleur, pareille aux aubes7 et qui pousse dans les jardins et dans les forts
5 Ibidem. Une variante de telles appellations consiste attribuer la pice de vtement, non plus loiseau, mais la Mre de Dieu ou un personnage saint. Ainsi, par exemple: Cmaa Maicii Domnului (chemise de la Mre de Dieu) ; poala Maicii Domnului (jupe la Mre de Dieu). Cmaa lui Dumnezeu (chemise de Dieu); ou encore Cmaa Domnului; Fusta Doamnei. Voir ce propos Tataru, T., op. cit. 6 Voir ce propos Mesnil & Popova, op. cit. 2004 7 Au nombre des dnominations du convolvulus arvensis, on trouve aussi celle dAubes. (Zorele ou Zorile), lun des noms donns aux fes du destin qui prsident de nombreux rituels du cycle de la vie. Ces Parques roumaines sont aussi des fileuses du destin, ce qui nest pas sans rapport avec la suite de notre propos.Voir Borza, op. cit.

Le liseron et lhirondelle et qui sappelle la Robe de lhirondelle ou volbura (liseron)8 le.

391

Voil donc pourquoi le liseron roumain sappelle parfois robe de lHirondel-

Une deuxime question surgit alors: pourquoi ce rapprochement entre le Liseron et lHirondelle? Le bout de tissus de la robe de la jeune pouse aurait pu tout aussi bien fournir la mme appellation populaire dautres fleurs. Et il ne manque pas dexemples de botanique populaire o une plante est dsigne par analogie avec un vtement9. Autrement dit, sagit-il dune rencontre purement arbitraire entre loiseau et la fleur, o peut-on supposer quil existe un sens plus profond cette rencontre de deux rcits tiologiques populaires? Pour rpondre cette question, il nous faut examiner de plus prs quelques autres donnes que nous livre la culture orale de la paysannerie roumaine. 3. Le liseron et le chanvre 3.1. Un silence rituel Cest propos des prescriptions et interdits lis la culture du chanvre, que nous avons rencontr nouveau le liseron. En particulier, nous avons relev un tmoignage (en provenance du Maramure) selon lequel le chanvre doit tre sem en silence par le couple, de peur que les disputes nes de ses paroles ne provoquent lenvahissement du champ par la plante volubile (Holbura). Ce tmoignage en recoupe un autre, cit par N. Bot.10 Celui qui sme {le chanvre} ne parle avec personne pour que volbur ne pousse pas dans le chanvre11. 3.2. Un rcit difiant: Les trois fileuses12 Cet effet ngatif de la volubilit se laisse entendre galement dans la leon que donne un petit rcit roumain o trois surs bavardes se voient interdire par leur mre de prononcer un seul mot tant quelles nauront pas fini de filer leur cheveau de chanvre, sous peine de ne pas se marier. Voici ce rcit: Il tait une fois dans un village, une femme courageuse la tche. Elle avait trois filles dont les bouches marchaient comme une teilleuse, tout le long de la journe, tant la palabre leur plaisait. Tant et si bien que les cheveaux de
8 Dragoslav in Brill, op. cit.: 620-628 9 En particulier, le nom de Poala Sf. Mrii (Jupe de sainte Marie) correspond une dizaine de plantes diffrentes. Voir Borza, op. cit.: 274. 10 Nous avions dj not cet usage de manire isole, lorsque nous avons trouv une information analogue dans louvrage posthume, du regrett N. Bot, publi par les soins de I. Bot et I. Benga. Un chapitre y prsente une recension particulirement complte des croyances et pratiques magiques lies au chanvre. Voir Bot, N., op. cit.: 63, 65, 69. 11 in Mulea & Brlea, galement cit par N. Bot, op. cit. 12 Cele trei torctoare, in Iliesiu, op. cit.: 402.

392

Marianne Mesnil chanvre restaient souvent non fils sur la quenouille. Leur mre, trs fche, les appela auprs delle et leur dit: - Les filles, il y a ici pour chacune, un cheveau de chanvre. Il faut le filer immdiatement sans profrer une seule parole jusqu ce que vous ayez achev de filer. Celle qui prononcera un seul mot ne pourra plus jamais se marier. Vous mavez compris? - Compris, Maman! - rpondirent-elles. Elle se mirent alors srieusement au travail et elles commencrent filer dans un silence total, sans prononcer un seul mot. Mais tout coup, le fil de lune delle se cassa, et, oubliant la promesse faite, elle dit: - il sest cass! La deuxime, lui donnant la rplique , lui rpondit: - fais-y un nud! La troisime, clatant de rire, les a apostrophe de la sorte: - Cen est fait de vous, les surs! Vous ne vous marierez plus! Cest ainsi que chacune a enfreint la recommandation de sa mre. Lhistoire ne dit pas si leur bonne mre a tenu parole ou non. Nous pensons quelle aussi a pass outre et leur a pardonn, en leur permettant de se marier et de ne pas rester vieilles filles.

Autrement dit, la jeune fille en ge de mariage qui refuse de filer, se met en situation de ne pouvoir se marier en labsence dun coffre dot bien garni. Voil un tmoignage de plus qui indique la relation dopposition entre le chanvre, plante textile, jadis essentielle la confection du linge de maison, et cette volubilit semeuse de trouble! 3.3. La bru et la belle-mre: une relation difficile Revenons nouveau aux Histoires d Hirondelles, et tournons-nous un instant vers cette bru muette de la tradition bulgare. Sans pouvoir entrer ici dans le dtail, il faut savoir quil existe, en Bulgarie, une obligation rituelle pour la bru, de se taire durant la premire anne de son mariage. Cest cette conduite dvitement face aux beaux-parents, quAssia Popova a propos de traduire en franais par le verbe boviner, littralement faire le buf13. Tous les rcits bulgares sur la transformation de la bru en hirondelle, se basent sur le fait que cette jeune marie a appliqu la rgle matrimoniale par excs . La bru trop silencieuse, que lon finit par croire muette, est transforme en son contraire, un oiseau babillard. Dans une telle perspective, il nous semble quun autre texte de la tradition roumaine, peut galement nourrir notre propos. Il sagit dun chant lyrique damour dont voici lextrait qui nous intresse: Eh toi, mon bien-aim,
13 Voir ce propos les rfrences au bovinage (traduit du terme bulgare goveja) chez Assia Popova, in Mesnil, op. cit. 2002.

Le liseron et lhirondelle Dis donc ta mre De semer dans le grenier de la petite centaure14 Je nai pas besoin quelle soit ma belle-mre Quelle sme dans le grenier des liserons (Holbur) Il ne faut pas que je devienne votre belle-fille Tant que ta mre est sur cette terre Je ne veux pas parler avec elle15

393

Dans ce passage, nous retrouvons le thme de la discorde entre belle-fille et belle-mre, qui est au centre des histoires dHirondelles. Mais, ct roumain, en labsence dune obligation rituelle de silence, cest la bru elle-mme qui rclame le droit au mutisme pour viter dentrer en conflit avec sa belle-mre (je ne veux pas parler avec elle). On pense nouveau lide de dispute verbale quvoque le liseron. Ne sme pas le liseron dans le grenier, peut se traduire, en franais, par la formule: Ne sme pas la zizanie sous notre toit. Ainsi, lallusion faite au liseron dans un chant damour, oppose la relation amoureuse la relation matrimoniale domine par le conflit bru/belle-mre, celui-l mme qui transforme la bru muette en hirondelle bavarde. De la volubilit au silence bien tempr Nous voici maintenant en possession dlments suffisants, nous semble-t-il, pour apercevoir la grande cohrence qui traverse lensemble des expressions de cette culture orale paysanne qui sorganise ici autour du liseron et de lhirondelle. Volbura, au plan botanique, est lquivalent de Rndunic, lhirondelle, au plan zoologique: tous deux sont des tres volubiles, et, en cela, bons penser lopposition entre parole et silence . En outre, une telle opposition vient se combiner une autre dimension de ces rcits et croyances: lactivit lie aux textiles et, particulirement, au chanvre. Le chanvre qui souffre le martyr16pour se transformer en tissus et vtements, se trouve du ct du silence, tout comme la bru laborieuse qui accepte de filer et tisser le contenu de son coffre dot. Cest donc une plante textile, garante de linstitution matrimoniale, qui soppose la volubilit de son parasite, le liseron semeur de trouble, tout comme ces fileuses trop bavardes, quun excs de parole risque de priver de mariage. A de telles volubilits, soppose la bru trop muette des contes de lhirondelle, qui, par son excs de silence, compromet linstitution matrimoniale, chappant son statut de jeune marie. Cest ainsi que les deux tiologies populaires se retrouvent en parfaite rsonance pour dire les dangers de comportements par excs et montrer ce quil ne faut pas faire si lon veut prserver le lien matrimonial. Enfin, si lon pense au calendrier des travaux textiles dont la clture doit seffectuer avec la fin des veilles et le retour du printemps, moment qui correspond, en
14 potroac: centaurium umbellatum, petite centaure ou Herbe la fivre, utilise en pharmacope. (Nous navons pas, ce jour, dexplication sur la prsence de cette plante ct du liseron). 15 In Ispas et Trua, op. cit. vol. II: 662 (rf. H199.1. Brediceanu, Strmtura, Maramure). 16 cf. le thme bien connu du Martyr du chanvre fait allusion au fauchage, rouissage, teillage, filage et enfin, tissage de cette plante textile. Le thme est galement repris dans Bot, N., op. cit.

394

Marianne Mesnil

outre, au retour de lhirondelle17, on comprend aussi la croyance selon laquelle il semble que lnergie au travail de tissage puisse tre dtermine par le premier vol des hirondelles18. Ainsi, tout au long des textes qui ont t cits dans ces quelques pages, sest tisse la toile du sens qui unit Hirondelle et Liseron entre excs de parole et excs de silence. Bibliographie des ouvrages cites Krisa, B., Encyclopdie des plantes fleurs. Paris, Grnd, 1982. Mesnil, M.,Voil justement ce qui fait que votre fille est muette ou: le conte mis lpreuve du contexte. In Contes: luniversel et le singulier. (sous la dir. de A. Petitat). Lausanne, Payot, 2002 pp. 121-140. Mesnil, M. & Popova, A.,Des hirondelles qui font le printemps. Le retour des oiseaux migrateurs dans les Balkans. in La migration des animaux : connaissances zoologiques et exploitations anthropologiques selon les espces, les lieux et les poques. Liliane Bodson, ed. , Lige, Colloques dhistoire des connaissances zoologiques, n15, 2004, pp. 141-160. Rey, A., Dictionnaire historique de la langue franaise. Paris, Dictionnaires Le Robert, 1992, 2 vol. Rfrences en roumain Borza, Al., Dicionar etnobotanic. Buc., ed. ARSR, 1968. Bot, N., Studii de etnologie. Volum ngrijit de Ioana Bot i Ileana Benga. ClujNapoca, Casa Crii de tiint, 2008. Brill, T., Legende populare romneti. I. Bucureti, ed. Minerva, 1981. Butur, V., Enciclopedie de etnobotanic romneasc. Ed. tiinific i Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 1979. Ilieiu, I., Poezii i basme populare din Munii Rodnei. Folclor din Transilvania III. Bucureti, Ed. pentru Literatur, 1967. Ispas, S. & Trua, D., Lirica de dragoste. Index motivic i tipologic. Bucureti, Ed. A.R.S.R., 1986, vol. 2 . Ttaru, T., Terminologia botanic cretin la poporul romn. Augsbourg, (Missionsdruckerei), 1993.

17 voir Mesnil & Popova, op. cit.: 2004. 18 Niculit Voronca, cite par N. Bot: op. cit.: 69.

Le dveloppement du vocatif en roumain

Michael Metzeltin
Universitt Wien und sterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften
En tant que langue indo-europenne dclinaisons, le latin possde un cas vocatif. Mais les grammaires ajoutent tout de suite que, du point de vue morphologique, seulement la deuxime dclinaison prsente au singulier une forme spciale (nominatif dominus / vocatif domine), tandis que pour le pluriel et pour toutes les autres dclinaisons le vocatif concide avec le nominatif. Ce poids lger morphologique peut expliquer le peu de considration que lon porte lhistoire du vocatif dans les manuels de linguistique romane, qui le passent tout simplement sous silence (Lausberg) ou alors en indiquent quelques vestiges, en ajoutant quand mme sa prsence active en roumain: Der Vokativ Singularis hat im Lateinischen eine besondere Form nur bei den o-Stmmen und ihm entspricht ital. domine in dem Kirchenwort domineddio, sowie lucch. Diaule. Sonst bildet das Rumnische noch den Vokativ auf e, doch fragt sich, ob nicht eher eine Einwirkung des Slavischen, wo der Vokativ der Maskulina auf e ausgeht, vorliege als eine direkte berlieferung des lateinischen e. Sicher ist slavischer Einfluss bei dem Vokativ der Feminina, der auf o lautet: caso, da hier das Lateinische ganz im Stiche lsst. Im Franzsisch-provenzalischen sollte ebenfalls Scheidung stattfinden: sers = servus neben serf = serve. Allein schon in vorhistorischer Zeit ist durchaus der Nominativ auch in der Anrede gebraucht worden, und so finden wir denn in denjenigen Texten, die die Kasusflexion berhaupt beobachten, keine auf den lateinischen Vokativ zurckgehenden Formen. Nur das provenz. en, das mnnlichen Eigennamen vorangeht, wird auf domine beruhen (). Wenn aber das aprov. Johannesevangelium stets dom schreibt, so drfte darin eine Anlehnung an das lateinische Original zu sehen sein. (Wilhelm Meyer-Lbke, Grammatik der Romanischen Sprachen. II. Romanische Formenlehre, Leipzig, Reisland, 1894, 6) Der Vokativ Singularis endet im Rumnischen bei den Maskulinen II auf e (doamne), bei den Femininen I auf o (doamno), ist brigens auf eine geringe Zahl von Substantiven beschrnkt. Beim Femininum ist er sicher, beim Maskulinum wahrscheinlich slavischen Ursprungs. Bei den andern Substantiven verwendet das Rumnische, sowie die andern romanischen Sprachen (auch das Altfranzsische) bei allen Substantiven, den Nominativ. (Adolf Zauner, Romanische Sprachwissenschaft, 1905, p.131) Cette perspective de morphologie historique pour laquelle on pourrait ajouter litalien diamine (< diavolo x domine) et lancien franais Damedieu - est probablement une des raisons pour lesquelles les comparatistes romanisants nont pas regard de plus prs la richesse et la complexit des formes vocatives en roumain, une riches-

396

Michael Metzeltin

se favorise par les adstrats slaves et une complexit favorise par la postposition de larticle dfini. Voici une esquisse de description: Appellatif masculin singulier en e et le nom tat sans article: la mme forme que le nominatif (Tat, te rog s m ieri!; frate!) Appellatif masculin singulier en consonne: sans article, dsinence e (copile! biete! vecine! amice! prietene!) Appellatif masculin singulier en consonne: avec article, dsinence ule (bunicule! biatule! omule!; mais *prietenule!) Appellatif masculin singulier en u: avec article obligatoire, dsinence ule (fiule! eroule! codrule!) Appellatif masculin singulier en - / -e: sans article, dsinence agglutine o (popo (<pop), badeo (< bade)) Appellatif masculin singulier domn (monsieur, seigneur): Doamne! (adressement pour Dieu ou un prince), domnule! (adressement normal pour un monsieur) Appellatif fminin singulier en -: sans article, la mme forme que le nominatif (Mam, mi-e foame! / Poftii, doamn!) Appellatif fminin singulier en - / -e: dsinence agglutine o (bunico! vecino! soro! vulpeo!) Appellatif masculin et fminin pluriel: dsinence lor (Bieilor! Studenilor! Frailor! Fetelor! Doamnelor, domnioarelor i domnilor!) Appellatif masculin et fminin pluriel, seulement avec certains substantifs: sans article, la mme forme que le nominatif (Biei! Studeni i studente! Copii, s ncepem!) Appellatif masculin singulier accompagn dun adjectif: rptition de la dsinence e (scumpe prietene! stimate prietene! iubite cititorule! stimate domnule! luminate i prea puternice mprate!; mais aussi: o domn viteaz!) Appellatif masculin pluriel accompagn dun adjectif: la mme forme que le nominatif sans article (dragi prieteni! dragi elevi! oameni buni!) Appellatif fminin accompagn dun adjectif: la mme forme que le nominatif sans article (iubit prieten! scumpe prietene) Appellatif ou nom propre prcd de ladjectif drag: ladjectif est invariable (drag prietene! drag Mihai! drag verioar!) Adjectif + article dfini + possessif + substantif: la mme forme que le nominatif (Iubitul meu bunic!) Adjectif substantiv masculin singulier: avec ou sans article dfini, + e (frumosule! urtule! prostule!; iubite!) Adjectif substantiv fminin singulier: dsinence o (frumoaso! urto! iubito!) Adjectif substantiv masculin ou fminin pluriel: dsinence lor (Detepilor, ce-ai fcut? Ciao frumoaselor!) Adjectif substantiv fminin pluriel: la mme forme que le nominatif avec article dfini (frumoasele mele manele!) Appellatif et adjectif substantivs suivis dun possessif: la mme forme que le nominatif (Dragul meu (Ion)! Draga mea (Maria)! Dragii mei (copii)! Dragele mele (verioare)! Fiul meu! Fiica mea!) Appellatif suivi dun gnitif: la mme forme que le nominatif avec article dfini (puiul mamei!)

Le dveloppement du vocatif en roumain

397

Prnom masculin seul: sans article (Radu, d-mi dicionarul, te rog! Ion! Vasile!; forme obligatoire pour les noms en -e), dsinence e (tefane! Ioane! Constantine!; noms en consonne; aussi: Petre), article + dsinence e (Radule! Iancule!; noms en u ). NB: Tomo! < Toma. Prnom fminin seul: la mme forme que le nominatif (Deschide cartea, Maria!), la dsinence o (Mario! Rodico! Marie! Ioano! Olgo! Ano!) ou une autre dsinence spciale (Maria > Marie, Ana > An) Nom de famille: dsinence e / -ule (Stolojane! Popescule!) Adressement masculin singulier + titre (fonction, profession): forme vocative spciale pour ladressement (Domnule avocat (profesor, doctor, ministru)!) Adressement fminin singulier + titre (fonction, profession): la mme forme que pour le nominatif (Doamn profesoar (doctor, secretar)! Domnioar doctor!) Adressement masculin + nom propre: indication morphologique simple ou double du vocatif ou la mme forme que le nominatif (Domnule Ionescu (Popescu)! Mo Martine! Cpitane Pavel! / Cpitane Pavele! Cocoane Dinule! Domnule Niule! Domnu Popescu!) Adressement fminin + nom propre: la mme forme que le nominatif (Doamn Ionescu! Domnioar Maria (Ionescu, Popescu)!) Adressement masculin avec adjectif + titre (fonction, profession): indication morphologique vocative pour ladjectif et ladressement (Stimate domnule decan (profesor, doctor, Ionescu)!) Adressement fminin avec adjectif + titre (fonction, profession): la mme forme que pour le nominatif (Bun ziua, stimat doamn profesoar! Scumpe prietene (f. pl.)!) Noms de pays, de villes et de rivires: avec ou sans dsinence comme les appellatifs (Berlinule! Bucuretilor! / Bucureti! Oltule! Dunre!) Cette richesse morphologique montre que lindication dmarcative de linterlocuteur auquel se destine la communication a la mme importance que lindication dmarcative du sujet et de lobjet direct. Le peu dattention quon prte en syntaxe lexpression de ladress est probablement d une conception trop logique et limite de la proposition, drive de la grammaire gnrale. Selon A. I. Silvestre de Sacy, le vocatif ne fait pas partie de la proposition: Nous ne faisons usage de la parole que pour communiquer nos penses aux autres hommes, et par consquent nos discours sadressent toujours quelquun. Pour que ceux qui nous parlons soient avertis que cest eux que nous adressons la parole, nous les appelons soit par leur nom, soit par quelque expression quivalente, propre fixer leur attention sur nous. Cest ainsi que je dis: Victor, vous ntes pas attentif; Seigneur, je suis votre crature; Monsieur, tes-vous mon ami? Ces mots Victor, Seigneur, Monsieur, ne font point partie de la proposition. Japplerai cette partie du discours Compellatif, dun mot latin qui signifie adresser la parole. Tout discours suppose un Compellatif, mais il arrive frquemment que le Compellatif est sous-entendu, parce que les circonstances, le geste, lattitude de celui qui parle, ou la disposition de ceux qui coutent, y supplent parfaitement. (Principes de grammaire gnrale, mis la porte des enfans, et propres a servir dintroduction a ltude de toutes les langues, Paris 1803). Cette conception se maintient jusqu aujourdhui:

398

Michael Metzeltin

Vocativ. n limbile n care exist caz morfologic, denumete un caz cu utilizare special, caracterizat, din punct de vedere sintactic, prin neincluderea n organizarea propoziiei, iar, funcional, prin rolul de caz al adresrii. (Angela Bidu-Vrnceanu et al., Dicionar general de tiine. tiine ale limbii, Bucureti 1997, s.v. vocativ) Dautres linguistes reconnaissent que le vocatif a quand mme une fonction syntaxique, mais sans entrer dans les dtails: Trmino que evoca uno de los casos de la declinacin latina. Sirve nicamente para invocar, llamar o nombrar, con ms o menos nfasis, a una persona o cosa personificada y, a veces, va precedido de las interjecciones ah! u oh! Puede formar un sintagma nominal en toda su complejidad: Callad, chicos chillones! Pastores los que fuerdes all por las majadas al otero! () decidle que adolezco, peno y muero. (San Juan de la Cruz). Tiene funcin sintctica y autonoma entonativa. (Matilde Moreno Martnez, Diccionario lingstico-literario, Madrid 2005, s.v. Vocativo) Du point de vue communicationnel, la base cognitive et pragmatique des phrases nest pas une structure rduite du type <sujet + verbe + objet direct (SVO)>, mais du type <metteur + acte dmission + rcepteur + sujet + prdication + objet>. Surtout dans le discours oral, lmetteur na normalement pas besoin de dire quil est lmetteur et quil va dire quelque chose, par consquent la base cognitive et pragmatique de laquelle il faut partir pour construire les noncs est du type <interlocuteur ( substantif) + sujet de la prdication ( substantif) + prdication ( verbe) + complment de la prdication ou objet direct ( substantif)>. La phrase prototypique a, partant, trois substantifs avec des rles cognitifs et pragmatiques diffrents quil faut marquer dans les structures dexpressions. Ce marquage peut se faire aux niveaux intonationnel, morphologique ou syntaxique, par exemple: position initiale, isole par une pause (fr. Petit Jean, viens membrasser) intonation spciale et sparation par deux pauses videntes (fr. Qui aimes-tu le mieux, homme nigmatique, dis? (Baudelaire)) annonce par une interjection spciale (fr. Ciel! De mes transports puis-je tre ici le matre? (Molire)) annonce par une forme verbale imprative (esp. Oiga, Juan! ) dsinence spciale (p. ex. lat. domine / vocatif vs. dominus / nominatif) Il ya plusieurs raisons qui expliquent non seulement la conservation, mais aussi le dveloppement du vocatif morphologique en roumain. Le roumain a maintenu un systme casuel, encore trs vident quand le substantif est articul. La sonorit dune terminaison comme ule - qui selon Kr. Sandfeld (Linguistique balkanique, Paris, Klincksieck, 1930, 147) a pu prendre naissance dans les noms propres en ul (aujourdhui u) comme Radul, Jancul (Radu, Jancu), dont les vocatifs Radule, Zancule ont pu tre compris come Radul(l)-le, Zancu(l)-e) - peut avoir contribu sa propagation. Le voisinage adstratique du serbe et du bulgare auront renforc lemploi du vocatif morphologique masculin singulier et auront fourni au roumain un vocatif morphologique fminin singulier (cf. serbe nominatif / vocatif m. oa garon / oe, o couteau / oy, f. ea femme / ey; bulgare m. fils / e, ao travailleur / aoo, f. aa mre / ao). La terminaison spciale pour le vocatif pluriel parat une cration roumaine, parce que les langues adstratiques slaves emploient dans ce cas les mmes formes que le nominatif. Selon

Le dveloppement du vocatif en roumain

399

Pucariu, lorigine de cette forme se trouverait une mtanalyse du type spun vou frailor je vous dis, vous mes frres >spun vou, frailor je vous dis, mes frres (Sandfeld ib. 148). Lemploi plus frquent des formes marques masculines (prnoms, noms de familles, syntagmes composs, pluriels) pourrait tre d au fait que dans certaines socits traditionnelles en public on sadresse en principe aux hommes, tandis que ladressement fminin est plutt restreint lentourage priv. Le romaniste comparatiste qui prend comme point de dpart le roumain et qui sait que les autres langues romanes ont limin les dclinaisons nominales, pourrait maintenant se demander quels sont les moyens utiliss pour exprimer le vocatif dans les autres langues romanes. Il dcouvrira alors, par exemple, que pour tudier ce phnomne, la grammaire compare historique traditionnelle et la grammaire descriptive traditionelle donnent des visions trop troites pour comprendre le fonctionnement dune langue. Il dcouvrira qu cette fin, une vision cognitive et pragmatique est plus adquate. Il dcouvrira que le pendant morphologique du vocatif roumain (marquage postpos) dans les autres langues romanes est lemploi morphologique de certaines interjections (p. ex. Le vocatif (Petit Robert, s.v. vocatif), port. Oh Pedro! / Oi Pedro!; marquage prpos). Il dcouvrira que, en partant de la mme source, une langue dveloppe certaines possibilits morphologiques, tandis que dautres les abandonnent, ce qui lamnera se demander quel peut tre le rle de lentourage linguistique (des adstrats) dans la diversification, mais aussi dans luniformisation des langues. On peut alors parler dune linguistique romane compare qui, mme si elle part dune seule langue romane et dune langue romane actuelle -, nous guide sur le chemin de la dcouverte des mcanismes qui se trouvent la base du dynamisme cognitif, communicationnel et volutif des langues romanes.

La o aniversare
Ilie Moise
Universitatea Lucian Blaga, Sibiu
ncerc o succint evocare a unei personalitai din Clujul de la cumpna anilor 60. Simt c tabloul oraului n care am studiat nu ar fi complet fr imaginea solar, plin de solicitudine a unuia dintre cercettorii marcani ai acelor ani - Ion Talo. Era ef al Seciei de Etnografie i Folclor a Filialei Cluj a Academiei R.S.R., secie care, din 1970, a intrat n cadrul Centrului de tiine Sociale Cluj. Succesor al lui Ion Mulea, unicul discipol al acestuia, era un tnr cercettor model i impunea deopotriv prin calitatea lucrrilor publicate i autoritatea temelor abordate. Balada Meterului Manole i variantele transilvnene, nceputurile interesului pentru folclorul romnesc n Banat, Activitatea folcloristic i etnografic a lui Simeon Mngiuc, Vuk Karadi n folcloristica romneasc din sec. al XIX-lea sau Arthur Schott i povetile lui romneti, studii aprute n Revista de Etnografie i Folclor (1962 i 1963) i n alte publicaii, intraser deja n bibliografia de specialitate a studenilor, dei autorul nc nu mplinise 30 de ani. Aureolat de prietenia cu ntemeietorul Arhivei de Folclor a Academiei Romne, dar i de o scurt colaborare cu Lucian Blaga, Ion Talo se numra i printre puinii amici i colaboratori ai celui mai important folclorist al momentului, Ovidiu Brlea. Martor, aadar, la o lume care... se ducea, apropiat al unor personaliti reprezentative pentru cercetarea i cultura romneasc dintre cele dou rzboaie mondiale, Talo reprezenta, pentru promoia mea, o prelungire n contemporaneitate a generaiei ntemeietoare de institute-catedr, de discipline i direcii tiinifice. Copleea prin profunzimea problematicii abordate i vastitatea proiectelor. Lucra la o tez de doctorat axat pe cercetarea complex a uneia dintre capodoperele literaturii orale romneti - Meterul Manole, supunnd unui atent examen morfologic att baladele din spaiul extracarpatin, ct i colindele transilvnene, pe care le considera cele mai vechi texte de la noi. Pregtea ediii definitive dup lucrrile lui Ion Mulea (Cercetri de etnografie i folclor - vol. I-II, Editura Minerva, 1971, 1972), dup ntia colecie de basme romneti a Frailor Schott, i dup un manuscris al lui Alexiu Viciu (Flori de cmp ... Editura Dacia, 1976). Tocmai de aceea fiecare ntlnire de la Arhiva de Folclor - fie pentru a preda materiale adunate de membrii Cercului studenesc de folclor, fie pentru a asista la sesiunile anuale, pe care le frecventam n ultimii ani -se constituiau n adevrate puni de legtur cu lumea i cercetarea interbelic. Mai trziu, cnd anii de ucenicie s-au cam ncheiat, participam, mpreun cu profesorul Pavelescu, la sesiunile de la Cluj i-l admiram pentru proiectele iniiate: Catalogul tipologic al colindelor romneti, Corpusul ghicitorilor romneti i Dicionarul proverbelor romneti, maghiare i sseti.

402

Ilie Moise

Apariia monografiei Meterul Manole (Editura Minerva, 1973) a fost considerat, de ntreaga folcloristic romneasc, o contribuie de prim mn la cunoaterea unei teme de rsunet european, a unuia dintre miturile eseniale ale culturii romneti. Complexul de obiceiuri, practici i legende legate de jertfa zidirii este examinat ntr-un context mai larg, care depete cu mult arealul romnesc, fapt ce i-a permis s adauge justificat subtitlul Contribuie la studiul unei teme de folclor european. i iat c, la mai puin de un deceniu de la apariia Mioriei (tipologie, circulaie, genez, texte) de Adrian Fochi, cercettorul clujean aaz pe talerul etnologiei noastre monografia celei de-a doua capodopere a culturii orale romneti - Meterul Manole. Urmat, n 1997, de volumul al doilea, Corpusul variantelor romneti. Iniierea apariiei volumului I al Anuarului de Folclor (1980), vzut ca o continuare fireasc a vechii serii, ncepute de Ion Mulea n anii 30, a fost o alt provocare a momentului, a anilor de la sfritul deceniului apte, pe care ardeleanul instruit i att de tenace, care a fost i rmne Ion Talo, a depit-o. A tiprit patru numere n doar civa ani, reconectnd, att ct se putea, folcloristica transilvan la o tradiie... european. Formaia sa de factur occidental (se tie ct de mult datoreaz Universitatea din Cluj Apusului!) i cele dou stagii la Deutsches Volksliedarchiv din Freiburg (1967 i 1971) i-au accentuat preocuprile n privina racordrii cercetrii romneti la cea european, a relansrii cu succes a studiilor comparative pe care o va realiza deplin abia dup stabilirea n strintate, n 1985. Din 1986 pred literaturi populare romanice la Universitatea din Kln, statut care-i va permite s aduc servicii deosebite culturii romne printr-o asidu colaborare la lucrri cu caracter internaional precum The Encyclopedia of Religion (Editor Mircea Eliade), New York, London - 1987; Mrchen und Mrchenforschung in Europa. Ein Handbuch (Editat de Dichter Roth i Walter Kahn) Frankfurt 1993; Enzyklopdie des Mrchens. (Editori Kurt Ranke i Rolf W. Brednich). Dup 1989 revine n ar, reia legturile tiinifice cu instituiile de profil i tiprete cteva cri fundamentale pentru istoria etnologiei, dar i a culturii romneti, ine cursuri i seminarii la Masteratul de Antropologie Cultural i i Etnologie European de la Facultatea de Studii Europene. Cunoscnd proiectul mai vechi al Poetului din Lancrm - de a traduce ntr-o limb de circulaie universal culegerea sa de liric popular - public, n 1995, la editura Grai i Suflet - Cultura Naional, ediia bilingv: Lucian Blaga - Antologie de poezie popular / Volksdichtung. Eine Anthologie, ediie ngrijit i traducere de Artur Greive, Gerda Schler, Ion Talo, Studiu introductiv de Ion Talo, ilustraii de Mihu Vulcnescu. Doi ani mai trziu, aceeai editur va publica Meterul Manole. Contribuie la studiul unei teme de folclor european, II Corpusul variantelor romneti, o masiv antologie, care cuprinde 242 texte poetice i 38 de legende, ornduite pe zone folclorice; o tipologie pe care etnologia romneasc o atepta de aproape un sfert de veac. Elaborat n perioada 1991-1995, la propunerea profesorului Claude Lecouteaux de la Universitatea Sorbonne IV - Paris, Petit dictionnaire de mythologie populaire roumaine (Grenoble, 2001) includea, ntr-o prezentare concis, fr citate i bibliografie, ntregul spectru al gndirii arhaice. Conceput pentru publicul francez i internaional, acest lexicon mitologic i ritologic ncearc - dup mrturisirea autorului - s demonstreze c mitologia romn este - cu excepia ctorva teme, opera

La o aniversare

403

rnimii, constituit pe o viziune coerent i profund, ntr-un sistem clar cu cteva straturi bine conturate. Aprut tot n 2001, i la Editura Enciclopedic, n versiunea romneasc, lucrarea intitulat Gndirea magico-religioas la romni. Dicionar rmne cel mai frumos omagiu adus rnimii i contribuiei ei la cultura naional. (p. XVII). Cartea s-a bucurat de un real succes de librrie i a fost ncununat de Academia Romn cu Premiul Timotei Cipariu. Cununia frailor i Nunta Soarelui. Incestul zdrnicit n folclorul romnesc i universal (aprut la Editura Enciclopedic, n 2004) este un studiu exhaustiv asupra celor dou teme universale, n care comparatistul Ion Talo face dovada unei excepionale pregtiri tiinifice aducnd n discuie informaii, semne i simboluri provenite din ndeprtate arealuri etnologice precum Groenlanda i diferite zone europene. Este cel de-al patrulea corpus de texte baladeti - dup Mioria de Adrian Fochi, Toma Alimo de Iordan Datcu, Meterul Manole de Ion Talo - i aparine aceleiai coli de cercetare clujean - ilustrat strlucitor de Ion Talo. O lucrare de referin comparabil ca dimensiune, dar i ca valoare cu Mioria lui Adrian Fochi, cu lucrrile lui Petru Caraman. nvatul i temeinicul cercettor clujean se dedic, n prezent, unei alte monografii tematice: colindul avnd ca subiect Lupta voinicului cu leul, i Catalogului tipologic al colindelor, iar alturi de Ion Cuceu i Virgiliu Florea definitivrii celor dou mari dicionare tezaur: al cimiliturilor i al proverbelor. La aniversarea a 75 de ani (s-a nscut n 22 iunie 1934, n Prodneti - Slaj) s-i urm omului i cercettorului Ion Talo s rmn, i n anii care vor veni, acelai crturar autentic, druit, deopotriv, culturii romneti i celei europene, instituiilor de nvmnt i cercetare din Kln i din Cluj, de care este att de legat sufletete.

Riti, maschere e cerimoniali con rami verti. Della festa di Sangiorgio nella Transilvania settentrionale. Un approccio etno-antropologico1
Bogdan Neagota, Ileana Benga
Universitatea Babe-Bolyai, Institutul Arhiva de Folclor
In Transilvania, la festa di Sangiorgio (Sngeorz), centrale nel calendario cerimoniale di primavera (23 aprile), comporta almeno quattro categorie di pratiche regionali specifiche. Il rituale pi diffuso, non soltanto in Transilvania (Fochi 1976: 285-299. Ghinoiu 2003: 281-283), ma anche nelle regioni settentrionali e nel Banat (Ghinoiu 2002: 218-220), collegato alla magia della manna/man2, che circoscrive le pratiche offensive (il furto del potere del latte e del grano) e quelle apotropaiche (la difesa magica delle mucche e delle pecore contro il furto magico della virt del latte) (Pavelescu 19982: 212-265. Benga 2002: 261-280). Nella vigilia del giorno di Sangiorgio, sono portati a casa diversi rami di albero ricchi di fogliame (che differiscono secondo la regione) o di spugli spinosi (rosa canina)/rug slbatic3, che si mettono allingresso del cortile oppure sulla porta della stalla e del fienile come protezione contro il furto della manna (il potere del latte delle mucche e delle pecore). Dobbiamo precisare che la festa di Sangiorgio, che funziona per leconomia simbolica rurale come un Anno Nuovo pastorale, delinea linizio di un periodo estrememente attivo dal punto di vista magico. Passata la festa di Sangiorgio, si formano le greggi e si misura la quantit di latte prodotto da ogni grege (nellambito di unaltra festa, La Misurazione del latte/Msuriul laptelui4) e si costituiscono le mandrie dei villaggi
1 Testo tradotto dal romeno da Vasile Rus ed Enzo Palmisciano 2 Il termine rumeno man, ampiamente attestato nella cultura popolare rumena (Dicionarul Limbii Romne 1965/VI, I: 76-77), proviene dai testi liturgici bizantini-slavi medievali, (Pavelescu 19982: 97, 116; cf. Evseev 1997: 252. Vulcnescu 1985: 300). Ci sono qualche feste di man, nel calendario popolare rumeno, tramite quale il Sangiorgio occupa una posizione centrale (Cuceu, Ion e Maria: 201-214, 1981/II: 207. Benga 2005: 131). 3 La loro provenienza , di solito, liminale: per assicurare leficienza magica, i rami di spugli spinosi sono apportati da una regione di limite di una propriet (de pe hotar) e da dove il gallo non canta (unde coco nu cnt) (Informazioni del campo da Ciureni, Slaj; Ciubncua e Ciubanca, Cluj, 20-22.04.2005). 4 La Misurazione del latte delle pecore/Msuriul laptelui si fa di solito al Sangiorgio Vecchio/ Sngeorzu Btrn, la festa secondo il calendario giuliano, quando si formano le greggi nelle regioni agro-pastorali. Nellambito di questa festa, che comporta vari riti apotropaici (di difesa della manna delle pecore), riti di purificazione della gregge (con aqua benedetta/aghiasm ed incenso/ tmie) e rami verti, con i quali si addobba la stalla delle pecore/staulul ed il pecorile/stna (a Suciu de Jos, Maramure si veda il materiale etnologico-vizivo dallOrma, raccolto da Emil Chitian in 20.04.2009) oppure le processioni del Pplugra (le maschere con rami verti). Per il Pplugra

406

Bogdan Neagota, Ileana Benga

(Fochi 1976: 301-305. Cuceu 1973: 447-448); solo dopo questo periodo permesso il pascolo sui prati di propriet del villaggio, visto che lerba gi cresciuta sufficientemente per essere pascolata. Nella parte meridionale della Transilvania (nella regione di Zarand), il giorno dopo, cio il 24 di Aprile, viene festeggiato il cosddetto Sangiorgio del bestiame, mentre nella Romania sud-carpatica due giorni pi tardi un tempo si festeggiava il Sanmarco dei buoi (Marian 19942: 314). Il giorno caratterizzato dal divieto di usare il bestiame allaratro o di mettergli il giogo (Marian 1899: 203, 261, 286-287, 292). Il lancio di grida sul villaggio/strigatu peste sat una pratica di tipo carnevalesco (charivari), fatta dalla ceata de feciori, gruppo amalgamato di giovani del villaggio e consiste nel recitare ad alta voce piccoli testi satirici che si riferiscono ai compaesani, attorno a un grande fuoco, e nel far rotolare ruote incendiate sul pendio del colle verso il villaggio (Manolescu, 1967: 111-150). Questo cerimoniale non specifico soltanto del Sangiorgio, ma eseguito anche in altri periodi dellanno: tra San Nicola e lAnno Nuovo o lEpifania, quando accompagnato da altre pratiche carnevalesche (lo spostamento dei portoni, la preparazione di pupazzi maschili o femminili fatti con paglie e pezza, il Vecchione/Moul e la Vecchiona/Baba, che sono messi davanti alle case dei celibi e delle zitelle ecc.), prima della Quaresima, nel Giovedi Santo, a Pasqua, a San Giovanni Battista. Il cerimoniale molto diffuso, essendo attestato ancora in aree estese negli anni 80, in Maramure, Criana e Banat (Ghinoiu 2002: 279-280), nella Transilvania (2003: 366-369) ed in Oltenia ciscarpatica (Ghinoiu 2001: 340-343). Nella maggioranza dei villaggi transilvani, attestata la pratica della Bagnatura (Udatul) di Sangiorgio, accompagnata o non dallorticazione (a volte per innaffiare ci si aiuta con un mazzo di ortiche5), che consiste nel lanciarsi acqua reciprocamente tra gli abitanti del villaggio (particolarmente i giovani e le ragazze) durante il giorno della festa (Fochi 1976: 305. Ghinoiu 2002: 220 e 2003: 283). Precisiamo che il lancio generalizzato dellacqua tra compaesani in occasione di Sangiorgio e laspersione cerimoniale praticata nei riti per linvocazione della pioggia (parte del complesso delle paparude meridionale) sono due cose distinte, che presentano alcuni isomorfismi a causa delle loro radici culturale comuni, cio unideologia magico-religiosa arcaica di tipo agrario (Cuceu 1973: 449 e 1988: 131). Infine, un cerimoniale meno diffuso nei nostri giorni, ormai vicino alla scomparsa, la processione per le vie del villaggio di un giovanotto chiamato Gheorghe/ Sngeorzul/Burduhoasa/Gooiul/Bloaja/Bbluda ecc., vestito con la vegetazione del bosco, accompagnato da un corteggio di giovani e bagnato con aqua dai suoi compaesani. Lusanza, ampiamente attestata nelle culture popolari europee6, in
della festa del Misurazione del latte, si vedano la descrizione del cerimoniale negli anni 70 in due villaggi di Bistria-Nsud, agu e gor (Badea 1975: 367-369) e le nostre ricerche sui Pprugi nel contesto del mpreunatu oilor nei quattro villagi, due dalla regione di Cluj (Geaca e Cmrau) e due dal Slaj (Dragu e Voivodeni). 5 Informazione presa a Vrtop, Roia Montan (Alba), nei Monti Apuseni (Carpazi Occidentali). 6 Per quanto riguarda le possibili aperture comparatistiche europee, rimandiamo alla bibliografia classica: la processione del Verde Giorgio in Slovenia, Carinzia, Craina e Russia (Frazer 1992: 157-159. Mannhardt 19042, I: 311-333), fra gli Zingari della Transilvania (Frazer 1992: 157-159), in alcuni villaggi nei dintorni di Trieste ed isolatamente nella Slovenia, fino al quinto decennio (ap. Gherman 1987: 90). Nella fase attuale della ricerca sul complesso cerimoniale del Pplugra, possiamo soltanto rimarcare i parallelismi ed alcuni isomorfismi possibili negli usi cerimoniali delle

Della festa di sangiorgio nella Transilvania settentrionale

407

stretto legame con i riti dinvocazione delle piogge e con le pratiche magiche per favorire il potere germinativo a tutti i livelli (vegetale, animale, umano). * La nostra ricerca si sta svolgendo intorno a questultimo cerimoniale, che stiamo seguendo di pari passo nei documenti degli archivi, nei materiali pubblicati (per le attestazioni dellusanza nel periodo tra le due guerre mondiali e nellimmediato dopoguerra) ed anche nella realt del villaggio romeno di oggi. Nelle regioni dove il costume gia fuori pratica cerchiamo una sua ricostruzione tramite le interviste con interlocutori appartenenti a diverse et, per osservare le trasformazioni e la scomparsa del costume stesso nel contesto dei cambiamenti socio-economici e politici pi grandi, che hanno sconvolto decisamente il sistema culturale rurale tradizionale7. Dal punto di vista metodologico, sosteniamo unapproccio che prenda in considerazione sia il cerimoniale come testo morfodinamico, in collegamento intertestuale con altri testi cerimoniali dinverno e di primavera8, che come parte integrante di un contesto storico (sociale, economico, ideologico, politico)9. In questo quadro,
maschere vegetale nel calendario festivo agricolo, nelle culture popolari dellEuropa meridionale, centrale ed orientale, per poter identificare in seguito le determinazioni specifiche di questo complesso cerimoniale. Certo, il problema pu essere abbordato tanto con parametri diffusionisti e di circolazione culturale storicamente analizzabile, quanto in termini metastorici (la trasmissione cognitiva delle invarianti cerimoniali, in un contesto prevalentemente orale ricorrendo ai meccanismi della memoria e dellintertestualit). 7 Si tratta di fenomeni che hanno trasformato radicalmente, dopo 1945, la societ contadina dalla Romania: la seconda guerra mondiale e loccupazione sovietica, il terrore ideologico del quinto decennio dello scorso secolo, la cooperativizzazione dellagricoltura sulla scia del modello sovietico, il continuo pendolarismo e lo spostamento socio-economico verso la citt negli anni 70-80, il contributo addiritura a-culturante della politica culturale di Ceauescu, limpatto duro dei mass-media visuali dopo la caduta del regime comunista ed alla fine la migrazione economica generalizzata dei giovani romeni verso lEuropa Occidentale (pi intensa dopo il 2001). 8 Tutti questi cerimoniali e pratiche magico-religiose, calendaristici e familiari, della tradizione culturale del villaggio preso in considerazione, sono legati intertestualmente in una solidariet cognitiva, strutturale, archetipica ecc., in virt del carattere sistemico dellethos folclorico (Creu 1980: 114): i testi folclorici sono costruiti secondo alcune regole cognitive che strutturano il macrosistema culturale folclorico romeno oppure i microsistemi folclorici regionali e locali (Neagota 2005: 44-46). La prospettiva morfodinamica sulla vita cerimoniale rurale ci apre anche livelli di comprensione etnologica: le trasformazioni subite da un costume locale al livello dei protagonisti, dellabbigliamento cerimoniale, delle sequenze cerimoniali e degli atti compiuti, cos come si succedono da una generazione allaltra (rintracciabile attraverso interviste con rappresentanti di ogni generazione), in collegamento con lo stesso costume oppure con altre usanze a carattere stagionale dei villaggi limitrofi o di quelli con cui si hanno rapporti commerciali; le trasformazioni del cerimoniale. 9 Ad un altro livello cognitivo, il problema delle trasformazioni morfodinamiche del costume meso in riferimento alla dinamica sociale dei gruppi umani che sostengono il cerimoniale: allora ci interessa la relazione tra i cerimoniali stagionali e la loro base sociale costante, cio il gruppo cerimoniale dei giovani (la schiera dei giovani), che amministrava o amministra ancora questi costumi (le confraternit di canti natalizi, le societ paramilitari di tipo tradizionale, i sodalizi arcaici del tipo dei Cluari) ed riti di passaggio (riti pubertari, riti prenuziali). La schiera tradizionale di giovani si trasformata progressivamente nel Novecento, fino alloccultamento o la scomparsa dei cerimoniali stagionali. Nello stesso tempo, in seguito allattenuarsi del legame di solidariet tra generazioni, i meccanismi tradizionali di trasmissione dei costumi hanno cominciato a presentare alcune disfunzioni, fino alla rottura attuale (il disinteresse dei giovani per la tradizione culturale locale). Il nouvo contesto storico del dopoguerra (la sovietizzazione della Romania negli anni 50, il

408

Bogdan Neagota, Ileana Benga

precisiamo che la ricerca sul campo relativamente alle maschere vegetale, cominciata da noi proprio nel 2004 in Muncel e continuata sistematicamente in una ricerca di tipo rete, con i membri della nostra associazione etnologica, ancora in corso, tanto che il nostro discorso si limiter a quegli aspetti trattati da noi fino ad oggi ed qualche zone unitarie. Nonostante la nostra intenzione sia quella di superare la dicotomia tra la ricerca testuale (morfologica, strutturalista) e quella contestuale (la sociologia dei costumi calendarisitici), allo stadio attuale delle ricerche (vista la natura del materiale etnologico a nostra disposizione) dobbiamo limitarci ad unanalisi prevalentemente morfologica. La diacronia non viene messa tra parentesi, ma assunta in una prospettiva metastorica, tramite una morfodinamica integrante (Culianu 1998: 8-9, 22-28), insufficiente per se non viene contestualizzata. Poi, le interviste audio e video sono supportate da un approccio antropologicovisuale, cio dalla riproduzione su scanner delle fotografie provenienti dagli archivi personali degli interlocutori, accompagnate dai commenti esplicativi. Nei pochi paesi dove il cerimoniale ancora celebrato, linvestigazione si concentra sulla realizzazione di fimati in situ del cerimoniale nelle sue diverse fasi. Un altro aspetto costituito dalla relazione intertestuale assai intensa fra le cerimonie stagionali di primavera e destate. In questo senso, una ricerca concentrata sul cerimoniale del Pplugra non pu essere fatta isolatamente, ma solo in relazione alle altre usanze contadine (il Bue incoronato, lAratore, il Sangiorgio, le Snziene, la Corona della messe) e ai fattori contestuali menzionati sopra. Cos, cartografare una regione assai vasta non cerca una descrizione di tipo morfologico, attendibile in una monografia statica, ma solo una radiografia morfodinamica di questi costumi negli ultimi 70-80 anni. La ricerca archivistica (includiamo qui anche gli archivi particolari, fotografici o videoregistrati, le fotografie con i Pplugre dagli archivi dei contadini dei villaggi esaminati) rafforzata da una ricerca svolta dai gruppi di ricercatori del Centro Orma di Studi Etnologici e Storico-Religiosi, per cogliere le tradizioni stagionali nelle loro varie articolazioni intertestuali e contestuali. Non possiamo dare una spiegazione generale n sulle circonstanze che hanno portato alla scomparsa del costume nella maggior parte dei villaggi, perch la motivazione varia da un posto ad altro, n sulla sua sopravvivenza in alcune localit, che si presenta in una sorta di sistema insulare o di arcipelago. Il fatto che ci ha colpito innanzitutto il carattere profondamente locale del cerimoniale del Pplugra: gli attanti cerimoniali e gli abitanti di ciascun villaggio vivono con la coscienza della quasi-unicit e specificit esclusiva di questo costume, come se fosse realizzato soltanto in quel luogo e nonostante sappiano dellesistenza di un cerimoniale simile in altri villaggi, considerano la propria variante come la pi bella (cea mai fain). Infatti, una delle possibili spiegazioni della freschezza straordinaria del costume la sua non-inclusione, nel periodo della rivoluzione culturale nazionalista-comunista promossa da Ceauescu, nella sindrome dei movimenti culturali ed ideologici di massa (il fenomeno del Cantare la Romania), una cosa che gli ha permesso di mantenersi in una forma relativamente tradizionale. Questa sfida del regime nei confronti del cerimoniale lo ha protetto da una morte subita per via della spettaconazional-comunismo di Ceauescu negli anni 70-80, la migrazione economica interna ed esterna, la turisticizzazione di alcuni cerimoniali agricoli, le manipolazioni politiche dei cerimoniali dopo 1990, limpatto dei mass media ecc.) ha avuto un impatto decisivo sulla vita cerimoniale rurale della Romania.

Della festa di sangiorgio nella Transilvania settentrionale

409

larizzazione, conservandolo nella sua finalit primaria, quella comunitaria. Laddove esso sparito, la richiesta sociale era troppo debole o addirritura inesistente nelle giovani generazioni. Questo cerimoniale, come gli altri, dipendente dalla presenza dei giovani nel luogo e dalla loro motivazione cerimoniale. La documentazione archivistica esistente10, che ci interessa per la nostra attuale ricerca, si riferisce alla parte centrale (la Valle del Arie e la regione di Alba) ed alla met settentrionale (le Valli di Someu Mic, Someu Mare e Lpu) della Transilvania: per il Novecento (specialmente il periodo interbellico) abbiamo varie descrizioni, pi o meno dettagliate11. La nostra ricerca sul campo circoscrive il costume in qualche regioni diversi: la Valle del Some (Muncel, Ccu, Slica ecc.)12; la regione di Dej (Codor13 e Nire14); la Valle del Someu Mic (op/Pdurenii, Mintiu Gherlii, Mnstirea) e la Valle del ible, a circa 30 km di distanza (Cianu Mic e Cianu Mare), dove la processione con maschere vegetale accompagna il cerimoniale del Bue Incoronato di Pentecoste15; la Valle del Arie (Buru16); le regioni di Alba (Mhceni17, Limba18) e di Cluj (oimeni19); il Pplugra alla festa della

10 Si tratta di due manoscritti del Museo Etnografico della Transilvania, del materiale raccolto nellambito delle ricerche dellAtlante Linguistico Romeno (la questione no 4251), dei documenti dallArchivio del Folklore dellAccademia Romena di Cluj la descrizione del cerimoniale in 18 localit (alcune delle aree del Some e di Cluj) e dei documenti dellArchivio personale di Traian Gherman, che riguardano il cerimoniale in 90 localit. Tutto questo materiale stato raccolto nel quarto decennio (1932-1939) tramite questionari postali (Cuceu 1981: 205-206). Per gli anni 2000, abbiamo raccolto un materiale etnografico-visivo assai ricco in alcune regioni (la Valle di Some, la regione di Cluj, la Valle di Arie, la regione di Alba, Slaj), che si trova nellArchivio del Centro Orma di Studi Etnologici e Storico-Religiosi (COSEIR) di Cluj-Napoca. 11 Frncu e Candrea 1888: 129. Densuianu 1896, ap. Fochi 1976: 305-306. Hasdeu Tgls 1910: 1910, 243-246. Gherman 1924: 25, 57-59 e 1986: 89-118. Viciu 1926: 53-55. Cosma 1933: 40. Lazr 1977: 57-60 ecc.) e alcuni saggi etnologici sistematici (Rdulescu 1938: 148-155. Retegan 1957: 38-49. Cuceu 1973: 449-450 e 1981: 201-214. Badea 1975: 367-369. Gherman 1987: 89118. 12 Il cerimoniale del Sangiorgio svolto in Muncel monitorizzatto da noi con mezzi etnografico-visivi cominciando dal 2004: 2004 (Bogdan Neagota, Ileana Benga); 2005 (Bogdan Neagota, Cosmina Timoce, Anamaria Iuga, Levente Arany); 2006 (Ileana Benga, Mdlin Amzolini); 2007 (Bogdan Neagota, Cosmina Timoce, Mihai Leaha, Anamaria Iuga); 2008 (Mihai Leaha, Adina Tulai), 2009 (Ileana Benga, Bogdan Neagota, Olimpiu Drgan). 13 Il cerimoniale dei Gooi di Pentecoste di Codor stato monitorizzatto da noi con mezzi etnograficovisivi nel periodo 2005-2007: 2005 (Bogdan Neagota, Ileana Benga); 2006 (Bogdan Neagota); 2007 (Ioana Murean). 14 Il cerimoniale dei Pprugi di Ispas monitorizzatto da noi con mezzi etnografico-visivi cominciando dal 2008 (Bogdan Neagota, Mihai Leaha, Adela Ambruan, Vasile Mathe). 15 Per lelenco delle nostre ricerche sui Buoi cerimoniali di Pentecoste si veda il sito internet del Centro Orma di Studi Etnologici e Storico-Religiosi: www.orma.ro (Archivio Le feste di primavera). 16 La Bbluda di Sangiorgio monitorizzatta da noi etnologicamente cominciando dal 2005: 2005 (Bogdan Neagota, Ileana Benga); 2006 (Bogdan Neagota, Mihai Leaha); 2007 (Bogdan Neagota, Mihai Leaha, Anamaria Iuga); 2008 (Mihai Leaha, Adina Tulai, Mihaela Giurgiu); 2009 (Ileana Benga, Bogdan Neagota. Mihai Leaha, Mihaela Giurgiu). 17 La Bbluda di Sangiorgio monitorizzatta da noi dal 2008: 2008 (Bogdan Neagota, Anamaria Iuga, Adela Ambruan); 2009 (Emil Chitian). 18 La Borbolatia di Sangiorgio monitorizzatta da noi dal 2007: 2007 (Ileana Benga, Mdlin Amzolini); 2008 (Vasile Mathe); 2009 (Mihai Leaha). 19 Il Pplugra di oimeni, monitorizzatta da noi dal 2008: 2008 (Mihai Leaha), 2009 (Anamaria Iuga).

410

Bogdan Neagota, Ileana Benga

Misurazione del latte20. Finora, ci abbiamo concentrato sulla met settentrionale della Transilvania, dove il costume si mantenuto relativamente attivo fino agli anni 80, per entrare nella sua fase terminale negli ultimi 10 anni. I villaggi menzionati comprendono aree pi estese, che devono essere investigate sistematicamente, per circoscrivere la morfodinamica regionale del costume, assieme alle sue particolarit locali. Nella fase attuale della ricerca non possiamo avanzare considerazioni di ordine tipologico sulle aree nelle quali se estende il costume, sulla base di alcune sequenze cerimoniali ricorrenti e del periodo della celebrazione compreso fra lequinozio di primavera ed il solstizio destate. Osserviamo, per, sulle tracce delle considerazioni di Gherman, la differenza primaria fra le varianti pi semplici del costume (attestate nei villaggi dove il cerimoniale viene praticato independentemente) e le varianti mescolate agli altri costumi ovvero prodotte tramite la stratificazione di due usanze (Gherman 1987: 98). Questi ultimi tipi cerimoniali sono espressioni dellisomorfismo morfologico tra il cerimoniale del Sangiorgio e gli altri costumi agrari di primavera, Laratore (Plugarul) ed Il bue incoronato (Boul mpnat/nstruat), destate (Le Pprude un cerimoniale dinvocazione magica della pioggia) o dinverno (le danze con maschere a Capodanno), con i quali si intreccia. In tutti questi casi si osserva la migrazione di alcuni invarianti cerimoniali e gesti rituali cos come del giorno di celebrazione, da un costume allaltro, nellambito del periodo circoscritto del solstizio dinverno, dellequinozio di primavera ed del solstizio destate. Questi movimenti hanno, come si vedr, un carattere profondamente sistemico, che si basa sui meccanismi interni dellethos folklorico, sotteso da unintenzionalit cosciente e lucida (Creu 1980: 111). Essendo strutturalmente un microsistema del macrosistema della cultura tradizionale, il costume si manifesta come una realt culturale dinamica e aperta a tutti gli influssi allinterno e fuori dallethos (Creu 1980: 98). Per lillustrazione di questi processi culturali presenteremo alcuni tipi processionali del Sangiorgio, visti in un approccio unitario (sintagmatico), che permetta di rintracciare i paradigmi e comprendere i significati di ogni pratica cerimoniale nella sua dinamica morfologica e storica (Pop 1976: 5). * Cominciamo quindi con la descrizione di un cerimoniale autonomo di Sngeorz, come si fa ogni anno nel villaggio di Muncel (comune di Ccu, regione del Some). Le varie tappe sono inquadrate nel contesto festivo dei due giorni (la vigilia e la festa)21. I. Nella vigilia della festa di Sangiorgio, alcuni paesani escono dal villaggio e portano rami di rosa canina e di salice, i quali vengono fissati sugli ingressi dei cortili
20 Le ricerche sul campo sono state svolte dal 2007: Geaca 2007 (Bogdan Neagota, Ileana Benga, Mdlin Amzolini) e 2009 (Bogdan Neagota, Adela Ambruan, Emil Chitian); Cmrau 2006 (Cosmina Timoce, Mdlin Amzolini, Anamaria Iuga), 2007 (Ileana Benga, Bogdan Neagota, Mihai Leaha) e 2009 (Ileana Benga, Bogdan Neagota, Anamaria Iuga); Voivodeni 2008 (Ioan Augustin Goia, Adela Ambruan, Vlad Gheorghieanu) i Dragu 2008 (Bogdan Neagota, Adela Ambruan). 21 Le osservazioni risalgono dalle nostre ricerche sul campo a Muncel (allincrocio delle aree etnografiche di Cluj e Slaj), svolte nel periodo 2004-2009.

Della festa di sangiorgio nella Transilvania settentrionale

411

e sulle porte delle stalle per proteggere il bestiame (le mucche, le pecore ecc.) contro le aggressioni magiche (il furto del latte oppure della manna da parte delle streghe). In 2004, uno dei protagonisti di questo rituale in Muncel, una donna 58 anni, Lucia Birta, precisava brevemente la funzione della rosa canina: per pungere con le spine le streghe quando vengono a rubare il latte!. Oggi, la maggioranza di coloro che rispettano il costume, lo fanno in virt della tradizione, senza conoscere davvero il significato magico della pratica. Ma le pratiche apotropaiche vegetali della festa di Sangiorgio sono generali ed ancora praticate in Transilvania. II. Nello stesso pomeriggio, i fanciulli portano in cima al colle pneumatici consumati di automobili, raccolti nellultimo periodo di tempo. Alla sera, dopo il tramonto, si radunano i giovani su uno o due colli diversi e accendono un fuoco gigantesco, si siedono intorno al fuoco e poi incomincia il vero grido, che consiste nella chiamata satirica delle zitelle e degli uomini non sposati ai quali vengono attribuiti dei possibili ovvero ridicoli compagni di vita con i quali non hanno niente in comune22. Lintenzione satirica palese, simile a quella delle battute grottesche durante le nozze (le strigturi), per qui ha una struttura dialogica: si tratta di un dialogo ritmato fra due gruppi di giovani, posti su due colli vicini. Negli ultimi anni, quando la maggior parte dei giovani del paese sono partiti per lavorare allestero, i giovani rimasti si sono raggruppati sullo stesso colle, per sostenere insieme lintero dialogo: Voi, di l! (Bi!) Che cosa? (Ce-i?) Piselli alla parete/ Si adattano proprio bene! (Mazre-n prete,/ Bine li s ede!) A chi? (La cine?). Poi viene la battuta vera e propria: A questa (N*) con questo (N*)!. E aggiungono nello stesso stile scherzoso: Maiale e porcile, / Zappa e vanga (Porcu i coteu, / Sapa i hrleu!) (cio coloro che vengono chiamati a voce alta vanno insieme come i termini di paragone citati). Sotto, nel villaggio, la gente ascolta le gridate dei giovanotti e si diverte. Le gridate vengono prolungate oltre la mezzanotte, dopo di che i giovani danno fuoco agli pneumatici e li lanciano gi per il pendio del colle. Una volta venivano usate le ruote di legno dei carri ai quali erano attaccate torce di paglia. Anni fa, il grido dal pendio (strigatul din coast) era rivolto anche alle streghe che rubavano il latte delle mucche e la manna dal campo (di grano), visto il carattere profondamente magico della notte di Sangiorgio. Oggi, la funzione dello smascherare le streghe stata assunta in alcune regioni (per esempio, nel sud dei Carpazi Occidentali23), dal prete, che menziona nellomelia natalizia o pasquale la presenza nel villaggio di tante streghe (indica il loro numero, non certo i nomi), esortandole a non rubare pi la manna, perch peccato mortale. III.1. La mattina della festa di Sangiorgio (una volta cominciava prima dellalba), prima che finisca la Messa, i giovani (ma non le ragazze, perch la loro presenza non accettata), senza neanche andare in chiesa, si radunano in uno dei boschi al confine del villaggio e cominciano a tagliare rami di faggio (o di betulla, sulla valle del Arie) per vestire il Sangiorgio (Sngeorz)/Giorgio (Gheorghe) (questo il nome cerimoniale delattante, che viene scelto tra i giovani pi robusti, perch necessaria la forza fisica per portare gli ornamenti attraverso lintero villaggio). I bambini e i ragazzi raccolgono i rami, strappano i ramoscelli e si confezionano dei piccoli pif22 Nelle varianti tradizionali della gridata al di sopra del villaggio, la partecipazione a questo rituale era proibito alle donne ed alle fanciulle. 23 Ibid.

412

Bogdan Neagota, Ileana Benga

feri (flicoaie) e delle grosse buccine (buciume) con la corteccia degli alberi (ormai questa pratica caduta in disuso a causa delle difficolt della lavorazione), mentre i ragazzi pi grandi abbigliano il Sangiorgio. La tecnica dellabbigliamento si vede nelle immagini del filmato: essa segue il modello delle squame di pesce, cos che lacqua scorra e non appesantisca troppo lattrezzatura. Giorgio viene tutto coperto da ramoscelli ed dotato di una coda attaccata con un filo di ferro perch rimanga in posizione eretta e di una clava (oppure una lunga verga con un mazzo di ortiche sulla punta, nella valle dellArie) con la quale deve difendere il suo abbigliamento vegetale per non essere derubato da quelli che vogliono strappare rami verdi senza pagare un pegno. Due ragazzi vanno a scortecciare un albero (di solito un ciliegio silvestre oppure un carpine) per confezionare una maschera, cio un elmo in cima al quale si mette un ciuffo di ramoscelli di faggio (un mazzo di ortiche invece, nella valle dellArie). III.2. Dopo la vestizione, il Sangiorgio viene appoggiato su due pertiche di legno ed portato fino in cima al colle sdraiato sul dorso, fingendo la sua morte temporanea. L aspettano le ragazze, alle quali viene proibita la partecipazione alla vestizione del Sangiorgio e viene tenuta nascosta la sua identit; infatti, vista la scarsit di giovani, tutti sanno chi il Sangiorgio di quellanno. L viene rimesso in piedi dai membri del corteo e fa il suo ingresso nel villaggio sulle proprie gambe, marciando con una certa gravit cerimoniale scortato dalle grida degli accompagnatori e dal fischio dei pifferi (flicoaie). III.3. La processione del Sangiorgio segue la via principale del villaggio ed il corteo aumenta strada facendo, da una casa allaltra. Gheorghe non ha il permesso di parlare ( ammutolito) ed i ragazzi attorno a lui gridano periodicamente: Chi non bagna Sangiorgio/ Che non abbia fortuna coi porci! (Cne nu ud Sngorzu / S n-ab norc la prci!). Da ogni cortile viene fuori qualcuno che cerca di tirar via un ramoscello dallabbigliamento vegetale del Sangiorgio, visto che possiede delle facolt magiche: quando si va al mercato con unanimale da vendere, questo viene toccato con il ramoscello strappato dallabbigliamento del Sangiorgio per avere numerosi compratori (Si affollino i compratori a questanimale come si affolla la gente al Sangiorgio!). Per questo ramoscello si deve dare in cambio un podacquavite ovvero una cifra simbolica di denaro (di solito da 10 000 a 20 000 lei, cio da 25 a 50 centesimi di euro) che ricevuta dal cassiere accanto a Gheorghe; nella contea di Alba (villaggio Limba, comune di Ciugud), Borbolatia (la variante locale del Sangiorgio) riceve delle uova (Muntean e Sabu 2004). In altri villaggi della contea di Slaj Chinzeni, Clacea (Gherman 1987: 100-101), il Giorgio ballava davanti ad ogni casa. A ogni portone, il corteo viene aspettato dai padroni con un secchio dacqua che gettato in testa al Giorgio ed allimprovviso anche in testa alle altre persone intorno, gesto che scatena spesso un lancio di acqua generalizzato (gli anziani bagnano le donne della stessa et, i giovanotti di solito le ragazze o viceversa, i fanciulli bagnano le ragazzine e cos via). III.4. La scena si ripete decine di volte fino al confine del villaggio dove, accanto al ruscello, si esegue la spoliazione del Sangiorgio: Gheorghe si sdraia sul dorso, il suo vestito vegetale viene strappato assieme allelmo di corteccia, ed entrambi vengono calpestati ed abbandonati sul posto (perch il potere magico di quel vestito sia annullato), la sua clava invece viene gettata lontano. In altri paesi, sulla valle del Someul Mic, il Sangiorgio gettato nellacqua e poi viene spogliato in riva

Della festa di sangiorgio nella Transilvania settentrionale

413

al ruscello (Cuceu 1981: 212-213) oppure svestito in un campo seminato, dove sono dispersi i rami e le foglie per stimolare la fecondit vegetale (Rdulescu 1938: 153-154) o per la difesa magica del raccolto dagli uccelli e del grano dal carbonchio (Cuceu 1981: 212); a Fodora, le donne raccoglievano le foglie dallabbigliamento del Sangiorgio conservandole come medicina per la malaria (Gherman 1987: 101) mentre in altre localit i ramoscelli erano rubati/presi dai partecipanti al rito finale e portati a casa, dove si mettevano sul semenzaio per la protezione delle pianticelle di cavolo dalle pulci (Cuceu 1981: 213). I giovani vanno poi in riva allacqua, dove lattante principale si mette addosso un abito asciutto, visto che alla fine della processione interamente bagnato, e bevono dallacquavite ricevuta dalla gente. Poi vanno a spendere insieme allosteria i soldi raccolti, giocano a pallone e verso sera vanno in discoteca. Anni fa, si organizzava un ballo nel pomeriggio del Sangiorgio ed un banchetto della giovent del villaggio. * Il secondo esempio si riferisce ad un cerimoniale processionale sincretico, situato allincrocio tra la Pplugra di Sangiorgio24 e lAratore (Plugarul), unusanza che festeggiava il primo uomo del villaggio uscito per laratura ed era celebrato nella stessa festa del Sangiorgio (nella Valle del Some) o a Pasquetta (in altre aree etnografiche della Transilvania). Qui, le due usanze, LAratore e La Pplugra sono confluite in un cerimoniale complesso celebrato a Sangiorgio. Di consequenza prevalgono le pratiche specifiche del Sangiorgio, mentre LAratore gioca un ruolo secondario nellinsieme del rituale (Gherman 1981: 184): a casa delluomo che uscito per primo in quellanno con laratro viene un giovane vestito con paglia e rami verdi, accompagnato da ragazzi e ragazze, con suonatori di strumenti musicali che vengono accolti e serviti tutti quanti, come auspicio di un buon raccolto (Kdr 1900/VI: 302, ap. Gherman 1981: 184). Per illustrare questo sincretismo cerimoniale presentiamo brevemente la descrizione delluso in alcuni villaggi nella Valle del Someul Mare, verso la zona di Lpu (cio i villaggi Jichiu de Sus, igu, Ceiu, Vale, Ciubncua, Escu, Feleac e.a.), cos come stato praticato fino agli anni 50 (Gherman 1981: 184-186): 1. Il travestimento di un giovane nel bosco, nella notte della vigilia di Sangiorgio, da parte della schiera dei giovani: unabbigliamento di foglie verdi, cucite sugli abiti con filo confezionato dalla corteccia di ciliegio pi una maschera fatta con la corteccia di ciliegio posta sul viso con foglie verdi cucite sopra (Jichiu de Sus) / unelmo fatto con corteccia di ciliegio / tiglio sul viso con delle foglie verdi e con delle aperture corrispondenti agli occhi, al naso ed alla bocca (Vale). 2. Lingresso di Ppluga/Ppluhra nel villaggio, accompagnato da tutti i giovani, che laspettano al limite dellabitato, dopo luscita dalla chiesa e laspersione di esso con acqua davanti a tutte le porte. Nel villaggio di Vale (dove il costume stato praticato fino allintroduzione del nuovo calendario), Pplugra veniva circondato da moltissimi ragazzini travestiti da Gooi (vestiti con abiti rovinati e con
24 Pplugra/Papaluga (nella regione delimitata dalle Valli del Someu Mare e del Lpu) e Gooiul (in alcuni villaggi della Valle del Arie) sono varianti regionali del Sngeorz presentato sopra. Questi cerimoniali sono stati praticati fino agli anni 60 70 dello scorso secolo.

414

Bogdan Neagota, Ileana Benga

la faccia sporca di fuliggine, ognuno con un lungo palo in mano sulla cui punta si trova una palla di panni in romeno regionale motroac piena di cenere, con il quale colpivano tutti quelli che osavano avvicinarsi troppo al Pplugra). Il corteo comprendeva ancora altri personaggi: un ragazzo vestito da pastore (pcurar < lat. picurarius), con un bastone in mano ed una sacca fatta con corteccia, legata intorno al collo e tenuta dietro la testa + le pecore (i bambini); un ragazzo travestito da prete, mascherato con corteccia dalbero, che porta il Vangelo + un diacono con un libro di corteccia + un sagrestano (ft) con un turibolo di corteccia; due tamburini (romeno regionale dobai) + due o quattro gendarmi con sciabole e fucili di legno di nocciolo; suonatori di buccine (in romeno buciumai) con strumenti di corteccia ed un flautista (in romeno regionale flota); un giovane travestito da serva (ancilla) con un canestro in mano. La sceneggiatura sviluppata davanti a ogni portone parodiava la lettura del Vangelo da parte del prete (popa) con un ragazzo mascherato da spazzacamino (gooi), nascosto sotto la pianeta, le risposte del diacono ed il movimento del turibolo verso il gooi da parte del sagrestano. Ogni tentativo di bagnare il prete veniva punito dal gooi, che colpiva il temerario con la palla piena di cenere. Il prete riceveva soldi dai padroni di casa, la serva invece raccoglieva delle uova. 3. Litinerario di Pplugra finisce davanti al portone di colui che era uscito per primo nel campo per arare. Tutta la gente entra nel cortile, dove sono condotti allaperto tutti gli attrezzi per arare. Sei ragazzi di quelli che avevano abbigliato il Ppluhra si mettono sulle spalle il giogo dellaratro e tracciano un solco in mezzo al cortile (Jichiu de Sus). In un altro villaggio, il Ppluga prende la guida dellaratro mentre alcuni giovani danno in pegno laratro allosteria del villaggio per due o tre litri dacquavite (Ceiu). In Ciubncua (dove luso sparito molto prima del 1953), se il primo aratore non voleva ricevere ed ospitare il Pplugra ed il suo corteo, gli venivano tolti laratro e le rotelle e pignorate allosteria in cambio di bevande. In Feleac (1953), una volta bagnato il Pplugra nel cortile del primo aratore, questi offriva un ricevimento per lintero corteo. Labbigliamento vegetale del Pplugra era conservato per il giorno dopo, per essere posto sullaratro, sul giogo e sulle corna dei buoi, quando si usciva in processione fino al limite dellabitato; questo abbigliamento veniva gettato poi a forma di croce sopra i campi seminati. Nel villaggio di Vale, lultimo padrone di casa visitato era il primo aratore del villaggio, che aspettava il corteo con laratro gi piazzato nel cortile, con violinisti e bevande: si dsipongono tutti in un grande circolo ed il padrone balla con il Pplugra seguendo il ritmo della musica, ma non lo bagna, sparpagliandogli invece grano sulla testa durante la danza. Finita la danza, il padrone porta il Pplugra e le altre persone mascherate nel fienile o nella stalla e le spoglia del loro abbigliamento vegetale, che viene disposto sullaratro (e dopo la festa messo sullerpice e sulla mangiatoia). 4. La rimozione della maschera del Ppluhra nel cortile, sotto gli occhi di tutti e linvito a tavola per il Ppluhra ed il suo corteo. * Nella Valle del Someu Mic, il cerimoniale del Ppruga interferisce con il complesso cerimoniale del Bue incoronato (Boul mpnat) che si svolge alla Pentecoste. Esamineremo quattro cerimoniali, ai quali abbiamo partecipato negli ultimi anni, due nella Valle del Someu Mic (Mnstirea e Mintiu Gherlii) e due nella Valle

Della festa di sangiorgio nella Transilvania settentrionale

415

del ible (Cianu Mare e Cianu Mic). Cos, a Mnstirea (comune di Mica, provincia di Cluj), abbiamo osservato per sette anni di seguito (2003-2009) la festa del Bue incoronato, che presenta due componenti principali: il cerimoniale dellabbigliamento e la processione del Bue, da una parte, e dallaltra, la presenza di alcune persone mascherate, Il Portatore di foglie (Frunzarul), alias Pplugra, e i Portatori di cenere (Cenuoarcele), isomorfi con i Gooii del villaggio di Vale, che proteggono il Portatore di foglie contro il lancio di acqua con laiuto di qualche lungo palo. Il ruolo dei Cenuoarce ricoperto da alcuni ragazzi, vestiti con abiti stracciati e mascherati oppure con la faccia nera di fuliggine, armati ognuno di un palo lungo che ha sulla punta una calza piena di cenere. Laltro personaggio, il Frunzar, interpretato da un giovane coperto interamente da una struttura di rami e fogliame a forma di campana. Secondo le descrizioni pi vecchie dellusanza, dalla fine degli anni 60 (Pavelescu 1977: 281-288. Nicola 1982: 537-553), i Cenuoarce partecipavano in pieno alla processione del Bue incoronato accompagnati da due personaggi oggi scomparsi25, con la funzione di difendere il Bue ed il Frunzar dagli altri partecipanti al cerimoniale, i bagnatori (udtorii), che cercano di bagnare i protagonisti con secchi pieni dacqua. Il corteo del Bue incoronato cresce man mano che la processione avanza. I paesani escono per bagnare il Bue ed il Portatore di foglie, ma i Portatori di cenere si oppongono con i pali colpendo con la calza piena di cenere, cos che alla fine scoppia una battaglia tra i bagnatori ed i Cenuoarce, che hanno anche il compito di spaventare la gente e chiedere una tassa di passaggio. Lintero corteo viene annunziato e preceduto da cavalieri (clrei), due ragazzi, una volta mascherati con corteccia di quercia e di pioppo (prima del 1967), oggi in completo abito popolare o in abiti comuni, che montano cavalli ornati con una piccola corona di fiori (romeno regionale pean), simile a quella del bue. Attualmente, la sequenza cerimoniale segnalata dallapparizione dei Cenuoarce e del Frunzar viene distinta dalla processione vera e propria del Bue incoronato, visto che la precede: quando il bue quasi pronto, nella parte dellitinerario che attraversa il centro del villaggio di Mnstirea, fanno il loro ingresso i Cenuoarce ed il Frunzar, che percorrono pi volte quella porzione del cammino, circondati dalla gente, mentre cercano di evitare i secchi dacqua che sono gettati loro addosso allimprovviso. davvero significativa lattestazione, nellambito della stessa zona del comune di Mica, del cerimoniale dei Pprugi, celebrato nel villaggio di Nire alla festa dellAscensione di Cristo (romeno Ispas/nlare), nella quale atti rituali simili26 sono eseguiti indipendentemente dalla cerimonia del Bue incoronato. Infatti,
25 Il cos-detto Grande Puttaniere (Curvoiul) e la Puttana (Curva), personaggi spariti prima del 1967: un giovane mascherato portava sulle spalle un manichino feminile fatto di panni e paglia, la Curva, che ogni tanto abbracciava e baciava, osando addirritura simulare latto sessuale. 26 Le tappe del cerimoniale delle Ppruge a Nire, nel 1976, erano le seguenti (Lazr 1978: 57-60): (1) Le due file di Pprugi, coloro che chiedono la pioggia, cio una schiera di circa 40 giovani vestiti in cortecce di ciliegio, con maschere, elmi forniti ciascuno di una secchia dacqua come arma difensiva, procedono sulla strada principale. Tra le due file di Pprugi avanza il frunzar/gooi (protetto massiciamente con rami di quercia), cio una maschera portata da un giovane che nasconde la sua identit. (2) La folla intorno prende in giro le Pprugi e viene da queste bagnata. Ne risulta una battaglia dellacqua fra il Frunzar e le Pprugi (che difendono il Frunzar) da una parte e la gente sui margini della via e nei cortili dallaltra, che prosegue fino al ponte situato al margine inferiore del villaggio. (3) Dietro al Frunzar ed alla guardia delle Pprugi si presenta la Turca accompagnata da

416

Bogdan Neagota, Ileana Benga

in questo villaggio, il cerimoniale del Bue non conosciuto, non si mantenuto nella memoria passiva degli anziani e non disponiamo di documenti di archivio che ne attestino la presenza prima della prima guerra mondiale. Nire un villaggio misto, romeno-ungherese ed lusanza romena stata acquisita anche dagli ungheresi; allinizio veniva celebrata allIspas, poi stata scelta una domenica vicina a Ispas, conveniente per entrambe le comunit etniche (visto che la data della festa dellAscensione varia secondo la data della Pasqua, differente per ortodossi, cattolici e protestanti). Il costume stato praticato fino agli anni 90; poi ci sono stati ancora alcuni tentativi senza successo di risuscitarlo da parte di Virgil Medan, un etnomusicologo dallIstituto Archivio del Folclore di Cluj, che originario di Nire27. Il cerimoniale dei Pprugi stato ricostituito poi dalla comune di Mica, cominciando dal 2008, alla festa delle Pentecoste. Nel villaggio di Mintiu Gherlii, il cerimoniale del Bue incoronato migrato da op/Pdurenii negli anni 70 assieme ai giovani trasferitisi da un villaggio isolato tra le colline nel centro abitato principale. Poi, negli anni 80, nelle ambedue localit, in op ed in Mintiu, il costume dei Pprugi della festa dellAscensione ha migrato verso le Pentecoste, diventando un cerimoniale satellite presso il complesso cerimoniale del Bue coronato pentecostale. Il ragione di questa migrazione cerimoniale e molto semplice: il Giovedi dellAscensione era ed ancora giorno lavorativo, e la maggior parte della gente e partita dal villaggio per lavoro, mentre che le Pentecoste sono celebrate Domenica. Cosi, negli ultimi 30 anni, il complesso cerimoniale del Bue coronato includeva anche la processione dei Pprugi della festa dellAscensione, organizzata dai ragazzi di meno di 18 anni. I Pprugi (interpretati dagli adolescenti e dai ragazzi con pettorali e visiere confezionati con legno di ciliegio) ed il Gooi (un ragazzino vestito interamente di fogliame) seguono il corteo del Bue incoronato, difendendosi con lunghe verghe contro la folla che cerca di bagnarli. A Mintiu Gherlii, fino agli anni 80, la processione del Pplugra si faceva nella festa dellAscensione e veniva organizzata dai giovani reclutati nella primavera di quellanno: questi impegnavano in anticipo due uomini, il Pplugra e la Chioccia (romeno Cloca), poi andavano nel bosco, dove confezionavano cinque elmi con corteccia di ciliegio, quattro cinture con diagonali e quattro baionette di legno con foderi di corteccia e una verga di due metri. Poi venivano vestiti il Pplugra (elmo, rami verdi e verga) e la guardia formata da quattro giovani (elmo, cintura e
due maschere, il marito e la moglie, e la banda (taraful) di suonatori di corde primo violinista, un altro violinista che risponde al primo ed un violoncellista (in romeno prima, contra e gordona); raramente un suonatore di piffero) che suona continuamente la melodia tradizionale delle Pprugi (Medan 1968: 7, 139 la melodia nr. 126: le Ppruge di Nire). Questo corteo, seguito dalla folla, si ferma a ogni portone ed i padroni di casa lo accoglie con dei soldi gettati in terra, da dove vengono raccolti con il muso dalla Turca e consegnati per essere conservati alla moglie, che a sua volta li da al marito per metterli nella tasca della tunica (romeno regionale laibr); personaggi simili sono presenti nel corteggio del Bue coronato nel villaggio di Mnstirea (Nicola 1982: 537-553). (4) La festa continua al centro culturale (romeno cminul cultural) con la danza. 27 necessario osservare anche il coinvolgimento degli intellettuali locali nella realizzazione del costume sottoposto talvolta al tentativo di stravolgerlo e di trasformarlo in uno spettacolo folcloristico. Il fenomeno ha dei precedenti nella cultura dei romeni della Transilvania nel XIX secolo, quando alcune associazioni culturali (come LAstra di Sibiu) si sono impegnate attivamente nel riportare in vita alcuni costumi che stavano per sparire (I Clueri dallAltopiano della Transilvania) e nella manipolazione ideologica di altri, nel contesto del movimento di emancipazione dei romeni transilvani.

Della festa di sangiorgio nella Transilvania settentrionale

417

sciabola). La processione era costituita dal Pplugra, affiancato da due gendarmi per ogni lato con le sciabole sguainate, seguito da tre suonatori di strumenti a corda e dalla Chioccia, che aveva in mano una brocca (romeno corf). Il Pplugra ed i Gendarmi venivano bagnati ad ogni casa e la Chioccia raccoglieva le uova ricevute dai padroni di casa28. Arrivati al termine del villaggio, il Pplugra con il suo corteo tornava nel bosco, nello stesso luogo dove era stata fatta la preparazione, si svestiva del suo abito vegetale interrandolo. Le armi degli accompagnatori venivano regalate ai bambini, le uova invece erano date come ricompensa al Pplugra. Lesempio che segue proviene da due villaggi vicini alla Valle del ible (nella zona di Bistria-Nsud), Cianu Mic e Cianu Mare, dove il cerimoniale si svolge il lunedi di Pentecoste. Qui, il cerimoniale comporta due componenti distinti, il Bue incoronato (che veniva preparato e condotto da otto persone senza maschera quattro ragazzi e quattro ragazze) ed i Diavoli (romeno Dracii29), che improvvisano delle pantomime e abbracciano le ragazze. La schiera dei Dracii esclusivamente maschile e prevede la participazione da parte di tutti i giovani del villaggio (oggi sono accettati anche i bambini). Per individuare le trasformazioni del cerimoniale in questi villaggi abbiamo a disposizione le osservazioni del sociologo G. Retegan, dal 1939 (Retegan 1957: 38-48. cf. Nicola 1982: 536-553), la descrizione realizzata da una squadra dellIstituto di Etnografia e Folklore di Bucarest nel 1980 (Comnici e Maier 1981: 125-136), in occasione della realizzazione di un filmato etnologico, e la nostra ricerca sul campo nelle Pentecoste del 2004-2006. Negli anni40 50, la preparazione del cerimoniale era pi complessa. Dopo la mezzanotte del primo giorno di Pentecoste, i giovani che si mascheravano da Dracii si dirigevano verso il luogo della riunione (Coasta lui Sas/Il Pendio di Sas o Pdurea Poieniei/Il Bosco della Piccola Radura), dove andavano a scortecciare i ciliegi silvani (con la corteccia si confezionavano larghe cinture, con la parte lucida allesterno, gambali da applicare intorno alle gambe e cuffia unelmo con la punta pungente, con un ramo di quercia oppure un fiore) e accendevano intanto un grande fuoco con ceppi secchi, per ottenere la pi grande quantit di cenere possibile. Si dicevano delle barzellette senza sipario. Dopo lalba si ungevano il viso con un podi grasso, poi spargevano un grosso strato di cenere30. Ciascuno aveva in mano una verga lunga e flessibile sulla punta della quale lasciavano qualche ramoscello per rendere pi stridente il sibilo. Poi veniva abbigliato un bambino come Foresta (Pdurea), coperto da foglie di quercia e faggio e un giovane travestito da Puttana (Curva), dopo di che tutti uscivano dal bosco, in un punto in cui erano gi arrivati i giovani e le ragazze che dovevano incoronare il bue e che erano vestiti in abiti comuni ed eleganti (Retegan 1957: 43). [Poi seguiva la incoronazione del bue]. E proprio in quel momento arrivava anche la banda dei suonatori (due violini ed un contrabasso). Le trasformazioni fondamentali avvennero sul piano dei personaggi (alcuni sono spariti dal cerimoniale la Puttana, negli anni 80 e la Foresta, negli anni 90)
28 cf. la Borbolatia da Limba (contea di Alba) e la Pplugra da Buru (contea di Cluj) 29 ro. Dracii < lat. Dracones 30 Questo tipo di mascheramento e la reclusione forestiera dei giovanni, assieme con alcune pratiche rituali specifiche sono argomenti per includere il cerimoniale dei Pprugi nel complesso pi largo dei riti pubertari maschili. In questo senso, si veda la nostra dimostrazione nel saggio sulla Bbluda di Buru (Neagota 2009).

418

Bogdan Neagota, Ileana Benga

e del loro abbigliamento: visto il divieto da parte delle autorit comuniste (1949) della scortecciatura dei ciliegi silvani, i giovani hanno confezionato i loro vestiti da Diavoli con pelli di pecora, agnello oppure lepre, cuffie con la pelliccia rivoltata all interno, cinture dagli avanzi di lamina e maschera antigas senza cartuccia; hanno portato con loro da casa la cenere, visto lesistenza del divieto ufficiale di bruciare la legna dal bosco. Sembra che qualche trasgressione era possibile ogni tanto, perch gi nel 1980, i Dracii avevano maschere confezionate con corteccia dalbero ed erano travestiti parzialmente (tramite lapplicazione di alcuni rami verdi sopra gli abiti comuni) oppure totalmente ( con unabito da donna), avendo in mano lunghe clave, alcune ornate con piante verdi (Retegan 1957: 42). Nel 2004, soltanto due giovani di Cianu Mic avevano ancora labbigliamento vegetale, che era stato rifatto da loro seguendo il consiglio degli anziani e guardando le vecchie fotografie. Per il resto, prevalgono maschere standard di gomma, comprate nei negozi e la vestizione delle maschere si fa in gruppi, a casa di uno dei giovani. Fino agli anni 60, il corteo processionale era pi complesso di oggi: la Foresta veniva per prima, seguita dalla schiera dei Dracii, in mezzo alla quale si trovava la Puttana; poi la banda dei suonatori, il ragazzo con la bandiera nazionale, che precedeva di pochi passi il bue incoronato, che veniva trascinato per ogni corno da un giovane, mentre gli altri due e le ragazze chiudevano il corteo, che si dirigeva verso il villaggio senza cantare n gridare. Fino in prossimit del villaggio si andava in ordine sparso, poi il corteo prendeva la forma stabilita dalla tradizione. Se i Dracii, strada facendo, incontravano persone di altri villaggi, le spaventavano e chiedevano loro un pegno in denaro. Alla fine della cerimonia, il corteggio entrava nel villaggio, accolto dagli uomini e dai bambini che correvano davanti ai Dracii e cominciava una rappresentazione di tipo carnevalesco: i Draci eseguivano una pantomima muta ballando sulla musica ritmata della banda, un Drac, non importa quale, simulava latto sessuale con la Curva, la Foresta girava sempre fra i Dracii, dai quali era protetta contro gli sguardi troppo curiosi. Poi la gente rompeva il circolo formatosi nel frattempo, perch i Dracii potessero continuare il loro cammino accompagnati dal pubblico. I Dracii ripetavano lo spettacolo in ogni luogo in cui incontravano gruppi pi numerosi di persone, ma nel centro del villaggio, dove erano aspettati da tutti i paesani e dalle autorit, la rappresentazione durava pi a lungo. I Dracii cercavano i giovani non mascherati e li mettevano in fuga, colpendoli con le verge. Entravano nei cortili della gente e non rifiutavano niente di quello che si offriva loro. Non si facevano discorsi, soltanto esortazioni oscene. Per tutto il tempo, lidentit dei personaggi mascherati (Dracii, Curva e Pdurea) rimaneva segreta. Una volta arrivati allaltra estremit del villaggio, sulla via principale, i Dracii tornavano e, nella stessa configurazione, conducevano il bue incoronato alla stalla del padrone. Qui il bue veniva liberato degli ornamenti e la croce del bue veniva consegnata al padrone di casa31, i Dracii si toglievano le maschere che gettavano nel cortile del padrone del bue insieme a tutti gli oggetti (la verga, lelmo, la cintura, le gambiere), dopo di che andavano al fiume per fare il bagno e cambiarsi gli abiti da diavoli per indossare abiti festivi portati da qualcuno della famiglia. Alla fine aveva luogo una festa nella casa del padrone del bue con un ballo, che durava fino dopo il
31 La croce assieme alle corone di fiori e di foglie viene fissata sopra la stalla del bestiame, dove resta fino a quando non marcisce.

Della festa di sangiorgio nella Transilvania settentrionale

419

tramonto. Nel 2004, il corteo era gi impoverito a causa della scomparsa di alcuni personaggi e della riduzione dellitinerario: i Dracii si sono riuniti al margine del villaggio, dove fermavano tutti passanti e le macchine, chiedendo tasse doganali e facendo delle pantomime lubriche. Poi cominciata la processione con il bue incoronato, con soste in cui si ballava, fino ad una casa scelta prima della festa, dove ha avuto luogo la spoliazione del bue. La festa popolare continuata poi con manifestazioni preelettorali e con linaugurazione della statua di una personalit locale dal periodo rinascimentale, Ioan Cianu, finita con due tipi di feste parallele: una, ufficiale, nella scuola del villaggio, con le autorit locali e quelle venute dal centro (dalla citt di Bistria) e altre riservate ai contadini, nella corte dove il bue stato liberato degli ornamenti e in vari altri luoghi. Lo scenario di Cianu Mic ci sembra molto simile agli altri tre casi esaminati finora: si tratta di personaggi che somigliano molto a soldati, equipaggiati con colletti/ cinture larghe, gambali ed elmi/maschere fatti con corteccia di ciliegi selvatici, che hanno in mano lunghe clave o verghe, alcune ornate con piante verdi. Si chiamano Draci (Cianu Mic), Paparuge (Nire, Mintiu Gherlii) e Cenuorce32 (Mnstirea), e proteggono un personaggio centrale, vestito tutto di rami e foglie la Foresta (Cianu Mic), il Fogliame (Nire, Mintiu Gherlii), Gooi (Nire) dallintrusione dei curiosi (Cianu Mic) e dal lancio di acqua (Mnstirea, Nire, Mintiu Gherlii)33. Anche se litinerario processionale di Muncel diverso, esso presenta alcuni isomorfismi con lo scenario precedente: il Sangiorgio/Gheorghe dotato di una lunga mazza, con la quale si difende dai curiosi e da quelli che vogliono prendere i rami del suo abbigliamento senza pagare. Il suo costume cerimoniale, inoltre, ha tratti comuni con tutte e due le categorie di personaggi menzionati: un elmo fatto di corteccia (con un ramo di quercia sulla punta), la sequenza isomorfica Dracii Pprugile, e un abbigliamento vegetale, come nel caso del complesso Pdurea Frunzarul Gooiul. Un secondo tipo di corteo formato da personaggi mascherati in modo simile, ma con un comportamento cerimoniale assai ambivalente, suscettibili di interpretazioni varie: custodi transumani del Bue Pentecostale oppure incarnazione di demoni silvestri, opposti simbolicamente - nel contesto del cerimoniale - al Bue, che unespressione della natura addomesticata. I Dracii di Cianu Mare, muniti di maschere di gomma (nel 2004) ed i Zuzzurelloni (Bdiduii/Ghiduii) di Ture, con maschere di corteccia e foglie (negli anni 70) e di caucci (nel 2002), vestiti di stracci (come le Cenuorce di Mnstirea), muniti di una larga cintura con campanacci (drongi, in romeno dialettale) e pertiche lunghe (rude), dovevono difendere il bue processionale dai curiosi, anche durante la notte che precede la Pentecoste34 (Petri 1975: 277-278); negli anni 60 70, a Ture cerano ancora due schiere di
32 Le Cenuorce non hanno attualmente elementi vegetali nel loro abbigliamento, per compiono una funzione simile a quella dei Dracii e delle Ppruge (c un isomorfismo pi funzionale che morfologico). 33 In altri villaggi dalla Valle del Some, accanto alla maschera principale del Sangiorgio cerano le maschere dei Gooi (vestiti e armati in modo simile alle Cenuorce), ed a Vad (Some), il corteggio era composto dal Vecchietto (Mou), che realizza un scenario simile a quello della Pplugra, per senza essere bagnato, e gli 6-12 Spettri (Moroi) (Cuceu 1981: 210). 34 Secondo Ovidiu Petri, i Bgiduii avevano un ruolo apotropaico rispetto al Bue Pentecostale, vegliando tutta la notte prima della Pentecoste sulle vie del villaggio, per allontanare gli uomini (con le pertiche) e gli spiriti malefici (con il suono dei campanacci) (Petri 1975: 277).

420

Bogdan Neagota, Ileana Benga

Bdidui, che venivano da due direzioni opposte e, incontrandosi sul ponte al margine del villaggio, si battevano con pertiche di quercia (ruzi), lunghe 6-10 metri, per formare poi una sola schiera e dirigersi verso il bue (Timoce 2003: 132). Questi attanti mascherati eseguono una danza grotesca, ritmata dal suono dei campanacci, prima e durante la processione (Petri 1975: 277. Timoce 2003: 131). I Vecchietti (Mocei/Motei/Moitei) di Cristur-ieu, un gruppo di 40 giovani mascherati con maschere di corteccia di tiglio, con abbigliamento di rami di pisello selvatico, e randelli sulle spalle, accompagnavano il Bue, ballando una danza demoniaca su una melodia specifica dei Cluari, Banul Mrcine (Lpuneanu 1973: 10 e 1978: 61-61). Altri isomorfismi significativi si osservano tra questi personaggi primaverili e gli attanti mascherati del periodo carnevalesco tra il Natale e lAnno Nuovo: luso della cenere per truccarsi35 (come i Dracii e le Cenuorce) e delle calze da donna (le Cenuorce), le maschere confezionate con pelle di montone (i Dracii/Bgiduii di Pentecoste ed i Dracii dellAnno Nuovo), con mantelli alla rovescia, cinture larghe e campanacci (Nistor 1973: 6-7, 29-50), le pantomime eseguite a passo di danza, con caratteri lubrici (Nistor 1973: 13-17). * Infine, la terza interferenza cerimoniale si prodotta fra il corteggio del Sangiorgio costituito esclusivamente da giovani, e talvolta da giovani sposati, che si presenta dunque come una variante della schiera tradizionale dei giovani (Cuceu 1988: 84) ed il corteggio dei Paparude una confraternita maschile, composta di adolescenti o di giovani nella Transilvania meridionale, Oltenia e Muntenia Ciscarpatiche, sud della Moldavia, e femminile nel resto del paese36. Secondo Traian Gherman, Il Pplugra lespressione complessa dellincontro tra due cerimoniali una volta indipendenti luna dallaltra, il Sngeorz e le Pprude. Il cerimoniale che ne risultato, innestato sullo scenario processionale del Sngeorz classico, festeggiato in una data fissa (nel giorno di Sangiorgio), non mobile come le Pprude, ma chiamato con nomi che sono varianti dei cosidetti Pplugra, Ppluhra, Pplug, Bblud ecc.) (Gherman 1987: 103-105). Per la descrizione del costume usiamo la tipologia cerimoniale della Paparuda, realizzata secondo criteri morfologici da Lia Stoica-Vasilescu in un saggio classico dagli anni 70 dello scorso secolo37 e la monografia tipologica realizzata da Ion e Maria Cuceu in base al materiale raccolto nel periodo interbellico dallArchivio del Folclore di Cluj (Cuceu 1988: 77-243). Il tipo A del cerimoniale (secondo la tassonomia di Stoica-Vasilescu) il pi
35 cf. il mascherare la faccia con la fuliggine, diffusissimo nelle culture arcaiche, ma significati molto complessi: non soltanto una modalit per nascondersi o proteggersi contro gli spiriti, ma anche una tecnica elementare che ha come finalit lintegrazione magica nel mondo degli spiriti (Eliade 1997: 164). 36 Nella ricerca condotta da Lia Stoica-Vasilescu, gli agenti cerimoniali sono per ecellenza le donne (23, 7 %), le ragazze (20, 6 %) ed i bambini (46 %); talvolta viene indicata anche la categoria indetermminata di genere, un uomo (9 %) (Stoica-Vasilescu 1970: 387). 37 Si veda la tipogia morfologica del rituale (Stoica-Vasilescu 1970: 377-379) e la mappa della sua estensione territoriale, realizzata secondo il metodo storico-geografico (Stoica-Vasilescu 1970: 386387, 389-393)

Della festa di sangiorgio nella Transilvania settentrionale

421

esteso nella parte meridionale della Romania e senza legame con qualche festa con data fissa: nel periodo di siccit, una persona, generalmente di genere femminile, senza abiti o con abiti stracciati viene ornata, dalla vita in s, con varie foglie sostenute con un filo (salice, cardo, faggio, quercia, arno) oppure con ramoscelli dalbero e una corona di foglie sulla testa (talvolta erba aromatica del latte di cuculo in romeno laptele cucului)38 oppure viene completamente coperta con rami, cos che la sua faccia non si veda pi. La Paparuda, accompagnata da un gruppo femminile della stessa et e dalla sua mamma e/o da donne pi anziane, gira nel villaggio. Si percorre lintero villaggio, o soltanto lungo le strade, o fermandosi a ogni casa ed entrando nel cortile. L, la Paparuda balla, mentre gli accompagnatori applaudono cantando talvolta con musica di zampogna o del piffero. La Paparuda pu girare intorno a un blocco di sale posto nel mezzo cortile. Il padrone di casa esce portando un vaso con acqua / siero / siero e acqua / latte / farina passata con un setaccio e lo getta sulla Paparuda; il gesto pu essere ripetuto anche dagli accompagnatori che portano secchi con acqua. La Paparuda salta e si scuote per far cadere lacqua dai suoi abiti bagnando coloro che si trovano intorno a lei e gridando: Paparuga ossia paparuda, o Paparuda, che vengano le piogge! (Paparuda, ploile s vin!). I padroni di casa offrono regali alla fine del ballo: soldi, alimenti (farina, grano, pani santi, pane di casa, uova, fagioli etc.) oppure oggetti (covone di canapa), ricevuti da chi impersona la Paparuda o da qualcuno incaricato della schiera. In unaltra variante del cerimoniale, la Paparuda, ornata con foglie, portata a uno o pi pozzi, dove viene bagnata abbondantemente, mentre gira intorno alla fonte gridando: Pioggia! Pioggia! (Ploaie! Ploaie!) o cantando il canto suddetto. I regali vengono poi divisi tra i membri della schiera e la parte pi consistente destinata alla Paparuda. In alcuni casi, soltanto i membri del corteo si riuniscono in un pranzo comune oppure si organizza una tavola con i regali ricevuti alla quale sono invitati tutti gli abitanti del villaggio. Dopo aver osservato gli isomorfismi fra la danza della Paparuda ed alcune danze rituali della stessa regione il ballo del piccolo Lazzaro (Lzrel)39 ed il ballo del vecchione di capra (jocul moului de turc) , compreso il getto dellacqua, comune a molte pratiche magico-religiose40, lautrice distingue questi atti magico-cerimoniali simili per la loro finalit effettiva41: lo scopo principale del cerimoniale era considerato lo sviluppo dellenergia riproduttiva, per ottenere un raccolto massimo tramite la provocazione della pioggia. Nella finalit dellusanza coesiste anche un altro aspetto, comunque secondario, collegato al culto dei morti ed ad un significato apotropaico. (Stoica-Vasilescu 1970: 379) Sfortunatamente, lautrice si perde alla fine in unipotesi geografico-storica sulla contaminazione alto-medioevale del tipo A della Paparuda, considerato antichissimo, con alcuni influssi magico-religiosi slavi (il culto del dio Perun42), che hanno conferito al cerimoniale una sfumatura
38 cf. il tedesco Milchkraut 39 Si veda il saggio di Narcisa tiuc, Coutumes du Samedi de Lazare au sud-est de la Roumanie. 40 cf. laspersione della corona del grano, laspersione alla nascita, laspersione magica nei miracoli ecc. 41 Ci che individualizza questi atti, ci che conferisce loro una certa significazione proprio lo scopo del costume. Essi sono efficienti, essi fanno solo se guardano allo scopo al quale sono consacrati. (Stoica-Vasilescu 1970: 387) 42 Lautrice deriva il romeno paparuda, attestato con varianti simile nella Penisola Balcanica (cf. alb.

422

Bogdan Neagota, Ileana Benga

cultuale, collocandolo in date fisse (tipo B), e generando forme intermedie in Moldavia e nella Muntenia orientale (Brlea 1981: 399). Secondo noi, quesipotesi storicista difficile da difendere, basandosi soltanto su unetimologia incerta e alcune affinit linguistiche con i Balcani. Daltronde, lautrice riprendeva qui, con argomenti simili, una teoria pi vecchia, che attribuiva al cerimoniale delle Pprude unorigine tracia (Teodorescu 1874: 128-134), di cui modifica lorigine dellinfluenza. Altri ricercatori hanno proposto anche unipotesi indoeuropea, sulla base del materiale etnologico citato da Frazer, cio il cerimoniale del re della pioggia in India (Brlea 1981: 399). I criteri storico-geografici (la semplicit della variante pi vecchia e la sua diffusione), in base ai quali il tipo A considerato come la forma originaria della Paparuda, e le altre come forme derivate, sono insufficienti per sostenere tale ipotesi. In particolare, lautrice non si riferisce affatto al tipo maschile del Sangiorgio, quello presentato da noi allinizio (la processione di un giovane vestito di rami e foglie e bagnato da tutta la comunit campagnola), diffusa in tutta larea settentrionale e centrale della Transilvania. Al contrario di Lia Stoica-Vasilescu, Dumitru Pop avvicina le Paparude e il Sngeorz non soltanto al livello morfologico (secondo il quale il Sangiorgio pu essere considerato un tipo regionale di Paparud43, nel senso che le pratiche specifiche delle Paparude si sono innestate sul complesso magico-religioso del Sangiorgio), ma anche dal punto di vista calendaristico (nella regione transilvana delle Trnave e in quella abitata dai sekleri, la Paparuda si celebrava nel giorno del Sangiorgio, secondo il calendario iuliano). Lipotesi di due cerimoniali paralleli che potrebbero incontrarsi nella stessa festa deve essere graduata con qualche evidenza storico-etnologiche: lattestazione della Paparuda in tutte le regioni abitate dai romeni (a eccezione della parte settentrionale, il Maramure e la Bucovina) e linfluenza balcanica su alcuni tipi cerimoniali della Paparuda nella pianura del Danubio (Pop 1989: 142). Lesegeta considera che la Paparuda stata in origine un rito di tappa, come altri costumi (il Caloian, il Sngeorz e la Drgaica), che si officiava in una data fissa, con lo scopo di garantire le condizioni di fertilit prima di tutto della pioggia per il periodo inaugurato dalla festa della Paparuda; questa festa era celebrata nel periodo postpasquale, a data fissa tempo fa, che coincideva con la festa del Sngeorz, ambedue fissate secondo criteri religiosi precristiani (il ciclo della vegetazione) (Pop 1989: 144). Riguardando la struttura di genere dei cerimoniali suddetti, si potrebbe sostenere la coesistenza nel perimetro culturale abitato dai romeni di una pluralit di cerimoniali, alcuni eseguiti dalla schiera di giovani (il corteo del Sangiorgio) oppure da quella dei ragazzi (Pprugile), altri invece dalle confraternit femminili (in et puberale oppure no), in legame reciproco fra di loro tramite relazioni intertestuali palesi. Non abbiamo studiato in profondit i collegamenti fra i due gruppi di pratiche, ma sembra sicuro, a nostro avviso, il loro radicarsi in un fondo magico-religioso comune, perch hanno finalit affini, ma con dinamiche sociali e simboliche distinte,
peperona, serbo peperuga, bulg. peperuda, peperuga) dal nome Perun, il dio della vegetazione e delle piogge degli Slavi orientali e presupposto anche per gli Slavi del sud (s.n.) (Stoica-Vasilescu 1970: 386). 43 Crediamo... che la presenza di un giovane nel ruolo della Paparuda oppure la composizione del corteo con ragazze e ragazzi in et da matrimonio deve essere collegata al costume di Sngeorz. (Pop 1989: 139)

Della festa di sangiorgio nella Transilvania settentrionale

423

a causa della loro esecuzione in ambiti sociali differenti (confraternite maschili e femminili strutturate secondo let): in alcune regioni, il cerimoniale stato trasmesso ed organizzato al livello della schiera di giovani (in questo caso abbiamo il costume del Sangiorgio / Giorgio), in altri villaggi passato, per motivi particolari, come compito della schiera di adolescenti (il costume delle Pprugi), invece nel sud e nellest dei Carpazi stato attribuito in maniera quasi esclusiva alla schiera delle ragazze puberi oppure alle donne sposate. Dallaltra parte, si osserva lo spostamento di questo cerimoniale dai giovani in et di matrimonio ai ragazzi ed agli adolescenti (il caso di Mintiu Gherlii). Le spiegazioni sono numerose e contestuali: la dissoluzione della schiera tradizionale di giovani dopo lintroduzione del servizio militare obbligatorio ed il suo scambio con lorganizzazione secondo generazioni/contingenti, la migrazione dei giovani verso la citt dopo la seconda guerra mondiale e lo spopolamento dei villaggi dopo 1990 ecc. In questo contesto, le espressioni cerimoniali delle schiere di giovani adulti si caraterizzano anche per la presenza di elementi militari (divise militari, attrezzature militari, divisa da gendarme, sciabola ecc.), spiegabile contestualmente con limpatto del servizio premilitare (nel periodo interbellico), e nelle regioni di frontiera della Transilvania linflusso di data ancora pi lontana; inoltre, gli elementi militari sono una costante dele confraternite maschili e delle iniziazioni specializzate, come nel caso dei Giovani di Braov/Junii Braoveni (Mulea 1930/1972, II: 37-139) e dei Cluarii (Vuia 1922/1975: 110-140). Infatti, lo spostamento di alcune pratiche dalle forme cerimoniali eseguite dagli adulti verso il folklore dei bambini un sintomo palese della deritualizzazione e delloccultamento di queste in manifestazioni ludiche. Sul piano di un scenario processionale che si mantiene costante attraverso tutte le varianti, i significati attribuiti ai comportamenti ceremoniali manifestano una dinamica occultatoria, essendo lespressione diretta dellinterazione tra il sistema degli usi calendaristici e i vari contesti culturali, sociali, economici ecc. (Creu 1980: 98). In questo senso, i significati intracomunitari, quelli attribuiti dai protagonisti, sono elementari e rimandano ad una ideologia magico-religiosa agraria: linvocazione delle piogge abbondanti per lintero anno, le pratiche magiche per ottenere raccolti abbondanti44 e riti apotropaici per la protezione dei campi (Cuceu 1981: 212) e della manna45, pratiche magiche di difesa e di sollecitazione della fertilit del bestiame attraverso lutilizzazione magica dellabbigliemento vegetale del Sngeorz (Gherman 1987: 114-115), lauspicio di robustezza e salute per i giovani (Gherman 1987: 115). Per altro verso, il problema dei significati cerimoniali appartiene pi ai ricercatori e meno ai protagonisti, che non hanno inquietudini epistemologiche. Comunque,
44 Latto rituale dello spogliare il Sngeorz e la dispersione degli ornamenti vegetali nel campo, quello del Pplugra nel cortile del primo Aratore del paese, spargere il grano sul Pplugr ecc. (Gherman 1987: 113-114) 45 Una informazione presa in situ nella Valle dell Arie rimanda ai riti di difesa della manna campestre. Il personaggio che fa la parte del compagno del Gooiul, che viene chiamato La grandiosa saggia (Mreaa cea neleapt) fa sapere ai paesani: Datevi da fare, cari amici paesani, perch sta per arrivare il Gooi e se non lo bagnate vi toglie tutta la manna dal confine! (Srii, oameni buni, c vine Gooiul i, dac nu li-i uda, v ia toat mana din hotar!) (Gherman, 1987: 116). Il Gooi (che pu togliere la manna dal campo) rappresenta qui lespressione di un demone silvano dalla classe morfologica della Filia del Bosco (Fata Pdurii), che pu togliere la manna dalle mucche e dalle pecore).

424

Bogdan Neagota, Ileana Benga

passiamo in rassegna le interpretazioni etnologiche romene pi importanti, invocando la necessit di una comprensione contestuale di esse. N. Al. Rdulescu rimarcava nel suo saggio del 1938 il carattere di survival del cerimoniale suddetto, considerandolo una pratica magica di purificazione, della quale si perso il senso della processione, ma rimasta la pratica: essa mirava una volta alla conversione del potere vegetativo della foresta nei confronti dei campi seminati tramite un intermediario rituale, rappresentato da unalbero addobbato o dalluomo mascherato di foglie e rami (espressione del demone della vegetazione), costretto dai contadini ad entrare nel villaggio, a lasciarsi bagnare mentre poi i rami verdi dal suo abbigliamento sono disseminati sul campo di grano in vista di un trasferimento magico-imitativo di potere germinativo (Rdulescu 1938: 156). Pi tardi, nel 1958, Traian Gherman, dopo aver accennato ai significati intracomunitari, ha proposto uninterpretazione storica-religiosa: il Sangiorgio/la Pplugra , allorigine, un rito despulsione dei demoni malefici dallo spazio domestico e di purificazione del villaggio attraverso uno schiamazzo cerimoniale, prodotto dallintero corteo del Sngeorz (Gherman 1987: 115)46. Egli rimarcava il carattere equinoziale della festa di Sangiorgio, nel contesto della sovrapposizione dei significati cristiani (il San Giorgio, vincitore del dragone) e quelli precristiani (Il Gooi) (Gherman 1987: 116-117). La sua interpretazione del Sngeorz va incontro lanalisi proposto per unaltro cerimoniale primaverile, da noi menzionato pi sopra, lAratore (Plugarul), considerato un rituale di possessione, nel senso che il contadino uscito per primo ad arare ha disturbato il potere ctonico e ne diventa posseduto, bisognoso quindi di riti di purificazione (limmersione battesimale nel fiume) prima della reintegrazione nella comunit del villaggio (Gherman 1981: 188-189). Gherman menziona anche un altro esempio di possessione cerimoniale, cio la danza della Capra (Turca) a Natale e a Capodanno (il ragazzo che danza la capra non pu entrare nella chiesa per un certo periodo di tempo). Negli anni 80, Ion Cuceu consider la processione di Sangiorgio qualcosa di pi che un rituale dinvocazione della pioggia, cio un rituale autonomo di tipo manna (Cuceu 1981: 213). Ci fermiamo qui con la parte ermeneutica, per ricordarci che si tratta di un cerimoniale arcaico, ormai nella sua fase terminale e troppo poco studiato dagli specialisti. E in questi anni, mentre i vecchi esecutori dellusanza sono ancora vivi, dobbiamo fare ricerche sul campo e raccogliere il pi vasto materiale possibile. Bisogna precisare che lo stadio attuale delle ricerche, insufficienti per quello che riguarda il cerimoniale del Sangiorgio e per gli altri costumi agrari di primavera, ci impedisce di avanzare una teoria certa riguardante lintera area della Transilvania e della zona ciscarpatica. In questo senso, preferiamo unanalisi contestuale, decentralizzata, seguendo microregioni ed evitando lestensione delle nostre conclusioni da unarea culturale all altra. Tutti questi cerimoniali presentati brevemente nel nostro saggio sono legati tra loro da una sintassi intertestuale e formano un sistema socio-culturale in cui i significati di ogni parte non possono essere rintracciati che in relazione con le altre parti e con il sistema in generale. Noi, comunque, non crediamo nella perennit del sistema, qualunque sia la sua natura epistemica, strutturalista (Pop 1976: 6) o cognitivista (Eliade e Culianu 1993: 17). Contrariamente allasserzione che i costumi,
46 Similmente, unaltro esegeta considera che lentrata rumorosa del Sngeorz nello spazio della comunit del villaggio rappresenta un atto rituale con significati apotropaici (Cuceu 1981: 210).

Della festa di sangiorgio nella Transilvania settentrionale

425

visti come espressioni attive dello spirito umano, non scompaiono come modalit creatrice di cultura, come sistema, ma soltanto si trasformano e si rigenerano (Pop 1976: 6), dobbiamo ammettere un fatto evidente: il sistema socio-culturale detto tradizionale lontano dallessere cos perenne, alcune cose spariscono e i loro spazi rimangono vuoti. Bibliografia Badea, Anton, 1975, Trei obiceiuri din Cmpia Transilvaniei, in Marisia. Studii i materiale, V, Trgu-Mure, pp. 363-373. Benga, Ileana, 2002, Rubare il latte: fertilit terrena e minaccia del vivente. Note su un indagine etnografica in Zarand, Romania, in Religiosit popolare tra antropologia e storia delle religioni (Atti del convegno. Accademia di Romania in Roma, 15-17 giugno 2000), a cura di I. Benga e B. Neagota, Presa Universitar Clujean, Cluj-Napoca, pp.261-280. Benga, Ileana, 2005, Tradiia folcloric i transmiterea ei oral, Editura Ecco, Colecia Ethnologia, Cluj-Napoca. Brlea Ovidiu, 1981, Folclorul romnesc, vol. I, Editura Minerva, Bucureti. Buhociu, Octavian, 1979, Folclorul de iarn, ziorile i poezia pstoreasc, Editura Minerva, Bucureti. Comnici Germina, Maier Radu, 1981, Un obicei calendaristic intre tradiie i contemporaneitate: Boul Instruat, in Anuarul Institutului de Cercetri Etnologice i Dialectologice, nr. 3, pp. 125-136. Cosma V., 1933, Cinci sate din Ardeal, Cluj. Creu, Vasile Tudor, 1980, Ethosul folcloric sistem deschis, Editura Facla, Timioara. Cuceu Ion, 1973, Obiceiuri i credine n legtur cu ocupaiile tradiionale la Grbou, jud. Slaj, n Anuarul Muzeului Etnografic al Transilvaniei pe anii 19711973, Cluj, pp. 435-456. Cuceu Ion, Cuceu Maria, 1981, Sngeorzul un ritual mana n folclorul romnesc, n Anuarul de folclor, II, Cluj-Napoca, pp. 201-214. Cuceu Ion, Cuceu Maria, 1988, Vechi obiceiuri agrare romneti. Tipologie i corpus de texte, Editura Minerva, Bucureti. Culianu, Ioan Petru, 1994, Cltorii n lumea de dincolo, tr. ro., Nemira, Bucureti. Culianu, Ioan Petru, 1995, Gnozele dualiste ale Occidentului, tr. ro., Nemira, Bucureti. Culianu, Ioan Petru, 1998, Arborele gnozei. Mitologia gnostic de la cretinismul timpuriu la nihilismul modern, tr. ro., Nemira, Bucureti. Eliade, Mircea, 1997 (ed. orig. 1951), amanismul i tehnicile arhaice ale extazului, tr.ro., Humanitas, Bucureti. Eliade, Mircea e Culianu, Ioan Petru, 1993, Dicionar al religiilor, Humanitas, Bucureti. Evseev, Ivan, 1997, Dicionar de magie, demonologie i mitologie romneasc, Editura Amarcord, Timioara. Fochi Adrian, 1976, Datini i eresuri populare de la sfritul secolului al

426

Bogdan Neagota, Ileana Benga

XIX-lea: rspunsurile la chestionarele lui Nicolae Densuianu, Editura Minerva, Bucureti. Frazer, James George, 1992, Il ramo doro. Studio sulla magia e la religione, tr.it., Newton Compton editori, Roma. Gherman T., 1924, Ploaia n credinele poporului, in Comoara satelor, II, nr. 2, p. 25 i nr.4, pp. 57-59, Blaj [obiceiul din 5 sate: Sntu, Mhceni, Cacova Aiudului, Ssciori i Sncel]; Gherman Traian, 20022 (19281), Meteorologie popular. Observri, credine i obiceiuri, ed. de A. Olteanu, Editura Paideia, Bucureti, pp. 65-85. Gherman Traian, 1981, Plugarul sau trasul n ap, in Anuarul de Folclor, II, pp. 157-200. Gherman Traian, 1986, Sngeorzul sau Bloaja, un obicei agrar la romnii din Transilvania, in Anuarul de Folclor, V-VII (1984-1986), pp. 89-118. Gherman, Traian, 1973, Rspntii in evoluia obiceiurilor agrare la romnii din Transilvania n prima jumtate a secolului al XX-lea, AMET pe anii 1971-1973, pp. 427-434. Gherman, Traian, 1979, Srbtoarea boului sau boul ferecat, Marisia, IX, pp. 599-618. Ghinea, Dan, 2000, Enciclopedia geografic a Romniei, Editura Enciclopedic, Bucureti. Ghinoiu, Ion (coord.), 2002, Srbtori i obiceiuri. Rspunsuri la Chestionarele Atlasului Etnografic Romn. Volumul II: Banat, Criana, Maramure, Editura Enciclopedic, Bucureti. Ghinoiu, Ion (coord.), 2003, Srbtori i obiceiuri. Rspunsuri la Chestionarele Atlasului Etnografic Romn. Volumul III: Transilvania, Editura Enciclopedic, Bucureti. Ghinoiu, Ion (coord.), 2001, Srbtori i obiceiuri. Rspunsuri la Chestionarele Atlasului Etnografic Romn. Volumul I: Oltenia, Editura Enciclopedic, Bucureti. Herseni, Traian, 1977, Forme strvechi de cultur poporan. Studiu de paleoetnografie a cetelor de feciori din ara Oltului, Editura Dacia, Cluj-Napoca. Kdr Jzsef, 1900, Szolnok-Doboka vrmegye Monogrfiaja (La monografia del comitato Szolnok-Doboka), vol. VI. Lpuneanu, Ion, 1978, mpnatul boului pe Valea Someului Mare, in Samus, nr. I (1976-1977) Dej, pp. 61-66. Lpueanu, Ion, 1973, Moceii o specie necunoscut a teatrului focloric, in Tribuna, an XVII, nr. 41, p. 10. Lazr, Emil, 1978, Obiceiul pprugilor in satul Nire, in Samus, nr. I (19761977) Dej, pp. 57-60. Manolescu, Gabriel, 1967, Despre originea, semnificaiile i tipologia unui obicei strvechi: strigarea peste sat, in Folclor literar, I, Timioara, pp. 111-150. Mannhardt, W., 19042, Wald- und Feldkulte, vol. I, Berlin. Marian, S. Fl., 19942 (18991), Srbtorile la romni. Studiu etnografic, Editura Fundaiei Culturale Romne, Bucureti. Medan, Virgil, 1968, 160 melodie populari strumentali (160 melodii populare instrumentale), Cluj. Moretti, Roberta, Ioan P. Culianu, storico delle idee: esempi di metodologia ermeneutica. In Religiosit popolare tra antropologia e storia delle religioni (Atti

Della festa di sangiorgio nella Transilvania settentrionale

427

del convegno. Accademia di Romania in Roma, 15-17 giugno 2000), a cura di Ileana Benga e Bogdan Neagota, Presa Universitar Clujean, Cluj-Napoca, 2002, pp. 335-346. Muntean, Ironim e Sabu, Doru, 2004, Borbolatia din satul Limba, com. Ciugud, videodocumentario presentato ai Colloqui di Etnografia e Folklore, Alba-Iulia, 22 maggio 2004. Mulea, Ion, 1972, Obiceiul junilor braoveni (1930), in Cercetri etnografice i de folclor, edizione di Ion Talo, vol. II, Editura Minerva, Bucureti, pp. 37139. Neagota, Bogdan, 2005, Il cerimoniale del Bue di Pentecoste nel centro della Transilvania. In Orma. Rivista di studi etnologici e storico-religiosi, nr. 2/2005 (Paganalia. Aspetti del calendario popolare cerimoniale), www.orma.ro, pp. 41-56. Neagota, Bogdan, 2009, Procesiuni vegetale de Sngeorz pe Valea Arieului. Bbluda din Buru Studiu de caz. In vol. Szent Gyrgy s napja a nphagyomnyban. Romn-magyar nprajzi konferencia anyaga, Szkely Nemzeti Mzeum, 2007, prilis 24-26, Sepsiszentgyrgy / Sfntul Gheorghe n tradiia popular a Bazinului Carpato-dunrean. Actele Conferinei de Etnografie Romno-Maghiar, Muzeul Naional Secuiesc, 24-26.04.2007, Sfntul Gheorghe. Nicola, Ioan R., 1982, Un vechi ritual agrar din Transilvania Boul instruat, Marisia, XI-XII (1981-1982), Trgu-Mure, pp. 527-584. Nistor, Francisc, 1973, Mtile populare i jocurile cu mti din Maramure, Baia-Mare. Pavelescu, Gheorghe, 19982, Mana n folclorul romnesc. Contribuii pentru cunoaterea magicului (1942), in Magia la romni. Studii i cercetri dspre magie, descntece i man, Editura Minerva, Bucureti, pp. 189-290. Petri, Ovidiu, 1975, nstruatul boului n satul Ture, in Arhiva somean. Studii i comunicri, Nsud, pp. 273-281. Pop, Dumitru, 1989, Obiceiuri agrare n tradiia popular romneasc, Editura Dacia, Cluj-Napoca, pp. 132-144 (Paparuda). Pop, Mihai, 1976 (19992), Obiceiuri tradiionale romneti, Bucureti. Rdulescu, N. Al., 1938, Sngeorzul, in Revista geografic romn, I, Cluj. Pucariu, Sextil (editor), Dicionarul Limbii Romne, Serie nou, Tomul VI, Fascicula 1, Editura Academiei R. P. Romne, Bucureti, 1965, p. 76-77. Retegan, G., 1957, Dracii din Valea ibleului, in REF, nr. 4, pp. 27-54. Simon Andrs, Gll Enik, Tonk Sndor, Lszlo Tams, Maxim Aurelian, Jancsik Pter, Coroiu Teodora,2003, Atlasul localitilor judeului Cluj, Editura Suncart, Cluj-Napoca. Stoica-Vasilescu, Lia, 1970, Paparuda, in REF, tom 15, nr. 5, pp. 373-387. Tgls Istvn, 1910, A gocoj, n rev. A Magyar Nemzeti Mzeum rstesitje, Budapest, pp. 243-246. Teodorescu, G. Dem., 1874, ncercri critice asupra unor credine, datine i moravuri ale poporului romn, Bucureti. Timoce, Cosmina Garofia, Suciu Octavia e Meter Mihai, 2003, nstruatul boului la Ture, in Studii i Cercetri Etnoculturale, Complexul Muzeal Judeean Bistria-Nsud, vol. VIII (2003), Editura George Cobuc, Bistria. Viciu, A., 1926, 1926, Datini de Sngiorz, in Comoara satelor, IV, nr. 4, pp. 53-55, Blaj

428

Bogdan Neagota, Ileana Benga

Vuia, Romulus, 1975, Originea jocului de cluari (1922), in Studii de etnografie i folclor, ed. di Mihai Pop e Ioan erb, Editura Minerva, Bucureti, pp. 110-140. Vulcnescu, Romulus, 1985, Mitologie Romn, Editura Academiei R.S.R., Bucureti.

Taina Euharistiei, a paharului ritual i a omului euharistic n

colinda tradiional romneasc

Jan Nicolae
Facultatea de Teologie Alba Iulia
Interesul pe care-l suscit colinda ca document cultural al unei memorii liturgice ancestrale este unul deosebit i l-am avut n vedere n cartea de dialoguri Calendarul Viu pe care am realizat-o mpreun cu Printele Ilie Moldovan, unul dintre puinii teologi romni cu puternic vn etnologic, pentru a ilustra i pentru a focaliza atenia pe nucleul sacramental al acestui tezaur1.
1 Printele Ilie Moldovan, Calendarul Viu - dialoguri euharistice ntre generaii. Convorbiri realizate de Printele Ioan Nicolae, Ed. Rentregirea, Alba Iulia, 2007, pp. 167-173: Pr. Nicolae: Printe, n aceste alctuiri poetice, n aceast poezie ceremonial a colindei nu regsim doar descrierea narativ a Naterii n sine, nu numai cntecele de leagn ale Fecioarei Maria, ale colindtorilor, ale noastre ale tuturor, nu numai aceste momente legate de nchinarea magilor, de darea Numelui sfnt, de Botezul Domnului. Colindele descriu oarecum ntreaga iconomie, toate faptele mree fcute de Dumnezeu pentru mntuirea noastr: regsim Botezul n Iordan, nunta din Cana, Ptimirea, nvierea, nlarea, Tainele Bisericii: Botezul, Mirungerea, Euharistia, dumnezeiasca Liturghie. Mai mult, dac privim cu atenie simim i miresmele din biseric i natur: tmia, lumnrile de cear, liturghia cosmic, albinele, fcliile, iarba cmpului, florile, copacii i toi particip la acest mister care n colind apare ntr-o dimensiune universal, ntr-o amplitudine cosmic. Cum de regsim toate acestea ca ntr-un fel de sinestezie liturgic, ca ntr-un fel de mixare a tuturor aromelor, imaginilor, icoanelor? Cum de se regsesc ele mpreun ntr-o srbtoare care n secolul IV, cum bine tim, a fost adus din Occident n Orient. tim c n secolul IV s-a produs acest schimb, Epifania a fost srbtorit n Occident n 6 ianuarie odat cu Orientul i Naterea dup trup a Domnului n 25 decembrie. Cum de apar toate aceste lucruri care in de iconomia dumnezeiasc a mntuirii, de toate faptele mree ale lui Dumnezeu svrite pentru mntuirea noastr, i nu apar doar cele legate de Natere, ci toate acestea mpreun? Pr. Moldovan: Ai spus nite lucruri minunate i v rspund impresionat fiind chiar de repetarea lor. Numai c noi trebuie s tim urmtorul lucru, lucru pe care de fapt ne nva colinda: exist o cheie de aur, iar aceast cheie de aur a Naterii Domnului o deine semnificaia nvierii Domnului. Numai privind lucrurile n totalitatea lor mrea, sfnt, putem gndi i felul n care smerenia ori kenoza Mntuitorului, pogorrea lui pn la om devine o tain i ea a mreiei lui Dumnezeu. Vorbind de mreiile lui Dumnezeu suntem dispui s-i acordm toate frumoasele cuvinte din care am nvat i tim ceva, dar oare smerenia Mntuitorului, coborrea lui pn la noi, pn la situaia asta de a fi un copil n iesle, asta ntrece dup prerea mea orice mrire, adic orice proslvire din partea noastr nct parc a fost firesc s ajungem la ziua de Crciun la 25 decembrie dup ce noi am ajuns s cunoatem pe Hristos prin nviere, prin Pogorrea Duhului Sfnt, nainte nti prin nlarea la cer ca n cele din urm s gndim i despre Natere. M gndesc c chiar naintaii notri cnd au primit vestea cea bun au fost cumva introdui n aceast gndire, tocmai pentru c au inut s spun un lucru care nedumerete pe toi cei care se apropie s zicem aa de sensurile colindelor noastre i nu este iniiat n marile taine ale dumnezeirii cretinismului nostru. Pe cnd Domnul s-a nscut /i pmntul a fcut. Ce vrea s spun lucrul acesta? C Domnul Se nate, dar naterea Lui, ntr-un fel oarecare, depete creaia lumii nsi. Adic cel mai mare mister care a putut s fie ca nceput pn la Naterea Domnului. E adevrat c El creeaz lumea pentru a doua oar, dar poporul a acordat-o

430

Jan Nicolae

tocmai Fiului lui Dumnezeu care Se nate, nct naterea aceasta e aa de bogat n coninuturi nct cuprinde toat mreia srbtorilor noastre pe care ni le numim mprteti. Este sensul pe care nu-l poate nelege dect cel care cu smerenie se las inspirat de sus nu doar de posibilitatea gndirii lui strict omeneti. E ntr-adevr un lucru mare. Cum aceast srbtoare a Crciunului, a Naterii Domnului, care pe alt parte ne face s gndim la modul n care Hristos Domnul nsui se nate n noi? Cum aceast srbtoare ne ridic pn acolo nct s vedem tot ceea ce nsemneaz actul ndumnezeirii noastre pe socoteala Naterii Mntuitorului Iisus Hristos, i cum ptrunde acest mister n tot ceea ce avem noi mai sfnt, mai de pre i mai nltor. Pr. Nicolae: De ce ine colinda cu orice pre s ne pun n fa botezul nostru i, n general, ncretinarea i Sfintele Taine? M refer acum la colindul acesta legat de intrarea lui Dumnezeu i a sfinilor n casa gazdei colindate, colindul acesta numit al Paharului de dar i la Cearta celor trei flori sfinte. i voi cita un astfel de colind numit Poarta cerului care redau chiar sensul srbtorii ca poart a cerului: ,,Poarta cerului, D-i Domnului Doamne / Gura raiului, D-i Domnului Doamne / ed domnii mai ed / i se sftuiesc cari va fi mai mare / Rupse din grin spicul grului / Eu voi fi mai mare / Cci fr de mine / Nu se poate face / Nici o adunare / Nici o osptare / Rupse din grin via vinului / Eu voi fi mai mare / Cci fr de mine / Nu se poate face / Nici o bucurie / Nici o veselie/ Rupse din grin floarea mirului / Eu voi fi mai mare / Cci fr de mine / Nu se poate face / Nici o botezare / Nici o cretinare / i noi i-o nchinm / Dalba sntate. Repet deci: de ce ine colinda s ne aduc n fa perspectiva aceasta cu dinadinsul a ncretinrii i a legturii concrete ntre gazd i Hristos prin Botez i prin Euharistie. Pr. Moldovan: n colinda aceasta ni se redau elementele pe care noi le declarm euharistice: pinea, vinul, (poate i apa, dei apa nu este amintit aici), care prin pogorrea Duhului Sfnt se prefac, pinea devine Trupul Domnului, vinul devine Sngele Domnului. Deci nc o dat, dac repet de mii de ori, valoarea rmne integral, i parc a vrea s sporeasc, avem de a face cu minunea minunilor, numai c gndirea poporului nostru a fost concret. De unde ncepe Sfnta Liturghie atunci cnd noi avem de a face cu spicul grului? ncepe Sfnta Liturghie de la arat, vedei dumneavoastr cum ne introduce colinda popular romneasc n nite taine nemaipomenite. Cretinii notri altdat cnd se gseau la arat mbrcai n haine romneti, primele brazde erau ntoarse de fete, fetele fecioare; ei aruncau smna purttoare i ea a chipului lui Hristos n brazd. i de acolo n cele din urm aceast smn care face spicul grului aduce i pinea pe Sfnta Mas. n sensul acestei treceri de la Liturghia cosmic pe care o inaugureaz aratul, semnatul, seceriul, zic de la aceast trecere se inspir i ce se petrece cu vinul care ajunge i el pe Sfnta Mas. Poporul nostru nu se desparte de mreia Sfintei Liturghii, care are un caracter cosmic i este inaugurat, vedei, n sensul acesta, chiar de aratul care primete smna n snul pmntului. Numai c poporul vine cu explicaia lui. Consider c o anumit explicaie intr un element mai puin sacramental. De ce cele trei flori ar discuta ntre ele care are mai mult trecere? Dar aici e implicat altceva. E vorba de cateheza primar a unor oameni care nu erau dui la coal i exemplele acestea i fcea pe cretinii de altdat s neleag i ei cum stau lucrurile. Altdat au vorbit deschis, s zic, de mreia modului n care spicul grului ajunge s ne ofere sfnta pine, iar via vinului s ne ofere binecuvntatul pahar cu paus i au ajuns la aceast colind. ntre cele trei flori gsindu-se i cea a mirului, adic colinda chiar amintete faptul c numai atunci cretinii dup ce primeau botezul se socoteau ntr-adevr n armia Christi, n rndurile ostailor lui Dumnezeu, dac erau miruii cu Sfntul Mir. Aceast colind face i ea parte din acelea care ne duc pe noi s nelegem acest sens. naintaii notri au cuprins cu mintea lor Taina tainelor care se svrete pe Sfnta Mas. Pr. Nicolae: Eu a ndrzni s spun nu numai c ine de o catehez a celor care nu erau dui la coal, ci biserica, poporul, a folosit aceast poezie ritual arhaic i a transformat-o ntr-o mistagogie popular, ntr-un mod cultural la ndemn atunci de a vorbi de Sfintele Taine i din fericire acesta este i primul cod catehetic de la noi. Iat, colinda ntr-un grai pruncesc vorbete despre tainele mari ale credinei. i am gsit i colinda legat de paharul de dar n care se pare c avem un soi de jurmnt euharistic pe care l face finul n faa naului, colinda se cheam Colo-n jos Doamne mai-n jos: Colo-n jos Doamne mai-n jos/ Domnului Doamneo/ Colo-n jos Doamne mai-n jos/ Jos la casa rneasc/ Domnului Doamneo/ Jos la casa rneasc/ Cas nalt minunat/ Tot cu rou-i coperit/ Din afar vruit/ Din luntru zugrvit/ Zugrvit pomusluit/ i-n luntru acestor case/ Sunt o Doamne mese ntinse/ Mese ntinse jeuri scrise/ i nalte fclii aprinse/ Dar la mese cine ade/ i antilea col de mas/ ade Domnul Dumnezeu/ i al doilea col de mas/ ade Ion Snt

Taina Euharistiei n colinda tradiional romneasc

431

n spiritul celor afirmate n aceast carte, consider c partea cea mai important din punct de vedere cretin din cadrul repertoriului colindelor romneti este aceea n care este prezent o tematic sacramental, grefat pe un nucleu poetico-ritual arhaic. Tot acest corpus melopoetic este foarte important pentru noi deoarece n cadrul su putem decripta liniile de for ale unei autentice mistagogii populare prin intermediul creia se srbtorete la nivel poetic, melodic i ritual faptul de a fi cretin, ca un preambul la srbtoarea liturgic a Naterii Domnului. Aceast mistagogie popular este rodul unei profunde ntlniri ntre cretinismul eclezial liturgic i sensibilitatea popular arhaic de factur cosmic2. Astfel se explic redesenarea multora dintre
Ionu/ i al treilea col de mas/ ade Petru Snt Petru/ i al patrulea col de mas/ ade gazda acestor case/ Tot nchin cu-n pahar/ Cu-n pahar ales de dar/ i nchin lui Dumnezeu/ Domn la mn cci prin grai iari/ Prin grai aa griar/ Ctre gazda acestor case/ Vinde-mi mie acest paharu/ Acest pahar ales de aur/ Sau mi-l vinde/ Sau mi-l schimb/ S-mi fi Domn bun ierttor/ Nu mi-i acest pahar de vnzare/ Nici l am dar de schimbare/ C mi-i dat de la nnau/ Nnau cnd mi l-o datu/ Dar pe mine m-o juratu/ Nici s-l vnd i nici s-l schimb/ C-n dosu paharului/ Scris e via vinului/ i-n toarta paharului scris e spicul grului/ i-n fundul paharului/ Scris e floarea soarelui. Pr. Moldovan: Interesant i aceast colind i pentru ea se cuvine s avem explicaie. Pr. Nicolae: Ce este acest pahar ritual? Pr. Moldovan: Ce este acest pahar ritual? Nu-l nelegem dac nu-l punem n legtur cu actul cuminecrii. Ca s ajungem la pahar vreau s v spun ceva despre felul n care practic cretinii notri primeau sfintele daruri ale Euharistiei: pinea i vinul. ns s tii dumneavoastr c nu le primeau cum se primesc astzi, vinul i pinea laolalt n linguri, iat c linguria nu este tradiional, c le primeau n mn ca preoii, numai ideea lor mare, covritor de mare, c ei primesc n mn pe Dumnezeu a dus la ideea s-i fac nite phrele de aur n mn ca preotul s le pun n acest pahar ca i cnd mna ar fi nevrednic pentru aceast mrea podoab, pentru acest mrgritar sfnt care este pinea euharistic. Dar de la aceast mn de aur s-a trecut la un pahar de aur, fie c acest pahar era folosit de a duce Sfnta Cuminectur acas la cei care nu puteau veni la sfnta biseric. n orice caz rmne poate un semn de ntrebare. Ce foloseau n legtur cu ce v-am spus eu c se primea Sfnta Euharistie n mn? n orice caz era pahar care inea de taina Sfintei Euharistii. i se vede c acest pahar a ajuns s fie confecionat i s se nmuleasc, s zic aa, n funcie de posibilitile omului. Numai c vedei la botez, botezul era numai la copii, i era la oamenii n vrst, primea un pahar de felul acesta, fiecare s primeasc n el Sfnta Euharistie, fie s-l duc pn acas de la na. Pr. Nicolae: Fie s nchine cu el n srbtorile mprteti. Pr. Moldovan: Da, adic naul l cinstea pe fin, iar dac l cinstea pe fin naul, valoarea aceasta era incomensurabil, n primul rnd prin funcia pe care o avea ca dar i prin materia pe care o reprezenta aurul. Pr. Nicolae: Pare-se c e simbolul Legmntului cretin. S nu uitm c n cuvntul latin sacramentum exist acest sens de jurmnt solemn. Pr. Moldovan: E i el un legmnt pe care l face n faa naului c nu-l trdeaz: Nici srutare i voi da ca Iuda. Vedei paharul acesta era motenit i era poate cea mai sfnt motenire de care se bucura cineva care a ajuns s fie botezat. Numai colinda ne mai spune ceva. Cum prezena acestui pahar ajungnd n casa unui cretin oarecare l reprezenta n srbtoarea aceasta pe Hristos prezent i aduce n cas i pe sfinii care cndva au nsoit pe Mntuitorul Iisus Hristos, cu alte cuvinte au luat parte la Cina cea de Tain. Dac acum se nfirip ideea prezenei Cinei celei de Taine chiar n ograda, n casa omului, la locul acesta este surprinztor de frumos. Una dintre colinde este cea care ai auzit-o acum dar s tii motivul este mai rspndit n colindele noastre strmoeti. Unii poate s-au ntrebat ce poate s nsemne aceast implicaie a paharului? Este pahar dumnezeiesc. Pr. Nicolae: Chestionare etnologice ne dovedesc, cel puin n parte, c este vorba de un pahar de dar pe care naul l aeza pe crisma botezului, pe pnza n care pruncul se nfa imediat dup botez. Pr. Moldovan: Dac am ajuns la botezul pruncilor fr ndoial c explicaia aceasta este la ea acas.. 2 Neagota B., Benga I., Religiosit popolare tra antropologia e storia delle religioni, Presa

432

Jan Nicolae

elementele mistagogiei liturgice i ale figurilor haghiografice pe fundalul acestei sensibiliti cosmice. Dac n mistagogia patristic din veacul IV miezul ntregii teologhisiri l constituia imitarea sacramental a morii i nvierii Mntuitorului Iisus Hristos, n cea popular este surprins mai degrab momentul n care materiile liturgice apa, vinul, mirul sunt investite s comunice harul Tainelor cretine. Primul tip de mistagogie corespunde eforturilor pastorale de mijlocire a experienei mntuirii ctre catehumeni provenind dintr-un mediu mbibat de o evalavie de tip misteric, iar n cazul colindei avem de-a face cu celebrarea ritual a nceputurilor cretine ntr-un mediu care corespunde mai degrab unei mentaliti sacrale concretiste cu puternice remanene magice. Mistagogia popular este una compensatorie, un comentariu popular al Tainelor credinei, edificat pe trunchiul poetico-ritual ancestral al Srbtorii magice arhaice, a hierogamiei ntre cer i pmnt, a incantaiilor solstiiale i a obiceiurilor de sorginte saturnalic, toate metamorfozate lent i neomogen n cursul ireversibilului proces de infuzie cretin. 1. Tematica sacramental a celor trei ruri miraculoase. Unul dintre primele tipuri de colind care descrie ceea ce am numit mistagogia popular romneasc este cel al botezului Pruncului sfnt n trei ruri sau izvoare aprute miraculos n curtea gazdei colindate, care ia, astfel, chipul unui baptisteriu cosmic. n tematica protocolar a celor trei ruri minunate este prezentat un adevrat scenariu iniiatic3 care nfieaz o simbolic liturghie de ncretinare a Pruncului divin: -Maic, maic, fiu la bra, / Hai nainte nu-i departe, / C tiu, maic, trei ruri, / Trei ruri, trei pruri, / Unu-i vin i altu-i mir/ i-altu-i ap limpejoar, / Cu ap s mi-l scldm, / Cu vinul s-l botezm, / Cu mirul s-l miruim...4. Etnologii Dan Cepraga5 i Sabina Ispas6 vd n acest tip de colind ncifrarea tainei colindatului ca trecere de la ethosul procesional arhaic de provocare a binelui cosmic la ethosul cretin de sorginte sacramental7. Funcia sacramental a colindatului i sensul su de ethos procesional a fost numai n timpurile mai noi, mai pregnant evideniat, avndu-se n vedere att aspectul arhaic ct i cel cretin. Ethosul baptismal al lumii noi este inaugurat prin Botezul Pruncului Sfnt, aceast afundare n cele trei ruri sau izvoare sacramentale de ap, vin i mir aprnd n prim-planul mai multor colinde arhaice mai pregnant dect Botezul Domnului n Iordan, episod evanghelic care apare mai mult rezumativ n prezentarea Sfntului Ioan Boteztorul ca nna al lui Dumnezeu8.
Universitar Clujean, Cluj-Napoca, 2002; Cristea A., Nicolae, J., Cretinismul popular ntre teologie i etnologie, Ed. Rentregirea, Alba Iulia, 2007. Branite, E., Explicarea Sfintelor Taine de iniiere, Ed Arhiepiescopiei Bucureti, Bucureti, 1990. Neagu, Gh, Colinde din Ialomia, Roiorii de Vede, 1946, p. 13. Dan Octavian Cepraga, Graiurile Domnului. Colinda cretin tradiional, Editura Clusium, Cluj Napoca, 1995. Ispas S., Ru de vin i-altul de mir -altul ap limpejoar - o tain ncifrat ntr-un text de colind, n Imagini i permanene n etnologia romneasc, Chiinu, 1992. D. O. Cepraga, op. cit, p. 53: Metafora vehiculat de aceast imagine a celor trei ruri minunate, adevratul leit-motiv al colindatului, sugereaz prezena i sensul celor trei taine de iniiere ale Bisericii cretine reprezentate prin materiile liturgice corespunztoare. Pe lng ap, vin i mir apare cte o dat i laptele, materie care, dei nu este folosit la liturghie, are o lung tradiie metaforic biblic. Amintim c n Vechiul Testament pmntul unde curge lapte i miere este pmntul fgduit de Dumnezeu poporului su, imagine a fericirii i a mplinirii mesianice. Ibidem, p. 54: ntreita cufundare a Pruncului sfnt n materiile sacre ale liturghiei cretine capt astfel o nou semnificaie. Pe de o parte, colindele descriu cretinarea nou-nscutului, momentul

3 4 5 6 7

Taina Euharistiei n colinda tradiional romneasc

433

Imaginea celor trei ruri sau izvoare minunate trimite i la imaginea raiului care ia alura unui paradis comunitar inundat de belugul buntii divine, dorind s cuprind ntreaga comunitate uman n revrsrile harice ntruchipate de materii liturgice fluide. Nu ar trebui uitat aici nici imaginea scaldei Pruncului divin din icoana Crciunului, supliment iconografic aprut probabil tocmai pentru a evidenia o dat n plus realitatea deplin uman a Omului Iisus Hristos, ntr-un sens antignostic, antidochetist i antiarian9. Sfntul Ioan Boteztorul, nnaul lui Dumnezeu. Prestigiul instituiei niei cretine este derivat i el de la Sfntul Ioan Boteztorul, socotit n hagiografia populara a fi nnaul lui Dumnezeu: ade-mi , Doamne, Maica Sfnt/ C-un fiu micu n brae,/Cu cosia despletit,/ Jos pe fiu e slobozit./ Dar de lucru ce lucreaz?/ Tot de botez se gteaz./ Dar nna pe cine cheam?/ Tot pe Ionu Sntionu,/ Nnaul lui Dumnezeu...10 Colindele surprind momentul desemnrii rituale, solemne a Sf. Ioan ca nna al lui Dumnezeu, fapt survenit n soborul tuturor sfinilor ca o consimire a acestora, deoarece numai Sf. Ioan tie unde se afl Pruncul sfnt: - Ioane, spune doar tii,/ Domnul Sfnt pe unde-ar fi,/ C de cnd el s-a nscut/ nc nu l-am mai vzut./ De voi spune, ce mi-i da?/ - Ce vei cere-i cpta,/ Tu s fi nnaul lui/ n ziua botezului.11 Din acest moment nainte raportul dintre Iisus i Sf. Ioan Boteztorul respect regulile nrudirii spirituale reflectat de anumite texte: Tu, Doamne, eti mare,/ Mare de mrire,/ Dar mai mic de zile...12; tii, Doamne, nu tii/ Cnd tu i-ai nscut/ La vatr ai czut,/ Io sus te-am luat,/ i te-am botezat/ Numele i-am pus...13. Colindele de tipul numit ,,Sobor de sfini reiau uneori tema ntietii sub forma conflictului simulat, iar figura Sfntului Ioan Boteztorul colorat folcloric rmne n prim-plan ca cel care a participat att la numirea Pruncului Sfnt ct i la iniierea sa cretin ca un adevrat na din neamul cretinilor14.
n care copilul obine un nume i un destin: el va fi Iisus Hristos, Domnul cerului i al pmntului. n aceast perspectiv, textele stabilesc un adevrat paralelism cu practica liturgic cotidian, prin care nou-nscuii devin cretini, adic oameni care vor avea un rol n sistemul complex de relaii sociale i spirituale ale comunitii de care aparin. Pe de alt parte, termenii acestui act liturgic pot fi inversai: colindele, adic, pun n scen nu numai botezul (iniierea, n.n.) Domnului dar i momentul originar n care apa, vinul i mirul devin materii sfinte, consacrate prin contactul cu trupul lui Iisus. Povestind botezul Pruncului Sfnt, textele nfieaz o seam de gesturi i semnificaii liturgice, explicnd n acelai timp (...), motivul pentru care materiile utilizate n ritualul cretin sunt binecuvntate i sfinite 9 Schffer Christa, Gott der Herr - er ist uns erschienen. Das Weihnachtsbild der frhen Kirche, Pustetverlag, Regensburg, 1982. 10 Al. Viciu, Colinde din Ardeal, Bucureti, Academia Romn, 1914, p. 54. 11 At. Marianu Marienescu, Poesia popural. Colinde culese i corese, Pesta, 1859, p. 18. 12 Teodorescu, G. Dem.: Poesii populare romne.Mo Ajunul. Colindele. Steaua i vicleimul. Vasilca. Pluguorul. Sorcova. Oraii de nunt. Rugciuni, cntece, jocuri de copii. Lzrelul. Paparudele i Caloianul. Ghicitori ntrebri i probleme numerice. Glume i parodii. Cntece de lume. Descntece i prognostice. Versuri din basme. Cntece vechi. Bucureti, 1885, p. 24. 13 B. Bartk, Rumanian Folk Music, vol. IV Carols and Christmas Songs (Colinde), The Hague, Martinus Nijhof, 1975, nr. 91 a. 14 D. O. Cepraga, op. cit, p.53 : Colindele realizeaz conexiunea ntre sensul teologic al Botezului i semnificaiile tradiionale ale niei, punnd n scen personajul polimorf al Sfntului Ioan Boteztorul, n acelai timp erou sacru al naraiunii evanghelice i figur simbolic a imaginarului popular.

434

Jan Nicolae

n legtur cu aceasta, un anumit grup de colinde conine aluzii i imagini legate de practica protocolar a niei. Paternitatea i maternitatea spiritual a nailor (naul i naa) se dobndete i se menine ca nrudire spiritual prin obligaia darurilor rituale reciproce. Din trilogia ,,Naterea, Nunta i Moartea la romni15 a preotului etnolog Simion Florea Marian cunoatem c darul ritual obligatoriu de la prima intrare n casa pruncului nou-nscut nainte i dup botez era colacul ritual, colacul frumos, pielia lui Hristos, adus de na pentru finu. Chiar la ntoarcerea de la biseric dup botez, pruncul era aezat pe acest colac ritual urndu-i-se atunci s fie iubit i plcut n comunitate aa cum este pinea colacului plcut i de frunte ntre oameni. La rndul lui, pruncul dup ce cretea, mergea nsoit de prini la naii si, cu daruri, ntre care colacul ritual era darul solemn oferit, iar acest colac druit nailor la srbtorile mprteti, mai ales la Crciun i Pate, trebuia s creasc n dimensiuni odat cu copilul. Cu fiecare ocazie solemn a druirii colacului, n jurul cruia urma o sumedenie de alte daruri, printr-o oraie sau urare ndtinat, acesta era pus n legtur cu Hristos (pielia lui Hristos, faa lui Hristos) i cu druitorul, respectiv primitorul su. Prin acest sistem de daruri se urmrea, n afara ntririi nrudirii i zidirii neamului, i crearea unei baze materiale pentru puiul de om ivit n comunitate, n special prin animale (oi, miei, vaci, un clu) druite de nnai finului. Dei aceste daruri i gesturi rituale nu se mai respect n perioada modern, le mai putem percepe aura de solemnitate i naturalee srbtoreasc. Ele au la origine un anume transfer simpatetic al cinstei i gustului pinii rituale ctre cel cruia i se ureaz. Toate s-au curit de conotaia lor magic arhaic i s-au folclorizat, rmnnd doar temeiul euharistic general al pinii, solemnitatea ritual i grija constant senin de a menine legturile sfinte ale neamului cretin. Exist un alt dar cu caracter simbolic care ntruchipeaz solemn forma de jurmnt a legmntului baptismal cretin. 3. Darul Botezului: Paharul Crciunului, semn al Legmntului celui nou. Anumite texte de colinde transilvnene fac aluzie la un dar simbolic primit de la nna, concretizat ntr-un pahar minunat care de cele mai multe ori are alura unui potir euharistic sau mai degrab a unui pahar ritual de nchinare la marile srbtori cretine. Momentul ncretinrii este desemnat n astfel de colinde ca unul n care este primit n dar acest pahar ca un simbol al prtiei la Paharul Domnului, dar i ca misiune de a nsoi pe alii ca na la comuniunea sfnt: Sub cel rou rsritu,/ Sub cel rou rsritu,/ Doamne, dai Domnului, Doamne/ ()/ Dar sub umbra pomuluiu/ Frumoas mas-i ntins,/ Dar pe mas ce mai este?/ Covor verde de mtas./ Deasupra covorului,/ Frumos phar glbioru/ Ce-i pe lume-i tot n elu./ n dunga paharului/ Scris-i raza soarelui/ n fundul paharului/ Scris-i floarea grului/ Da-n toarta pharului/ Scris-i floarea vinului./ Cu pharul cine-mi da?/ Da cutare cest domn bun/ S fii, Doamne, ierttor,/ Cum ai fost cuvnttor,/ Paharul nu-i vnztor/ Nici pe taleri, nici pe galbeni/ C de cnd pahar mi-ai dat,/ Mult lume-am cretinat/ i mai mici am botezat,/ Juni mai mari am cununat/ i-om fi finii deompreun/ i nnai de voie bun16. Nu lipsete din nici o variant propunerea divin de trg pentru acest obiect ritual17 i rugmintea simbolic de mare cuviin a gazdei ctre
15 S. Fl. Marian, Nunta la romni, Naterea la romni, nmormntarea la romni, ediie critic de Teofil Teaha, Ioan erb, Ioan Iliiu, Editura Grai i Suflet-Cultura naional, Bucureti, 1995. 16 Antofie Radu, Cntri bisericeti i populare, 220 colinde, Editura Episcopiei Buzului, Buzu, 1987, pp. 92-93. 17 Ioan Talo, art. Paharul de zile mari, n Gndirea magico-religioas la romni. Dicionar, Editura

Taina Euharistiei n colinda tradiional romneasc

435

Dumnezeul ofertant, din cuprinsul creia deducem valoarea sacr a paharului ritual i imposibilitatea absolut a nstrinrii sale :- Fie-i, Doamne, ierttoriu, / Nici nu-l vnd, nici nu-l schimb/ C mi-i dat de la nna, / Mai de mic m-a botezat, / Mai mare m-a cununat...18. Avem aici un simbol ritual al Legmntului celui nou, pecetluit baptismal. Legtura dintre fini i nai este consngenia sacramental a Paharului Domnului. Deodat cu strvechea regul a niei, n baza creia naul de botez sau unul dintre copiii lui trebuie s nsoeasc finul de botez pn la cununie este mrturisit aici contiina comuniunii euharistice cu Dumnezeu i cu semenii, cu toi cei din comunitatea colindat, fapt mijlocit de mrturisirea naului de la Liturghia Botezului cnd s-a petrecut iniierea, ncorporarea sacramental n Hristos i alipirea noului cretinat la adunarea comunitar. Aceeai mrturie cretin a naului nnoit la Cununie este pus n legtur cu Euharistia. Consngenia euharistic nu ine doar de neamul local, particular, ci de tot poporul Legmntului cel nou: ,,Dinaintea cestor gazde,/ Hoi, Doamne, hoilerui,/ Mese-ntinse, jos sunt scrise/ Rnd la mese cine ade?/ ade Domnul Dumnezeu/ i-al doilea Sfnt Ion,/ i al treilea Sfnt Vasile,/ i-al patrulea cest domn bun/ Des nchin un pahar,/ i-n fundul paharului/ Scris-i floarea raiului,/ Scris-i via vinului/ i-nc spicul grului./ - Dalelei, tu, cest domn bun,/ Vinde mie-acest pahar,/ Ori mi-l vinde, ori mi-l schimb/ S-mi fii, Doamne, ierttor!/ Nu mi-e, Doamne, vnztor/ i nici, Doamne, schimbtor/ C mi-i dat de nnaul/ Ca s-mi fie de moie/ i mie i pruncilor/ i tuturor limbilor . n unele variante mai elaborate nsi ederea la mas a gazdei colindate n comuniunea lui Dumnezeu i a sfinilor are alura cert a unui osp euharistic n cas, colinda fcnd aluzie clar la paharul Botezului: ,,D-ale cui-s aceste case,/ Hai leru-i, Doamne,/ D-aa nalte i frumoase?/ Dinluntru zugrvite,/ Dinafar dorghisite/ La mijloc s mese-ntinse,/ Mese-ntinse i suscrise./ Dar la mese cine ade?/ ade doamna cestor case/ Al doilea corn de mas,/ ade Domnul Dumnezeu./ Al treilea corn de mas/ ade Petru, Sfnt Snpetru,/ Al patrulea corn de mas/ ade Ion, Sntion,/ Nnaul lui Dumnezeu/ edeau cu toii la mas,/ Prnzeau toi dintr-o prescur/ i beau toi dintr-un pahar/ Prescura nu se sfrea,/ Paharul nu se golea./ Gri Domnul Dumnezeu/ Ctre doamna cestor case/ Vinde mie-acest pahar!/ Ori mi-l vinde, ori mi-l schimb,/ Ori n dar mi-l druiete!/ Fie-i, Doamne, ierttor,/ Paharul nu-i schimbtor/ Cci nu-l vnd, nici nu-l cinstesc,/ Nici n dar nu-l druiesc./ Cci mie cin mi l-a dat/ De micu m-a botezat,/ Mai mare m-a cununat,/ Tare-n toart m-a jurat/ Pn ce capul sus va sta,/ Eu paharul nu-l voi da,/ C-n fundul paharului/ Scris-i via vinului,/ i-n buza paharului/ Scris-i floarea raiului,/ i-n toarta paharului/ Scris i spicul grului19. Mai mult, aceast centralitate a potirului euharistic i a liturghiei rmne intact i dup moarte i este mrturisit n cntecele rituale de petrecere a mortului, aa-nuEnciclopedic, Bucureti, 2001, p. 110: ,,La Crciun, cnd Dumnezeu merge n vizit la o cas mpreun cu Sf. Ioan Boteztorul i cu Sf. Petru, gazda le nchin cu acest pahar. Lui Dumnezeu i place att de mult paharul, nct dorete s-l aib i ntreab dac-l poate cumpra, dac poate da altceva n schimbul lui sau dac-l poate primi n dar. Gazda nu accept nici una dintre aceste propuneri, deoarece paharul este darul fcut la botez de ctre naul su, dar pe care el a jurat s-l dea mai departe copiilor i nepoilor lui. 18 Alexiu Viciu, op. cit, p. 65. 19 Antofie Radu , op. cit , pp. 93-94.

436

Jan Nicolae

mite cntece ale zorilor sau ale bradului care griesc despre un cretinism arhaic ale crui nruriri sunt vii n anumite zone ale rii pn astzi. O influen sau o ntlnire ntre colinde, cntecele zorilor i bocetele la fereastra sufletului este evident. n aceste bocete este prezentat legtura vie a sufletului celui mort cu familia, neamul, comunitatea sa i cosmosul su particular, prin porile harului, prin elementele euharistice: ,,i te roag, mam, roag,/ Roag-te de sptori/ S lase rsufltori./ S lase patru fereti/ Pe una s vie luna/ i pe una soarele/ i pe una jalele/ i pe una s mai vie/ Cte-o zi de Liturghie sau n varianta bocetului la cele apte ferestre ale mormntului inundat de lumina lui Hristos i incendiat de flcrile Rusaliilor: ,,Pe una s vie/ Izvorul de ap,/ Dorul de la tat,/ Pe una s vie/ Mirosul de flori,/ Dor de la surori,/ Pe una s vie/ Butucel de vie,/ Pe una s vie/ Spicul grului/ Cu tot rodu lui. Prin cele apte capilare de comunicare ale mormntului este simbolizat comuniunea venic cu comunitatea-Biseric: Printr-una s-mi vin/ Colac cu lumin, iar alteori ,,zi de liturghie. ntr-un magistral comentariu teologic Printele Ilie Moldovan, din care am selectat i fragmentele citate mai nainte, surprinde ordinea sacramental pascal a vieii ca nucleu comun al colindelor i al acestor bocete: ,,iat cum ajunge mormntul s aib ferestre, s fie inundat de lumin s primeasc n el luna i soarele, pentru ca odat cu acestea s se umple de Hristos cosmic. ntr-adevr, Hritos a preschimbat apusul n Rsrit precum ne nva Clement Alexandrinul. () Ziua de Liturghie nu ne arat numai c n mormnt se slluiete cu cel adormit Hristos cosmic, ci cu el este Hristos euharistic. () Sngele lui Hristos este ntr-un anumit fel i ap, vin i mir care inund mormntul20. Ordinea lumii mrturisit n aceste colinde i n cuprinsul culturii populare este una integral sacramental n care se intr prin Botez, Mirungere i Euharistie, se nainteaz solemn prin Cununie i se trece pascal - n chip paradoxal - prin moarte care nu ntrerupe deloc comuniunea cu cei vii, ci chiar o intensific. Aspectul mistic al iniierii cretine este pus firesc n legtur cu aspectul comunitar, practic, social. Aceste semnificaii in de rnduiala sacramental a neamului pe care am ncercat s-o schim mai nainte, n termenii ei elementari. n concluzie, paharul de dar pomenit n aceste colinde este cu siguran un simbol al Paharului Legmntului. Spre aceast concluzie suntem condui i de variantele muntene, dobrogene i sud-moldovene, n care motivul paharului euharistic reapare n forme mult mai elaborate, n legtur cu bilanul eshatologic al faptelor morale i cu ospul veniciei. O mare parte din aceste variante constituie cel mai interesant filon al poeziei cretine populare i pot fi socotite adevrate cateheze mistagogice poetice, deoarece faptele cretineti apar ilustrate n dimensiunea lor de bine venic, puse n direct legtur cu ncretinarea gazdelor fptuitoare de bine n cele trei ruri sacramentale de ap limpede, vin i mir ale baptisteriului cosmic ivit n curtea-paradis: ,,Mi-a crescut i mi-a nscutu/ Hoi, leronda, lerului, Doamne-ler,/ Mi-a crescut de noui meri/ Noui meri ca nite veri./ Sus n vrf la nou-i meri/ Mi-arde-i nou lumnri,/ Sus mi arde, jos mi pic,/ Pictura ce-a picatu/ Face, Doamne, mi s-a fapt/ Ru de mir, pru de vinu,/ Ru de ap curgtoare./ Dar n ru cine se sclda/ Scald-se Bunul Dumnezeu/ Se sclda i se-mbia,/ Cu ap se limpezea,/ Cu bun mir se miruia,/ N vemnt alb se primenea./ Mai de-a rnd, Doamne-i,
20 I. Moldovan, Credina strmoeasc n faa ofensivei antihristice sectare. Editura Pro-Vita, Valea Plopului, Prahova, 1998, p. 50-51.

Taina Euharistiei n colinda tradiional romneasc

437

cu El,/ Scald-se Crciun, sfnt btrn,/ Se sclda i se-mbia,/ Cu ap se limpezea,/ Cu bun mir se miruia,/ N vemnt alb se primenea./ Mai de-a rnd, Doamne, cu ei/ Scald-se Ion, Sntion,/ Se sclda i se-mbia,/ Cu ap se limpezea,/ Cu bun mir se miruia,/ N vemnt alb se primenea./ Mai de-a rnd, Doamne, cu ei,/ Scald-se cest jupn cutare,/ Se sclda i se-mbia,/ Cu ap se limpezea,/ Cu bun mir se miruia,/ N vemnt alb se primenea./ Atunci Domnu-l ntreba/ Tu, cutare, ftul meu,/ Tu pe lume c-ai trit,/ Crui mi te-ai potrivit?/ Mie sau lui Crciun sfntul?/ Sau lui Ion Sntion?/ Sau la sfinii toi de-a rndul?/ Nici ie, nici lui Crciun,/ Nici lui Ion Sntion,/ Nici la sfinii toi de-a rndul./ Am fost tnr i-am putut,/ Mi-a dat mna i-am fcut/ Pusei casa lng drum./ Dar cu casa ce-ai fcut?/ nclzita-i friguroii?/ Da, mai mult de bogdaprosti./ Mai fcui, Doamne de-un fapt:/ Pusei masa peste drum./ Dar cu masa ce-ai fcut?/ Sturat-ai flmnzoii?/ Da, mai mult de bogdaprosti./ Mai facui, Doamne, de-un fapt:/ Puuri reci n cmpuri seci./ Dar cu puuri ce-ai fcut?/ Adpat-ai setoeii?/ Da, mai mult de bogdaprosti./ Mai fcui, Doamne, de-un fapt:/ Pusei cruci pe la rspntii./ Dar cu crucea ce-ai fcut?/ ndreptat-ai rtciii?/ Da, mai mult cu bogdaprosti/ Mai fcui, Doamne, de-un fapt:/ Podurele-n timpuri grele/ Dar cu poduri ce-ai fcut?/ Trecut-au drumei pe ele?/ Da, mai mult cu bogdaprosti/ - Tu, cutare, ftul meu,/ Bea-i paharul ne-mputat,/ Intr-n rai nejudecat./ De toarta paharului,/ Este cheia raiului21. Succesiunea scald-mbiere-limpezire-miruire-primenire n vemnt alb din aceast poezie ritual amintete cele dou formule liturgice de la tergerea mirului pruncului: ,,ndreptatu-te-ai, luminatu-te-ai, sfinitu-te-ai, splatu-te-ai, n numele Tatlui i al Fiului i al Sfntului Duh, acum i pururea i n vecii vecilor. Amin i ,,Botezatu-te-ai, luminatu-te-ai, miruitu-te-ai, sfinitu-te-ai, splatu-te-ai.... Similaritatea formulrilor este prea evident i ne confirm faptul c n aceste colinde avem de-a face cu un cadru baptismal paleocretin sau cel puin cu o poetic baptismal strveche. Avem aici ceva similar cu o predic poetic popular la Dumineca nfricoatei Judeci ntr-un cadru baptismal de amploare cosmic. Formule poetice de genul ,,Gri-i Bunul Dumnezeu:/ D-alei, cutare, fiul meu,/ Cunosc bine ce-ai fcut./ Tu de-i vrea merge la rai,/ Gseti raiul descuiat,/ Intri-n rai nejudecat,/ Treci la mas nechemat,/ Bei paharul ne-mputat,/ Ne-mputat i ne-nchinat22 sunt un ecou i un comentariu popular al cuvintelor Domnului ,,Venii, binecuvntaii Printelui Meu, motenii mpria cea pregtit vou de la ntemeierea lumii (Mt 25, 34). Mergerea celor drepi la via venic (Mt 25, 46) este reprezentat plastic ca mbiere i intrare liber n rai, depire a Judecii, prtie necontenit i nemijlocit la masa raiului, la Paharul Vieii. Exist i alte variante n care mbierea raiului o face Domnul Dumnezeu ctre naii ostenii de pregtirea darurilor materiale pentru finii botezai sau cununai: cai buni pentru finii de cununie, colaci dalbi, vaci i viei pentru cei de botez. Glorificarea bunului cretin n colindele de tip ,,Visul domnului bun ne ajut n elucidarea enigmei paharului simbolic ca dar ritual, ndtinat la Botez: ,,Prin prejur de lac,/ Meri mai mrunei/ Finiori de-ai ti/ Mici i-ai botezat,/ Mari i-ai cununat/ i n-ai d-imputat./ La mijloc de lac,/ Dou lebejoare/ i nu-s lebejoare,/ i-alea-s phrele,/ Beau cretini cu ele,/ Rar la zile mari/ N ziua de Ajun,/ Noaptea de Crciun,/ i de
21 Antofie Radu, op. cit, pp. 97-98. 22 Ibid., p. 100.

438

Jan Nicolae

Boboteaz,/ Cnd preoi boteaz,/ Lumea cretineaz,/ Lumea i norodul/ i pe noi cu totul 23. Potrivit unor importante investigaii etnologice, paharul Crciunului a fost nu numai un simbol al legmntului cretin de sorginte baptismal i euharistic, ci un dar ritual concret druit de na cu prilejul botezului. Acest pahar ceremonial era folosit doar la marile srbtori cretine Crciun, Pati i celelalte praznice mprteti24. Mai multe din rspunsurile la chestionarele lui Nicolae Densuianu confirm existena unui pahar ritual al Crciunului25, iar Ovidiu Brlea numete tipul de colind de care ne ocupm drept colinda pentru paharul ritual, amintind, totodat, datina germanic a unui astfel de pahar ceremonial din care beau pe rnd toi membrii unei familii la marile srbtori26. nsemnele iconice ,,scrise pe diferitele registre ale paharului ritual (pe fund, toart, coad, buz) sunt de natur simbolic sacramental (spicul grului, via vinului, floarea mirului, cheia raiului sau a iadului, doi porumbi i o porumbi, chipul Domnului, mana Domnului, boarea raiului, poarta raiului) sau, mai rar, de factur astral cosmic (,,luna cu lumina i soarele cu cldura, raza soarelui, doi luceferei). Ar fi edificatoare o comparaie cu iconografia strveche a potirelor liturgice. Cert este c n iconografia popular soarele i luna apar chiar n tema Rstignirii, iar cele trei flori sfinte, potrivit nelegerii populare, in organic de Jertfa Crucii, ivindu-se chiar din carnea, sngele i sudoarea lui Hristos.
23 Antofie Radu, op. cit, p. 96. 24 Ion Talo, art. Paharul de zile mari, n Gndirea magico-religioas la romni. Dicionar, Editura Enciclopedic, Bucureti, 2001, p. 110: ,,Se zice ns c fiecare familie, mai ales cele nstrite, ar trebui s dein un aa-numit pahar de zile mari, care ar avea un caracter sacral. E paharul care se utiliza doar la marile srbtori ale anului. Se mai numete i paharul de Crciun, respectiv de Pati. n colinde, acest pahar e descris dup cum urmeaz: este de aur, pe fundul lui se poate vedea floarea raiului, la tori sunt desenate spice de gru, iar la margine via-de-vie. 25 4555, Pojaru de Sus, GJ; Enache Gh, Paharul de zile mari, n Memoria ethnolgica nr. 24-25, iul-dec 2007 (An VII): ,,Informaii utile cu privire la existena paharului de zile mari se gsesc n chestionarele lui N. Densuianu, unde aa-numitul obicei al paharului este, la sfritul secolului al XIX-lea, mai multrememorat dect practicat. Informaiile vin din Muntenia, Moldova, Dobrogea i Oltenia, dar, aa cumse va vedea, exist motive ntemeiate s credem c obiceiul s-a practicat i n Transilvania. Denumirea cea mai rspndit paharul de zile mari face trimitere la ocaziile n care era folosit: acest pahar l pstreaz de nu bea cu el dect la srbtori i la zile mari. Cel care voia s i exprime preiurea deosebit fa de cineva, i adresa urmtoarea formul de nchinare, a crui profunzime este inaccesibil vorbitorului de azi al limbii romne: Am s te cinstesc cu paharul de zile mari. Intenii similare sau momentele faste ale existenei individului n satul romnesc tradiional erau marcate prin expresii construite n jurul aceluiai obiect ceremonial. Dai-mi paharul Crciunului !. Zilele mari nseamn aici marile srbtori calendaristice, n primul rnd Crciunul i Patele, dar i marile evenimente ale vieii de familie. Era un pahar aparte, deosebit de celelalte prin mrime i prin desenele care-l mpodobeau: au un pahar mai mare, deosebit, pe care e desenat figura pinii i a viei de vie. Fiind obiect de ceremonial, avea un regim special de folosire i de pstrare peste an: la zilele mari se d nti popii, apoi beau csaii, peste an se ine n lad nvelit bine, ntr-o crp ud cu zeam de busuioc. Este sigur c n vremurile mai vechi, paharul de zile mari a fost un obiect cultic, folosit n contexte ceremoniale precise. Chestionarele lui N. Densuianu din care au fost luate informaiile de mai sus ofer i precizricu privire la statutul social al proprietarilor unui astfel de pahar: ntotdeauna acetia sunt oameni cu dare de mn, adic gospodari avui, cu prestigiu social, aflai n fruntea comunitilor rneti. 26 O. Brlea, Colindatul n Transilvania, n Anuarul Muzeului Etnografic al Transilvaniei, Cluj, 1969, p. 277.

Taina Euharistiei n colinda tradiional romneasc

439

n Acatistul Sfintei Cruci una dintre numirile Crucii este ,,pahar plin de curat butur (icos 1, peasna 9), iar aceasta ne ajut s nelegem izomorfismul simbolic ntre tematica paharului ritual i cea a arborelui vieii27. Paharul ceremonial este cupa vieii, receptacol al energiilor regeneratoare ale Jertfei de la ntemeierea lumii, prezent ca liant cosmogonic n mentalul precretin. Structurile de mentalitate arhaic au modelat poetic aceste simboluri izomorfe care s-au cristalizat n superbele agregate cristaline ale acestor adevrate ,,curcubeie ale adncului(Goethe) de istorie spiritual care sunt colindele. Doar n acest demers de recuperare simbolic se poate nelege metafora plastic a lebedei pe ap ca simbol al paharului ritual. D. Pop a cercetat evoluia motivului ,,paharul de aur28 ntr-un demers ce ine de folclorul comparat i a concluzionat c temeiul acestuia ar fi un rit strvechi de agregare comunitar, ntlnit nc n forme arhaice la diverse triburi, valorificat n literatura medieval occidental, spre exemplu n diversele metamorfoze ale mitului Graalului29. Motivul paharului de aur a fost identificat i studiat de ctre Petru Caraman30 i n colindele bulgarilor, ucrainenilor, bieloruilor i polonezilor. La cei din urm motivul paharului apare att n varianta arhaic a legturii sale directe cu arborele vieii ca axis mundi, ct i ntr-o variant mai elaborat religios, n care paharul este dus la altarul bisericii ca s bea din el Dumnezeu, Maica Domnului i ngerii. Numai n colindele romnilor motivul paharului ritual formeaz exclusiv colinda propriu-zis. n concluzie, colinda ,,paharului ceremonial este o alegorie a unirii baptismal-euharistice a cretinului cu Domnul Dumnezeu, o poezie ritual care cumuleaz tradiii diverse arhaice31, dionisiace, zamolxiene, foarte puin probabil mithraice, transsimbolizate i transfigurate. Motivul paharului ritual mai apare uneori n colindele de tip Furarea astrelor ca obiect al raptului cosmic i al raiului liturgic ca i n unele colinde ale vnrii cerbului pentru masa nunii la care paharele sunt fcute din unghiile sale. Prin pnztura unei dense simbologii arhaice se strvd certe metafore euharistice. 4. Darul Botezului: Hrisma i straiele de srbtoare ale cretinului. Un tip de colind similar ca scenariu narativ i simbolic cu colinda ,,Paharul Crciunului este bogat ilustrat mai ales n repertoriul bnean i se refer la un alt dar tradiional pe care trebuie s-l fac naul la Botezul finului i anume hrisma sau crima, o bucat de pnz sau stof, aezat la lumnarea botezului sau pe cristelni, din care se face o cma pentru noul botezat, la ase sptmni de la botez. Colinda este o alegorie poetico-ritual a strii de om nnoit, nnobilat prin Botez i demn de a-L gzdui pe Domnul Dumnezeu n casa sa, la ospul de omenie: ,,Dimineaa lui Ajun,/ Domnului Doamne, Domnui bun,/ Iei domn bun, pe-afar umbl./ Umblndu-se, preumblndu-se,/ De-mi vedea pe Domn din cer,/ Cum coboar de frumos,/ De frumos, de-a cuvios,/ Mare bine c-i prea./ Curse-n cas, puse mas,/ Doi la lelea
27 Cocagnac, M,, Simbolurile biblice. Lexic teologic, trad. rom. Michaela Slvescu, Humanitas, Bucureti, 1997. 28 D. Pop, Paharul de aur n folclorul romnesc, n Studia Universitatis Babe-Bolyai, seria Philologia, fasc. 2, Cluj, 1970, pp. 19-29. 29 Rivire, P., Sfntul Graal. Istorie i simboluri, trad. Rodica Caragea, Artemis, Bucureti, 2000. 30 Caraman, P., Colindatul la romni, slavi i alte popoare, Ed. Minerva, Bucureti, 1983; Idem, Descolindatul n sud-estul i orientul Europei, Ed. Univ. A. I. Cuza, Iai, 1997. 31 Filip, V. V., Universul colindei romneti n perspectiva unor structuri de mentalitate arhaic, Ed. Saeculum I.O, Bucureti, 1999; Enache Gh, Paharul de zile mari, n Memoria ethnolgica nr. 24-25, iul-dec 2007 (An VII).

440

Jan Nicolae

jupneas:/ Fii vesel, jupneas,/ Florile sunt dalbe de mrui/ C ne vine-un Domn acas./ Domn acas, Domn la mas./ Cuvntu-i fu dobrit,/ Domnu-mi fur i-mi sosir./ De la u-mi cuvnta/ - E bun prnzu, st domn bun?/ st domn bun din ceard gria:/ Dac-i bun, hai s-l prnzim,/ S-l prnzim, s-l hodinim./ Domn din ceard-aa-i gria:/ Mulam ie prnzului/ i m-nchin hodinei lui,/ N-am venit ca s-l prnzesc,/ S-l prnzesc, s-l hodinesc,/ -am venit s te ntreb/ De-acest vig de dunic/ Ce st-n culme necroit,/ Necroit, nezbovit,/ Cine ie i l-a dat/ Cest domn bun din ceard gria:/ tii tu, Doamne, dar nu tii/ C de mic m-ai botezat,/ Mai mare m-ai cununat/ i-atunci mie mi l-ai dat/ Pe gleata de botez,/ S-mi petrec, smi osptez,/ S-mi osp un osp bun,/ Pe sub poala cerului,/ De-a direapta Tatlui,/ La curile Domnului./ Curtea-i, Domn bun luminoas,/ Tot la raza soarelui/ i la faa Domnului./ Domn din ceard aa-i gria:/ Dac-i lucrul, fine, aa,/ Poart-l fine sntos,/ n zile mari, la zile rari,/ La sfintele dumineci,/ (La sfintele bisereci)/ i-i fi vesel, cest domn bun32 sau ntr-o alt variant: ,,i-am venit c-am auzit/ De cel vig de dunic,/ St pe culme plhuit,/ Plhuit i necroit,/ Necroit, nesbuit,/ Domn mi-l vinde,/ Domn mi-l schimb,/ Domn mie mi-l druiete/ Gria gazda, cest domn bun:/ Fi-i-i, domn bun, ierttor,/ Ierttor i-ncreztor,/ Nu fac vigul vnztor,/ Nici nu-l vnd/ i nici nu-l schimb,/ Nici n dar nu-l druiesc,/ C mi-e dar de la nnau,/ Mai de mic m botezau,/ -atunci mie mi l-o dat,/ Tare-n cruce m-o jurat/ Nici s-l vnd,/ Nici s-l schimb,/ Nici eu s l druiesc./ Domn din cer din ceard griare:/ Dac-i rndul, fiu, aa-re,/ Poart-l, fiu, sntos,/ Tot la rai, la zile mari,/ Mai vrtos duminecile,/ Srbtori dup Crciun./ i-oi fii vesel, domnul bun33 . Colinda hrismei exprim prin procedeul retoric al conflictului simulat rnduiala comunitar a niei dimpreun cu teologia popular a primenirii n Hristos a omului srbtorii tradiionale i a ospului cu marile oaspete, Domn din ceriu, oaspetele su de tain, la casa sa, n sfintele locauri de srbtori i la curile cerului. Haina de srbtoare a romnului a fost haina nuntirii cu Dumnezeu, iar colinda aceasta o prezint n direct legtur cu haina baptismal. n concluzie, colinda hrismei este un fel de catehez mistagogic popular a Botezului ca mbrcare n lumina veniciei lui Dumnezeu. Colindele cu tem baptismal condenseaz elemente evanghelice, liturgice i folclorice n texte gen palimsest, n care simbologia cretin se dezvolt ntr-un mediu de creativitate folcloric aglutinant34. 5. Maica Domnului cu Pruncul i tema Rstignirii. Tema central a grupului de colinde cu fond cert euharistic-liturgic i sacramental este Rstignirea i ea deschide perspectiva asupra grupului tematic Grul, vinul i mirul. Naterea Fiului lui Dumnezeu este pus n direct legtur cu Crucea, eveniment-cheie al iconomiei mntuirii, ale crei roade sunt perpetuate i actualizate n viaa cretinilor n Dumne32 I. Climan, C. Veselu, Poezii populare romneti. Folclor din Banat, Ed. Grai i Suflet-Cultura Naional, Bucureti, 1996, p. 17-18. 33 Ibidem, p. 31-32. 34 D. O. Cepraga, op. cit, p. 62-63: Tematicile multiple care se desfoar n interiorul textelor despre botez ne nfieaz toate funciile i aspectele principale ale colindatului cretin: funcia propriuzis narativ, de propagare a mesajului i a istoriei evanghelice (funcia evanghelic-catehetic n.n.), funcia (meta) liturgic, legat de stabilirea i sfinirea gesturilor i materiilor rituale, i funcia simbolic, care pune n scen sub form de imagini i personaje alegorice, sistemul de credine i de obiceiuri ale societii tradiionale.

Taina Euharistiei n colinda tradiional romneasc

441

zeiasca Liturghie a Bisericii. Crucea sau jertfa lui Iisus Hristos este nucleul kerygmei cretine: ns noi propovduim pe Hristos cel rstignit...; pe Hristos, puterea lui Dumnezeu i nelepciunea lui Dumnezeu (1Cor 1, 23-24). Rstignirea este mplinirea lucrrii arhiereti a lui Hristos: De la natere pn la nviere, Crucea proiecteaz umbra sa tragic asupra Fiului, deschiznd n spatele fiecrui moment al vieii sale orizontul veniciei35, fapt reprezentat i n iconografia Naterii prin nscrierea crucii n nimbul n jurul capului Pruncului mititel i nfeel i prin plasarea toposului concret al Naterii n ntunericul unei peteri care sugereaz chiar pogorrea n iad. n colindele romneti tema crucii sau a Rstignirii este anticipat de motivul plnsului Pruncului Dumnezeiesc n braele Maicii Sale: Taci fiule, nu mai plnge,/ C maica ie i-o da/ Tot crjua Tatlui/ i cheile Raiului/ i utarul de botez/ i scaunul de jude...36. Toate aceste daruri ale Maicii indic misiunea mesianic a Pruncului, rolul su de Domn al cerului i pmntului, de Mntuitor i de Judector a lumii, n care va instaura ordinea sacramental caracteristic orizontului mpriei. n alte colinde Pruncul i presimte Patimile vznd lemnarii i fierarii pregtind o cruce dalb de brad i cuie de rstignire. Icoana Maicii Domnului cu Pruncul este icoana ntruprii i icoana Bisericii. n acest sens, ntr-o colind maramurean icoana Maicii cu Pruncul este nsoit de toate obiectele simbolice ale Patimilor i nvierii: La un deal de Rusalim/ Este-o creang de mslin/ De acolo ce-i mai este?/ Este-o piatr rsturnat/ i cu crucea rzmat/ Da-n umbru cine ade?/ ade-mi ade Maica Sfnt/ Cu fiu micu n brae37. Prezena figurii Maicii Domnului n colindele romneti este o realitate simbolic important care vine peste locul matricial al Marii Zeie arhaice. Vechile intuiii pgne ale maternitii i fecioriei creaiei sunt focalizate n realitatea noii icoane a Maicii cu Pruncul n brae, iar colinda realizeaz prima teologie popular, o teologie a lacrimilor Pruncului dumnezeiesc, unite cu ale Maicii Sale, ca efect al participrii lor la liturghia din mnstirea cosmic cu nou ui i nou altare38. Ctre aceast realizare conduce n mod clar un grup de colinde extrem de preios din repertoriul tradiional al colindatului ce intoduce Rstignirea ntr-un cadru simbolic deosebit i original, constituind un ansamblu tematic amplu i unitar n care tema Crucificrii se mbin cu marea tain a Euharistiei, pe fundalul unor semnificaii rituale arhaice. 6. Tema Originea grului, vinului i a mirului aparine repertoriului comun i se dezvolt n jurul temei Rstignirii: dup nviere, Mntuitorul este ntrebat de sfini despre originea materiilor liturgice ale tainelor de iniiere cretin: ntreab imi ntreab/ Sfini pe Dumnezeu;/ - Din ce mi s-a fapt/ Vinul i cu mirul,/ Rumenaul gru39. Acest aspect inaugural al comuniunii sfinilor avnd la mijloc pe Domnul Dumnezeu este chipul Bisericii-comuniune, restul ntrebrii privind nsi taina BiIbidem, p. 64-65. Bartk, op. cit, nr. 849. Ibidem, vol. 5, nr. 13 c. D. O. Cepraga, op. cit, p. 65 : Colindele realizeaz un puternic racursi metaforic care leag mpreun prezentul i viitorul, imaginea copilului sfnt i prefigurarea destinului su mesianic. Aceast simultaneitate a evenimentelor constituie o trstur constant a textelor despre Maica Domnului cu Pruncul n brae, relevndu-se un factor stilistic predominant creator de noi structuri narativeVasta ramificare pe subtipuri a acestor colinde reprezint un indiciu pregnant al faptului c ele aparin unui strat cretin primitiv (cf. M. Brtulescu 1981, p. 69). 39 Neagu, Gh., Colinde din Ialomia, Roiorii de Vede, 1946, p. 41, nr. 65. 35 36 37 38

442

Jan Nicolae

sericii, iar din punct de vedere tehnic avnd un aspect retoric formal specific poeziei populare. Rspunsul lui Dumnezeu la ntrebarea sfinilor are dou variante: a) grul, mirul i vinul sunt crescute sub Sfnta Cruce din trupul Domnului i b) grul, mirul i vinul sunt de la Tatl, Fiul i Sfntul Duh. Ca i rspunsul Maicii Domnului n dialogul cu colindtorii i aici rspunsul Domnului are un caracter revelator40. Mntuitorul dezvluie sfinilor c vinul (via vinului) este sngele scurs din trupul su n momentul Rstignirii, metamorfozat cnd a curs pe pmnt; grul a crescut din carnea care a czut sub Cruce pe pmnt din trupul Domnului, iar mirul (floarea mirului) a rsrit din sudoarea sau lacrimile (mai rar) Domnului czute sub Cruce sub apsarea dureroas a cununii de spini41: Dumnezeu umbla, Sfini-L ntreba Refren 1: Cheia raiului Raza soarelui Refren 2: Grul cel curat Vinul strecurat Cheia raiului Raza soarelui Mirul Tu cel sfnt Cel sfnt pre pmnt Din ce sunt fcute, De-s aa plcute? Voi prea bine tii; i ce mai voii? Bine, foarte bine Cci ai fost cu mine Noi c am ieit La cmp prsit Sus la Rusalimu, Ca s mai privimu Cmpuri fr roduri Grne fr spicuri i vii fr vinuri i flori fr miruri i ei m legar i prins m purtar,
40 D. O. Cepraga, op. cit, p. 65: Cuvintele Domnului dezvluie o tain, revelnd ntregii lumi, prin intermediul colindtorilor care se fac purttori ai graiului divin, unul dintre adevrurile cele mai importante ale credinei cretine. Acest adevr se refer prefacerea tainic a pinii i a vinului n Trupul i Sngele Domnului i la sfinirea Mirului, purttor al Sfntului Duh. Colindele ne vorbesc despre aceste principii fundamentale ale religiei cretine, punnd n scen un miracol etiologic, un miracol cu profunde trsturi rituale ce ofer o decodare a misterului teologic prin reprezentri extrem de concrete 41 Eliade M., Ierburile de sub cruce, n Revista Fundaiilor Regale, 6, 11, 1939.

Taina Euharistiei n colinda tradiional romneasc Pn la Pilat, La casa de sfat; Legea Mi-o spunea Din lege ieia S fiu rstignit i batjocorit Pe crucea de brad Precum vrea Pilat Apoi M-ncingea Tare m strngea i m chinuia Carnea jos pica. Pe unde pica Grul bun se fcea n mini, n picioare, Mi-au btut piroane Cu cui de oel Dnd cu mai de fier i de ce btea, Sngele nea. Pe unde pica Vin bun se fcea i spini aduna i m-ncununa Tare M-npungea Sudoarea curgea; Pe unde pica Miruri nflorea42

443

Aceluiai orizont sacramental i aparin i colindele cu tema Rstignirii n care Maica Domnului adun sngele Sfnt ntr-un potir: Pe Iisus l rstignea,/ Cuiele i le bteau./ Sngele pe stlpi curgea/ Maica Sfnt c-l oprea/ i-n biseric-l ducea/ i din gur aa gria:/ Acesta-i snge curat,/ C-i din trup nevinovat./ Acesta-i snge cu mil,/ C-i din trup fr de vin./ Acesta-i snge milos/ C-i din trupul lui Cristos43. n iconografia popular, nrudit cu universul simbolic al colindelor, exist o tem frecvent, numit Iisus Hristos, via de vie44, n care Mntuitorul este reprezentat stnd pe o mas de altar rustic, care are alura unei lzi de zestre, cu crucea la spate, iar din coast nindu-i un bucium de vi care se mboltete pe deasupra nimbului, purtnd n partea opus nite struguri uriai, pe care minile sfinte i zdrobesc ntr-un potir liturgic. Dei acest motiv iconografic al viei Domnului are origine
42 Breazul G., Colinde. Editura Fundaiei Culturale Romne, Bucureti, 1993, nr. 63, pp. 94-95 43 G. Breazu, op. cit, nr. 36, p. 57. 44 J. Nicolae, Iconografia Euharistiei: Hristos-via de vie (Christus als Weinstok) /Hristos n teasc (Christus in der Kelter). Interferene Orient-Occident n iconografia romneasc, n E. Jurcan, J. Nicolae (ed.), Wer ist die Kirche? /Cine este Biserica? Omagiu Monseniorului dr. Albert Rauch, Editura Rentregirea, Alba Iulia, 2008, pp. 532-563.

444

Jan Nicolae

antiohian, dezvoltarea sa n acest sens organic pare a fi expresia iconologic cea mai curat a acelei viziuni euharistice autohtone care se poate regsi n colinde. Raportul simbolic dintre vin, via de vie i sngele Mntuitorului este viu n arhiva vie a satului tradiional45. ntr-un studiu clasic de etnologie religioas din perioada interbelic, Ion I. Ionic decripteaz liniile de for simbolic ale sacralizrii grului n cultura popular46. Cretinismul a adus, potrivit etnologilor i istoricilor religiilor (I. Ionic, M. Mauss47, H. Hubert, A. Van Gennep) un limbaj ritual i o simbolic care nu erau cu totul nenelese n mediul social unde avea s se extind, la care apreau, dimpotriv, pregtite, n lumea curent mediteranean, de o lung incubaie istoric: Cuvintele Mntuitorului Adevrat, adevrat v spun vou, dac gruntele de gru care a czut pe pmnt nu moare, rmne singur dar dac moare aduce mult road. Cine i iubete viaa o va pierde i cine i urte viaa n lumea aceasta o va pstra pentru viaa venic (In 12, 24-25) - rsun nc de ecourile celor mai adnci frmntri ale gndirii religioase, ridicate, prin mii de rdcini, dintr-un cult al vieii vegetale, spre zrile ispititoare ale nemuririi Materialitatea acestor prelungiri istorice se terge aproape cu totul sub strlucirea noilor sensuri morale i eshatologice, n care se gsesc implicateAsocierea mistic a Mntuitorului cu grul i vinul a avut un puternic impuls de nrurire, venind de ast dat dinspre noua religie spre vechile reprezentri populare agrare (prelungirea formelor i metaforelor agrare n cretinism) i druind grul, peste cunoscutul coninut emoional, cu un nimb de sfinenie, care-l singularizeaz n toat lumea vegetal48. De aici s-a format rspndita credin c pe bobul de gru se vede chipul Domnului Hristos. Buzduganul sau cununa grului, obicei strvechi mai ales n ara Oltului i analizat n 1943 de Ion I. Ionic, concretizat n mpletirea ritual a unei cruci ncununate din spicele secerate de pe o arin, cea a preotului, la care participau toi stenii, are n viziunea ranilor o dimensiune euharistic: E un fel de mulumit pentru recolt, Aduce o mulumire lui Dumnezeu prin facerea buzduganului ca o rugciune vie, Cn sameni nti bucate, trebuie s iei boane (boabe) din buzdugan i s le amesteci cu celelalte de smn, casta-i jertfa lui Dumnezeu (Drgu); Buzduganu e trupul Domnului Hristos, c pe bobu de gru se vede chipu Domnului Hristos (Socorei); Buzduganul ie o cruce, ie a lu Domnu Hristos (Rcar). n concluzie: Concepia buzduganului ca jertf divin, ca trup al Domnului Hristos,
45 Ion Ghinoiu, Vrstele timpului, Editura Stiina, Chiinu, 1994, p. 263: Loturi de vie cultivate n apropierea satelor moneneti i rzeeti se numeau popoare i tot popoare se numesc i astzi, prin unele sate moldoveneti, locurile de nmormntare din cimitirele organizate pe familii: Poporul de vie, poporul din cimitir i poporul ca naiune sunt termeni omonimi care ndeamn la meditaie 46 Ion I. Ionic, Dealul Mohului, Editura Minerva, Bucureti, 1996, p. 162: Imaginea grului prefigureaz bineneles alimentele sacre, ca pinea i colacul, care se prepar din boabele sale mcinate. Elucidarea tuturor semnificaiilor nchise n raportul de identitate dintre gru, pine i trupul Domnului ne-ar duce foarte departe. Fr ndoial, concepiile euharistice s-au altoit pe un fond arhaic de convingeri cu rdcini profunde n mentalitatea tradiional care se refer la asemnarea dintre ciclul vegetal al grului, de la smna semnat pn la recolt i la ciclul vieii umane. Pe baza acestor date ancestrale ale gndirii simbolice, s-au format toate credinele care presupun o afinitate sau o identitate ntre trupul omului i aluatul din care se face pinea i colacul, afinitate ntemeiat pe ideea c amndou materiile sunt slae n care se adpostete spiritul. 47 Mauss M, Eseu despre dar, trad. rom. Silvia Lupescu, Editura Polirom, Iai, 1998. 48 Ibidem, p. 83-84.

Taina Euharistiei n colinda tradiional romneasc

445

trebuie pus n legtur cu forma obiectului ritual, i cu reprezentarea religioas a grului, care la rndul su nu este strin de raiuni culturale cretine, ndeosebi de funciune sacrificial n Sfnta Euharistie. Credina c imaginea Mntuitorului se afl n pecete pe capul bobului de gru se regsete n ntreg teritoriul naional i este o credin general european (Europa ranilor cretini - n.n.).49 Cinstirea deosebit a acestui obiect ritual este certificat i de faptul c este aezat la icoan sau la cruce (troi). n Munii Apuseni exista un gen de colind numit Iodia care se colinda numai dac gazda aeza peste colacul Crciunului cununa de la secerat. La origine acest tip de rostire avea un puternic caracter magic, fiind o poveste a grului, foarte asemntoare Pluguorului i cntecelor cununii de sceri50. Aceste gesturi rituale in de cretinismul unei populaii agrare arhaice. Cununa grului este asociat unui ritual agrar strvechi i pare a juca rolul funcional al soarelui nsui. Legtura plastic ntre soare, spicul de gru, colac, Euharistie este evident, dei ea se exprim de cele mai multe ori n limbajul ritual al lumii vechi. Coerena simbolic euharistic va lucra ca un ferment n luntrul acestui corp cultural n care toate nnoirile se fac prin aglutinare simbolic. S nu uitm de transfigurrile literare ulterioare ale acestei poveti a grului n poezia lui Nichifor Crainic (Cntecul Potirului, Povestea grului) i a altor scriitori tradiionaliti. ntr-un anume fel i colacul Crciunului era socotit a fi ,,Trupu lui Hristos. Pn n veacul al XVI-lea, n cele mai vechi colecii (codice) de manuscrise romneti ale textelor biblice, termenul trup nu apare, ci doar cel de pieli. n Codicele voroneian apare de nou ori, ca de exemplu ,,Omort fu cu peli, nvinse cu duhul(1 Pt 3, 18). n acest sens apare i n urarea colacului: ,,Gazda c ne-o druit/ C-un colac de gru frumos/ Pielia lui Hiristos. De la 1648, de la Noul Testament de la Blgrad (Alba Iulia) termenul pieli este nlocuit cu cel de trup. Colinda pstreaz n multe zone nc termenul strvechi romnesc de pieli. Colacul este astfel trupul sau pielia lui Hristos deoarece nsui grul este trupul lui prefcut, metamorfozat, aa cum vedem n colindele despre originea grului, vinului i a mirului. Adugm la toate aceste consideraii contextuale i amintirea acelei contiine rneti a sfineniei pinii de la mas: pinea nu se arunc; era pcat s o calci n picioare; nu se servea cu mna stng; nu se mnca cu capul acoperit; se semna n cruce cu cuitul de stpnul casei nainte de a o tia; tcerea de la masa rneasc este un fel de respect pentru prezena simbolic a Domnului Hristos, n sens spiritual, n pinea prnzului sau a cinei. n acest sens se nelege solemnitatea momentului primirii colacului de ctre colindtori cu capetele descoperite i rspunznd la ndemnurile vtafului cetei cu mulumiri i urri ce au dimensiunea ecteniei liturgice. Colacul ritual n care se ntruchipeaz (concretizeaz) datina nsi, ncheie un circuit euharistic, un circuit al darurilor i el era chiar numit colind. Prin ridicarea lui n sens de nchinare Sus la ceruri o nlm/ Jos la gazd onchinm era integrat acelui cerc liturgic al darurilor, deschiznd ctre sensul lor euharistic general. ntr-o anumit tematic iconografic popular arhaic pstrat nc n obiecte sacrale (pecetare, troie .a), Mntuitorul rstignit apare n chipul unui spic de gru.
49 Ibidem, p. 84. 50 Mrgineanu I., Cristea Avram, Florile dalbe, Flori de mr, Alba Iulia, 1991, p. 223-220; Hedean O., Pinea i devenirea sa, n Analele Universitii de Vest, Seria Teologic, vol. II-IV, Timioara, 1996-1998, p. 191-208.

446

Jan Nicolae

Iat de exemplu un splendid comentariu asupra unui pecetar numit Spicul de gru de la Ieud: La baza rstignirii, sub o form de cerc simplu, fr nici o decoraiune - pmntul; sus, un cerc sculptat, ca o rozet solar - capul Fiului Omului, Soarele dreptii; pe braele crucii, dou ncrestturi - ideea minilor Rstignitului; pe cruce, un spic de gru - trupul Celui care se jertfete pe sine pentru a se oferi ca Pine a vieii venice, trup ncadrat ntr-un romb, cuprins, nfiat de dou triunghiuri; i nici unul dintre cele trei brae ale crucii nu au capetele tiate drept, delimitate ca ceva terminat sau rotunjite semisferic - pentru a i se trasa astfel limita spaial i toate trei desprind din trupul crucii cte dou prelungiri ascuite, parc neterminate, delimitate, ca de cte trei ori dou brae spirituale, care doresc s se prelungeasc n spaiu i s cuprind n mbriarea lor Universul51. Pe cele mai multe dintre aceste pecetare romneti este stilizat Rstignirea sau chipul unei biserici i pe talpa fiecruia se afl pecetea credinei pascale biruitoare, esena credinei Bisericii primare, semnul i vestirea ei nencetat, mrturisit limpede de colind ca pe o suprem contiin euharistic: i prin scump sngele Lui,/ Lumini d pmntului 52; Cum voi tri nainte/ Negustnd dulceaa sa,/ Nevznd frumuseea sa53. ntr-un tip de colind hunedorean Dumnezeu i Sf. Petru i darul de sntate, Dumnezeu trimite n seara Ajunului pe Sf. Petru s aduc daruri gazdei colindate, ca rspuns la ruga sfnt a acesteia; la bru Dumnezeu i d un spic de gru: Ce sear-i de-aiast sear/ Doamne, Doamne,/ Dai Domnului Doamne,/ Mare sear de Ajun,/ Din Ajun pn-n Crciun/ C-a ezut acest domn bun,/ Ce-a ezut de-a cinat/ D-a cinat i s-a rugat/ Rug-n cer i-a ridicat/ Rug-n cer printre ngeri/ Pn la curtea cest domn bun/ Gria Tatl ctre Petru:/ - Vezi tu, Petre, ce-mi vd eu?/ - Vdu-mi, Doamne, eu o raz,/ Ca o raz de lumin./ - Dac vezi tu, Petre, bine/ Ia la bru un spic de gru/ i n sn ia sntate,/ Iar n poal bogtate/ i te las, Petre, las,/ Tot prin jos, pe rug-n jos/ Pn la curtea cest domn bun./ Intr-n cas nechemat/ ezi pe scaun nembiat/ Bea paharul ne-nchinat/ i pe mas gru revars/ Las-n cas sntate/ i n cas bogtate./ - i te, domn bun, veselete!54. Spicul de gru de la brul colindtorilor (Sf. Petru) i grul revrsat peste masa gazdelor colindate sunt semnul prezenei lui Dumnezeu, un dar de sus, binecuvntarea cerului, un moment din circuitul euharistic al rugciunii i trudei, dei odinioar reprezentau gesturi rituale magice simpatetice de provocare a belugului. Colindtorii poart acum binecuvntarea lui Dumnezeu i astfel ei sfinesc pe cei ai casei i cmpurile lor. Sntatea i rodirea (bogtatea) sunt daruri din snul de tain al lui Dumnezeu (Tatl). Sntatea este nainte de toate, sntate, o raz a lui Dumnezeu strlucind n fptura sa rugtoare mpreun cu ngerii. De la aducerea magic a manei roadelor prin gestul magic simpatetic, s-a ajuns acum la mijlocirea harului de binecuvntare a casei i a cmpurilor prin rugciunea ctre Domn din ceriu, dei formal gestul ritual a rmas pe loc n toat plasticitatea sa, cu un rost numai de natur identitar. Toate aceste daruri coboar pe coloana rugciunii care deschide cerurile i sunt mijlocite, potrivit contiinei populare, de ctre colindtorii hristofori. Dac sntatea este agrit drept sntate, uneori graiul popular pare s numeasc Treimea drept Trime. Teologia colindei corespunde unui
51 52 53 54 Pr. Romul Pop, Glasul pecetarelor, Oradea, 1993, p. 21. Funariu I., Colinzi din ara Fgraului, Editura Orientul Latin, Braov, 1994, nr. 105, p. 111. Ibidem, p. 108. Datcu I., ,,Colind-m, Doamne, colind! , 2 vol., Editura Minerva, Bucureti, 1992, nr. 239, p. 132.

Taina Euharistiei n colinda tradiional romneasc

447

trirism popular n miezul cruia Logosul divin a lucrat smerit, lmurind cuviincios logosul arhaic i eliberndu-i virtualitile poetice. n sens larg putem vorbi de o desvrit coeren teologic pstrat de colinde la nivelul semnificaiilor profunde, n ciuda reelaborrilor folclorice la care au fost supuse temele cretine canonice. Pomenirea binecuvntrii Tatlui ceresc se face ntr-o colind hunedorean n ce privete originea mirului: Pe unde-o punea/ i m cam strngea,/ Sudori m trecea,/ La pmnt cdea,/ Tatl d-alduia,/ Mirul se fcea55. Exist ns colinde mai noi n care rspunsul lui Dumnezeu la ntrebarea sfinilor este unul lapidar treimic: De la Tatlu/ De la Fiulu/ i Sfntul Duhulu/ Ca Ei s trii/ S fii fericii! Este o urare suprem de o maxim relevan teologic i ea privete treimicizarea vieii omului i a cosmosului spre a deveni Biseric deplin a Iubirii. Acest proces statornic i dinamic are loc n Biseric prin Botez i, continuu, prin i n Taina Euharistiei. 7. Colindele tip Cearta celor trei flori sfinte pun n scen, la un nalt nivel de solemnitate ritual, disputa alegoric a celor trei flori, la rsritul soarelui, n prezena Domnului Dumnezeu, n calitate de arbitru i judector, fiecare floare susinndu-i pe rnd pledoaria superioritii i argumentnd-o. Zorii zilei i rsritul soarelui ca moment ritual n care are loc cearta celor trei flori sfinte are o aur de solemnitate. Exist colinde n care se vestete revrsatul zorilor sau este cerut amnarea revrsatului: Zori, zori, dragi surori, / Nu grbii cu revrsatul, / C neapuc ziua-n sat56. Prologul unor asemenea colinde este unul de factur sacral n care este invocat rsrirea soarelui, rugminte adresat Soarelui, s-i rspndeasc lumina n toate laturile i n toate prile. n versiunile din Apuseni i Hunedoara soarele rsare n cruci de fereastr, proiectnd peste masa gazdei colindate pe care se afl darurile tradiionale, umbra sfnt a Crucii. Iar crucea de fereastr e mai cruce dect crucea din rscruce (de troi)57. n alte variante apar mese ntinse i fclii aprinse n curtea gazdei sau n cas la rsritul soarelui, iar n jurul unei mese de mtase stau cele trei flori sfinte din Rai rsrite, la un loc cu Dumnezeu i cu ceata sfinilor. Aceste variante sunt izomorfe cu cele din tipul paharul de dar, n care florile sfinte apar scrise n trei zone ale unui potir, cu care gazda nchin cu Dumnezeu i sfinii, mrturisind c nu-l poate nstrina, cci e dar primit la Botez de la naul su. Localizarea celor trei flori laolalt cu Dumnezeu, cu sfinii i cu gazda i colindtorii este o emoionant iconizare a Bisericii i a unitii ei care se realizeaz n Euharistie i n care se intr prin cele trei Taine conjugate n cadrul iniierii cretine. Dezbaterea i pildirea florilor este formalizat i relativ omogen n ntreg repertoriul. Sentina final aparine lui Dumnezeu care le mpac, mrturisindu-le valoarea i unitatea izvort din legtura lor cu El. Analiza argumentelor fiecrei flori este relevant: floarea grului se laud c din ea se face pinea cretinilor, colacul Crciunului, prescuri i prinoase: - C-s mai bun eu,/ De voi de-amndou/ C de n-a fi eu,/ Nice nu ar fi,/ Nici colac n cas,/ Nici pit pe mas 58. Colacul ritual fcut din gru curat este darul generic i, prin acest dar fiecare familie particip la acest ethos ceremonial comunitar. ntr-o colind tip se povestete despre gazda plecat n vrful munilor ca s secere grul
55 56 57 58 Bartk, op. cit., nr. 98a. Drgoi, S., 303 colinde cu text i melodie. Editura Scrisul romnesc, Craiova 1931, p. 239. D. O. Cepraga, op. cit., pp. 67-68. Viciu, A., Colinde din Ardeal. Bucureti, Academia Romn, 1914, p. 101.

448

Jan Nicolae

pentru colaci: Noi umblm la colindat/ Dintr-o cas-n alt cas,/ Doamna noastr nu-i acas/ C-i n vrful muntelui// S secere la secar/ i la gru de primvar,/ S ne fac colcei,/ S colindm pentru ei59. Grul din vrful muntelui sau cel vechi de 9 ani sau cel din fruntea sau urma seceriului era folosit pentru darul ritual. n variante mureene i hunedorene, n special, pe lng colac argumentele florii grului menioneaz i prescura: Cci din mini se face/ Prescuri i prinoase/ Liturghii frumoase sau Din mine se face/ Prescur aleas/ Pentru sfnta mas60. Argumentele vinului sunt legate de nelipsita sa prezen la toate srbtorile, veseliile i urrile de bine, cci fr vin nu-i nici o veselie, nici o bucurie i vinul nveselete inima omului(Ps.103) i la funcia sa liturgic, ca materie euharistic esenial, ca dar principal la altar pentru desfurarea Sfintei Liturghii: Vinul aa zice:/ - C eu sunt mai mare/ C fr de mine,/ Nu-i slujb pe lume61. Veselia este a ospeelor comunitare, iar bucuria, a ospului euharistic. Argumentele Mirului sunt exclusiv liturgice: C de n-a fi eu,/ Nici o cretinare,/ Nici o botezare. Prin Mirungere noul botezat devine cretin adevrat i deplin, un hristos dup har, membru al Bisericii Universale a lui Hristos, hristofor i pnevmatofor (haritofor)62. Mirul apare n unele colinde hunedorene cu titulatura generic, foarte relevant teologic, de Mir Botezului, iar n altele i ncheie pledoaria cu o extrem de profund mrturisire: Botezu-i al meu/ i-al lui Dumnezeu. n cele mai interesante variante, cearta florilor este ncheiat de intervenia lui Dumnezeu care are valoare de corolar de natur teologic (D. Cepraga), Domnul dezvluind originea comun a celor trei elemente: grul, vinul i mirul ca trupul, sngele i sudoarea sau Botezul Domnului, materii sfinte, fiindc mprtesc dumnezeiescul har (n.n.; iar nu esena divin - cf. Cepraga). Aceast sentin a Domnului aductoare de armonie trimite implicit ctre ,,simbolica euharistic nscris n imaginea celor trei flori. Colindele despre Cearta florilor sfinte sunt o prezentare alegoric a creaiei i a vieii ca euharistie. Legtura strns ntre Cruce i Cin (Ospul euharistic i Cina cea de tain) este una evanghelic i liturgic. Colindtorii mrturisesc venica prezen a Jertfei lui Hristos, ,,Mielul junghiat de la ntemeierea lumii, adus o dat pentru totdeauna pe Crucea Golgotei pentru mntuirea lumii, i reiterat n chip mistic n Biseric. ntre elementele materiale aduse ca daruri de poporul lui Dumnezeu la altarul Bisericii, ca simbol concret al druirii vieii lor lui Dumnezeu, deci ntre pine, (prescur, colac, gru) i vin i Trupul i Sngele Domnului exist o profund legtur. Primele denumiri ale Liturghiei, slujba Legii celei Noi, din epoca apostolic, sunt frngerea pinii i paharul Domnului sau paharul binecuvntrii i se refer explicit la pine i vin. Colindele acestea perpetueaz deci o motenire de sorginte apostolic, sobrietatea i solemnitatea lor sugernd un cretinism arhaic:
59 60 61 62 Ibid., p. 103. Drgoi, S., 303 colinde cu text i melodie. Editura Scrisul romnesc, Craiova, 1931, p. 151. Ibidem , p. 260. D. O. Cepraga, op. cit, p. 69: Prezena mirului n colinde deschide astfel vasta perspectiv a convertirii i a integrrii persoanelor n snul comunitii cretine, tem care constituie, (), una din motivaiile de baz ale colindatului. Cuvintele mirului n disputa cu celelalte flori sfinte fixeaz aceast prerogativ de a fi purttor al credinei cretine, mijloc liturgic prin care, n timpurile strvechi ale evanghelizrii pgnii deveneau cretini: Iar mirul zice:/ - Prin mine se fcea/ n vremi din btrni, / Din pgni, cretini/ Oameni de cei buni (Drgoi, p. 152).

Taina Euharistiei n colinda tradiional romneasc

449

Tufa grului/ E pelia mea/ Loza vinului/ E sngele meu/ Mir botezului/ E sudoarea mea/ i v veselii/ Cele trei flori sfinte/ i ti-o dnchinmu/ Dalb sntate63. Pe lng elementele euharistice, Mirul amplific cadrul de iniiere cretin i unitatea celor trei Taine de iniiere. D. Cepraga, relund studiile mai vechi ale lui Mihai Pop64 despre asemnarea dintre colinde i poezia medieval a Europei occidentale romanice i ale lui Sandor Eckhardt65 despre relaiile dintre poezia disputelor dintre flori n spaiul oocidental i cele din folclorul romnesc i maghiar, a demonstrat c, din punct de vedere formal, aceste colinde aparin genului poetic al disputei alegorice edificatoare, de larg rspndire n literatura medieval. Aceste colinde mplinind o adevrat mistagogie popular. Imprimarea acestei ordini sacramentale cretine n viaa comunitilor din spaiul strromnesc a dus la naterea acestor capodopere populare. Folosind mijloace poetice, melodice i rituale, aceste colinde evoc prin vocile colindtorilor hristofori i pnevmatofori identitatea teologic (tainic) dintre jertfa liturgic i Jertfa Crucii. ntregul repertoriu cuprinznd aceste motive este subsumat marii teme a Rstignirii. Tema Crucii este prezent abundent n toat cultura tradiional: la romni, Crucea e peste tot (Horia Bernea). Disputa alegoric dintre cele trei flori sfinte are n vedere raportul de afinitate dintre darurile oferite colindtorilor i cele euharistice66. Aceast tematic conine cele mai adnci aspecte cretine ale colindatului i una din funciile sale centrale convertirea i integrarea n Bisericacomunitate a persoanelor concrete. Prezena mirului i pomenirea iniierii cretine: Mir sfnt se fcea-re/ Pgni alergar/ De se botezar/ i se-ncretinar. Colindtorii strvechi purtau, aa cum o dovedesc textele, harisma obriilor spre pstrarea memoriei cretine a comunitii. n legtur cu rostul strvechi agrar (fertilitatea) i augural (sntatea i belugul) al vechilor incantaii solstiiale (pre-colinde), Hristos Domnul, Maica Domnului i Sfinii ( Sf. Ilie, Sf. Procopie .a.) iau un aspect agrar, cosmicizat, participnd la ceremonii de fertilizare a cmpurilor. n acest sens ntr-o colind bihorean, Mntuitorul rstignit ia n gur propriul snge i-l mprtie pe pmnt, iar acesta se preface n vin, dup voia Tatlui: Eu n gur-l luam,/ Jos de mi-l ipam,/ P negru pmnt,/ Tatl tot vedea/ i-nc nu-l lsa/ Sfnt snge pieritoriu/ De mi-l velea/ Loaza vinului cretea 67. Poetica ceremonial a colindei Cearta florilor reveleaz un soi de autohton nelegere a armoniei generale cosmice i comunitare, n care aspectul mistic al grului, vinului i mirului vine s redea via unui mental arhaic polistratificat centrat pe ideia unei fel de fuziuni armonice a tuturor registrelor ontologice. Acest lucru a fost minunat exprimat nc din perioada interbelic de ctre Ion Ionic, ucenicul lui
63 64 65 66 J. Nicolae, Colinde din Hunedoara, Mure i Arad (ms), 1998-2002, Ttrti-HD. Mihai Pop, Obiceiuri tradiionale romneti, Ed. ICED, Bucureti, 1976, p. 43. S. Eckhardt, Az utols virgenek, Budapest, Minerva, 1930. D. O. Cepraga, p. 80: n disputa florilor se afirm afinitatea substanial a colacului i a vinului oferite colindtorilor cu pine i vinul din ritualul cretin: sfinenia i nsemntatea acestor daruri rituale sunt stabilite chiar de textul colindei, consfinite de cuvintele rostite de colindtori, care au (), o putere mistic (nn, dar nu magic, cf. Cepraga) i sacramental. Pe baza acestui schimb reciproc de funcii ntre ceremonialul colindatului i slujba cretin, textele ncep a construi alegoria lor euharistic. 67 Gh. Pavelescu, Cercetri folclorice n judeul Bihor, n Anuarul Arhivei de folclor, VII, 1945, p. 90.

450

Jan Nicolae

M. Mauss: ,,Se exprim n graiul acesta simplu, cu o minunat limpezime, una din ideile cele mai carcateristice pentru mentalitatea autohtonilor de pn astzi i poate i de mai de mult. Este ideea pe care am numi-o a ,,eternelor complementare i care se lrgete ntr-o viziune a lumii, unde forele diverse ale ei se echilibreaz spre a concura, n ultim a analiz, la aceleai scopuri unitare. Astfel, sub aparena nencetatelor lupte i msurri de fore, se ascunde perfecta lor armonie, a crei nelegere e nsui smburele nelepciunii umane. Nota acestei nelegeri msurate, dup care nici o putere nu se ridic zdrobitor deasupra celorlalte, ci se mpac n cele din urm n ntregul pe care oamenii pmntului de aci au ajuns s-l cuprind sub aspectul cretin al ordinei, ba chiar al fpturii divine, nota aceasta aprnd ...ndeosebi n colinde. Nota mistic cretin este i mai evident n celebra variant Ce Soare rsare, n care aspectul arhaic solar i cel de obrie cretin apar profund ngemnate: ,,Ce Soare rsare,/ Dis de diminea/ Iai, Domnului, Doamne!/ Dis de diminea/ De la ceast cas./ Soare-mi rsre-re,/ N fereastr love-re bis,/ Masa-nglbene-re/ Deasupra de mas,/ ezu de mtas./ Sus peste ezu,/ ade Dumnezeu./ Dintr-un corn de mas,/ Da ade-mi mai ade bis/ Spicul grului./ -al doilea cornu/ Da ade-mi mai ade (bis)/ Miana mirului./ -al treilea cornu/ Da ade-mi mai ade (bis)/ Floarea vinului/ Floarea vinului/ Din grai mi grie-re/ C eu sunt cea mai bun/ Din noi din tustrele./ C de n-a fi eu,/ Nici nu ar mai fi-re (bis)/ Nici-o veselie (bis)/ Nici o bucurie/ Spicul grului/ Rupse i rspunse/ C eu sunt mai bun/ Din noi din tustrele/ C de n-a fi eu/ Nici nu ar mai fi-re (bis)/ Nici prnzu pe mas (bis)/ Nici un sa n cas./ Miana mirului/ Rupse i-mi rspunse/ C eu sunt mai bun,/ Din noi din tustrele/ C de n-a fi eu,/ Nici nu ar mai fi-re (bis)/ Nici o miruire (bis)/ Nici o msluire./ Dragul Dumnezeu/ Din grai mi grie-re/ Cele trei flori sfinte/ Din rai sunt ieite/ Ce v voi priu/ i v-adeveriiu,/ C voi mi-mi suntei/ Una ca i alta/ Spicul grului - / Truporul meu. / Floarea vinului - / Scump sngele meu, / Miana mirului - / Sudorile mele68. 8. Judecata florilor. Prin amintirea colindei ,,La svritu lumii am intrat n miezul religiozitii populare, n nucleul simbolic al eshatologiei populare. Colinde de acest fel au supravieuit n mai toate zonele romneti, pn n perioada modern : La puu cu zalele/ Florile dalbe/ Rsrit-a soarele/ Dar nu-i soare rsrit/ C e Domnu mpodobit/ Cu podoabe de argint/ ade-n poarta raiului/ i judec florile/ Unde li-s miroasele69. Una dintre variantele cele mai izbutite ale disputei poetice a florilor, selectat i de ctre Lucian Blaga n celebra sa antologie de poezie popular70, reeditat i tradus n limba german de trei universitari din Kln, la iniiativa lui Ion Talo71, conine certe trimiteri eshatologice: ,,Foaie verde gru mrunt, / Cte flori sunt pe pmnt, / Toate merg la jurmnt; / Numai spicul grului/ i cu via vinului/ i cu lemnul Domnului/ Zboar n naltul cerului,/ Stau n poarta raiului/ i judec florile,/
68 S. Drgoi , op. cit., nr. 193, Petreni, Hunedoara. 69 J. Nicolae , Colinde..., 1996, colind din Dragodana, Dmbovia. 70 L. Blaga, Antologie de poezie popular. Ediie ngrijit de George Ivacu. Ilustrat de Mihu Vulcnescu. Bucureti 1966, text 128. 71 L. Blaga, Antologie de poezie popular. Volksdichtung. Eine Anthologie. Ediie ngrijit i traducere de Artur Greive, Gerda Schler, Ion Talo. Studiu introductiv de Ion Talo. Editura Grai i SufletCultura Naional, Bucureti 1995.

Taina Euharistiei n colinda tradiional romneasc

451

Unde li-s miroasele72. Alegoria Judecii florilor conduce la aceleai trimiteri euharistice i iniiatice, dar finalitatea aici este de cert factur eshatologic. Prin aceasta, Liturghia cosmic i Liturghia euharistic apar strns unite: Trupul, Sngele i Mireasma (Sudoarea, Crucea) Domnului judec lumea de pe acum cu ocazia fiecrei Liturghii (Euharistii) prin care i n care participm mpreun (cosmos i oameni) la Hristos, cci Crucea este judecata Judecii (Sf. Maxim Mrturisitorul). Miresmele sau miroasele sunt faptele bune care mpodobesc cretinul cu buna mireasm a buntii lui Hristos Dumnezeu. Colindele celor trei flori sfinte conin probabil i sugestii iconice legate de imaginea meselor de la slujba Litiei care are i un caracter de priveghere. Prezena grului, a vinului, a untdelemnului i a fcliilor aprinse, a pomenirii comunitii sfinilor i chiar a morilor ndreptete o astfel de ipotez de lucru. Aceste mese la care este descris iconic ederea lui Dumnezeu i a sfinilor conine i posibile urme ale reprezentrii Sfinilor Evangheliti n cele patru coluri ale Sfintei Mese a altarului. Acestea sunt ns numai ipoteze de lucru n legtur cu o intensificare plastic a acestei simbologii sacramentale arhaice care reprezint cheia de bolt a mistagogiei populare cretine. Germenele evanghelic a lucrat ndelung i tainic n humusul cultural autohton i a rodit spicul de tain al viziunii euharistice a vieii. Aceast viziune euharistic a paleocretinismului autohton se regsete din plin n colindul de glorificare a omului euharistic, numit colinda de feric sau ferecat: ,,Ferecat ferice-ai, Doamne/ De cine-i ferice-ai, Doamne,/ De-un boier btrn-ai, Doamne./ Cnd pe el l-au ferecat/ Bun locu c lui i-au dat/ i-un locu, Doamne, bunu/ i-un pomu, Doamne, dulcu/ La mijloc de raiu-i, Doamne/ La mese galbene-s, Doamne,/ Galbene-s de cear, Doamne/ i-aa mndru ucluite/ Tot n daur i-n dargint,/ Iar pe de lturi de mese/ Sntu-mi-a jiluri la mese/ Dar ntrnsele cine ade/ ade-mi-i mai ade, Doamne/ Mari boieri din ceruri, Doamne,/ Tot boria raiului/ Tot boria c-i trgea/ Mndru pom se legna/ Mere pe mese pica/ Mari
72 Ioan Corbu, Doina. Poezia poporal liric, Bistria, 1925, p. 134, textul nr. 772; Lucian Blaga, Temele sacre ale spiritului etnic, n Gndirea 14, 1935, nr. 1, apoi n Trilogia culturii, EPLU, 1969, p. 186. Blaga consider c textul ar fi bocet i-l comenteaz astfel: Un alt exemplu de variaiune pe o tem sacral. Raiul i iadul, i cu deosebire judecata din urm, au aprins cu putere de obsesie permanent imaginaia popular. Dogma cretin e precis: la judecat se prezint omul. El e singura fiin pmntean, care se bucur de acest tragic privilegiu. Opunem acestei credine dogmatice urmtoarele versuri populare: ,,Foaie verde gru mrunt... Poezioara de fa e remarcabil nu numai ca ntruchipare poetic, dar i ca schimbare vast de orizont a motivului dogmatic. Orict de simbolice ar fi aluziile acestui bocet, viziunea primar cuprins n cele cteva versuri se impune i ca atare; iar viziunea ca atare cuprinde o escatologie, mult lrgit fa de aceea a doctrinei cretine. n planul insondabil al judecii i al sfritului nu joac rol numai omul, ci oarecum toate fiinele, chiar i regnul vegetal. Plantele nceteaz de a mai fi simplu stafaj, participnd i ele la misterul i la drama imaginat. Aceast escatologie a florilor, n care regnul vegetal e trimis la judecata din urm, i n care miresmele dobndesc prestigiul nalt al unor fapte de domeniu moral, care atrag dup sine salvarea sau osnda, implic un original, profund i excepional sim metafizic. n discuiile de multe ori sterile, reluate cu spirit i prsite cu pasiune, n preajma firii poporului nostru, s-au ncumetat unii s afirme, fr controlul necesar, c poporul romnesc ar suferi de oarecare deficien metafizic. Autorii unor asemenea propoziii trec cu vederea mprejurarea c simul metafizic, popular, dac exist, are, ca orice mod popular, un caracter profund organic, iar nu intelectual-discursiv, i c acest sim se poate consuma i fr retoric, discret, n arztoare, dar stpnite viziuni. Am ales din materialul, ce st oricui la dispoziie, un umil exemplu, pierdut fr strigt ntr-o colecie oarecare. Nu credern c celelalte literaturi populare europene ne vor putea servi ceva asemntor.

452

Jan Nicolae

boieri le culegea/ Le lega, le trimetea/ Pe fecoir de craius, Doamne,/ La poart de raius, Doamne/ Pe el tare-l ntreba/ ie cine i le-a dat/ Datu-mi-le datu-i, Doamne/ Cel locu, Doamne, bunu/ ie pn ce i l-a dat/ Pn ce nu m-a nnecat/ nnecat, ntunecat,/ Dar n brauri, brurele/ Lumin i prescurele/ La dalbile biserici/ n sfintele duminici73. Avem n acest gen de colind prima imagine autohton a fericirii raiului i a comuniunii sfinilor, a omului euharistic, ,,pine a lui Dumnezeu, cel care i-a dobndit bun loc n rai i prtie la pomul vieii din mijlocul raiului prin evlavia sa liturgic concretizat n pinea darului. Mesajul colindei este limpede: omul care mnec ,,Prin negri ntunerici/ La dalbe biserici/ Tot cu luminele/ i cu prescurele are parte de raiul lui Dumnzeu, se bucur de comuniunea sfinilor i de dulceaa pomului vieii. Aceast icoan a omului evlaviei euharistice pare o ilustrare a versetului mnecrii psalmice ,,Dumnezeule, Dumnezeule, pe Tine te caut dis-dediminea (Ps. 62, 1). Exist variante ale acestui tip n care ndemnul de cinstire a bisericii i a srbtorilor este nc i mai explicit i apare n legtur cu tema paharului de Botez ,,Hire-ai, Doamne, ierttoriu/ Pharu nu-i vnztoriu/ Mie cine mi l-o datu/ Foarte tare m-o juratu/ Cu lumini i cu prescuri,/ Cu mai multe rugciuni,/ Cu lumini i cu fclii,/ Mai cu multe liturghii/ La dalbine biserici/ n sfintele duminici 74 sau ,,Fire-ai, Doamne, ierttoriu,/ Pharu nu-i schimbtoriu,/ Schimbtor sau vnztoriu/ Cci mie cin mi l-a datu/ Foarte ru m-a blestematu/ Zle mari i zle rare,/ Miercurile, vinerile,/ Mai ales duminecile,/ S cinstim bisericile/ Cu lumini i cu prescuri/ i cu dalbe-nchinciuni75. Imaginea ospului gazdei cu Dumnezeu i cu sfinii se mut din casa i de la masa sa n mijlocul raiului mpodobit n chip liturgic, unde de aceast dat dialogul i disputa n jurul Paharului de Botez (de aur, argint, cristal) are loc ntre Dumnezeu i Sfntul Niculaie, chipul pstorului privighetor (episcopului) prin excelen76: ,,Daleo, Sfinte Niculae,/ Bag-i mna-n bojinariu,/ Scoate-un phar de critariu/ i mi- rupe de a-nchinare,/ Mai cruci, mai curmezi,/ Mai dirept la Tatl Sfntu./ Tatl Sfnt cnd l vedere/ De pahar l cuprindere77. Paharul Legmntului nu se poate schimba cci este druit pentru petrecerea veniciei: ,,C pe toi ca s-i petreci,/ Pe sub bolta ceriului/ Pn la poarta raiului78. 9. Concluzii: Colinda romneasc cu tematic sacramental, dei pare a explica un miracol etiologic, trimite poetic, concret ctre Taina altarului, ctre Dumnezeiasca Liturghie, ctre actualizarea continu i articularea euharistic a tuturor i a toate la Taina Bisericii. n colindele cu tema mnstirii cosmice cu nou ui i nou altare sunt pomenii printre slujitorii ei ,,nou popi, nou dieci, alteori i ,,pe-atia ptrieci, iar dintre preoii i diecii ei sunt pomenii un preot btrn care conduce slujba sfnt i diaconul cel mai mare care bate toaca i trage clopotul unei liturghii universale, privind spre Rsrit unde vede pomul, mrul cosmic cu frunze, flori i roade n acelai timp. n argumentaia mirului din colinda Cearta florilor apare cteodat pomenit ungerea myronic i taina Sfntului Maslu: C de n-a fi eu/ Nici nu ar mai
73 Mrgineanu I., Cristea A., op. cit., pp. 106-107. 74 Boca, I. , 1484 colinde cu text i melodie, Editura Media Musica, Academia de Muzic ,,Gheorghe Dima, Cluj-Napoca, 1999, nr. 1179, p. 511. 75 Ibidem, nr. 1181, p. 512. 76 Ibidem, nr. 1171-1194. 77 Ibidem, 1171, p. 508. 78 Ibidem, nr. 1175, p. 510.

Taina Euharistiei n colinda tradiional romneasc

453

fire/ Nici o miruire/ Nici o msluire79, iar Taina Cununiei este pomenit n raport cu Botezul i cu Paharul de dar cu cele trei flori sfinte, toate acestea fiind mrturisiri ale celor apte sfinte Taine ale Bisericii. n colindele de nsurei somnul miresei i al mirelui este nfiat ntr-un iatac nupial ntr-o adevrat livad minunat cu pomi roditori, sub troinirea florilor i sub boarea raiului care-i trezete. Visul mirilor este mplinit prin prefacerea pomilor grdinii n biseric i a gutuiului de la cptiul lor n altar, pe care sunt chemai s le sfineasc sfinii din cer. Acest tip de colind este cea mai izbutit poezie de dragoste romneasc. Erosul este transfigurat, gutuiul, vechiul pom al lui Venus devenind altarul bisericii dragostei. n concluzie suntem ndreptii s recunoatem n colindele cu teme sacramentale o adevrat catehez i mistagogie popular, document viu i inestimabil al ncretinrii, demn de toat atenia. Colinda ne descoper astfel cea mai originar form cultural romneasc de catehizare, specific cretinismului popular.

79 S. Drgoi, op. cit, nr. 193.

O colecie inedit de naraiuni populare romneti

Viorica Nicov
Bucureti
Istoric, geograf, etnolog, scriitor i publicist, Ludwig Adolf Sigiminowicz Staufe (18321897) a fost, dup cum se tie, unul din crturarii germani de seam ai Bucovinei habsburgice, cu contribuii importante n domeniul antropologiei, etnografiei i folclorului minoritilor naionale din zon. Studiul su de etnologie comparat, Vlkergruppen in der Bukowina, 1884, reeditat n 1971, rmne o surs bogat i sigur de informaii, utilizabil i azi cu folos.1 Adolf Staufe a tradus poezie romneasc n metru original2 i a fost unul din primii culegtori de naraiuni populare aparinnd diferitelor etnii bucovinene, pe care le-a publicat n traducere german, asigurndu-le astfel o difuziune larg.3 Din pcate nu toate culegerile sale de folclor au vzut lumina tiparului. Dintre acestea este i o colecie care ne privete n mod direct, deoarece conine numai material romnesc. Este vorba de manuscrisul 13571 aflat n arhiva Bibliotecii Naionale din Viena. El a fost transcris de Helga Stein nc din 1968 i n momentul de fa se afl n curs de publicare la Bucureti, ntr-o ediie bilingv, prefaat de cunoscuta cercettoare german i tradus de mine. Manuscrisul cuprinde urmtoarele 48 de texte: 1. iganul iste (ATU 2250); 2. De ce n-au iganii biseric (ATU 1932); 3. Cum s-au nchinat odat iganii unui domnitor (ATU 1694 A); 4. Cine e mai de temul Vntul, Gerul sau Aria? (ATU 298 A); 5. Grecul i iganul (ATU 1699); 6. iganul cu dovleacul (ATU 1319); 7. Prinul nerod (ATU 550); 8. Omortorul zmeilor (ATU 315); 9. Cei doi argai (ATU 1525 E); 10. Vntur-lume cel norocos (ATU 530); 11. Basmul cu dracul cel mic (ATU 700); 12. Cele dou fete (ATU 480); 13. Popa i rcovnicul (neatestat tipologic); 14. Cu capra (ATU 123); 15. Cele dousprezece case din pdure (ATU 955); 16. Iapa, vulpea i blnarul (ATU 1960); 17. Brbatul i nevasta (ATU 874); 18. Christos i coliba ranului (ATU 791); 19. Povestitorul de basme (ATU 1920 H); 20. Flcul i oaia (ATU 571); 21. Houl iscusit (ATU 1525 A); Flcul fr fric (ATU 326 I, II); 23. ranul iret (ATU 1535 IV, V); 24. Omul printre zmei (ATU 1640 I); 25. Fiul vacii (ATU 511 + 301 B); 26. Clugrul i dracul (ATU 1978**); 27. O prinsoare (ATU 1084); 28. Omul cu
1 Cf. Klaus Heitmann, Imaginea romnilor n spaiul lingvistic german 17751918. n romnete de Dumitru Hncu, Bucureti, 1995, pp. 25, 100, 227, 283. 2 Romanische Poeten. In ihren originalen Formen und metrisch bersetzt, Wien, 1865. Selecia cuprinde traduceri n special din V. Alecsandri, G. Sion i D. Bolintineanu, cruia de altfel i este i dedicat cartea, n jurul crora se grupeaz ilustrativ poezii de Gr. Alexandrescu, C. Bolliac, A. Moroan, C. Negri, Const Negruzzi, D. Petrino, I. Vcrescu .a. Ea este precedat de o prefa informat, scris cu cldur, care trece n revist caracterele poeziei romne contemporane i speciile predilect cultivate, inclusiv cele populare. 3 Volkssagen aus der Bukovina, Czernowitz, 1885.

456

Viorica Nicov

inelul fermecat (ATU 560); 29.iganul i srbtoarea (M.I. J 2173); 30. Mirele i lupul (ATU 321); 31. Jurmntul iganului (Schullerus Anexa 3: 2); 32. Porcul n pdure (ATU 6); 33. Feciorul lui Dumnezeu (ATU 312+ 590); 34. Basmul cu calul (ATU 47 B); 35. Christos i diavolul (ATU 1687); 36. Flcul grdinar i prinesa (ATU 314 VI); 37. Popa i argatul (ATU 1000 + 592); 38. Cum a ajuns un igan s aib bani (ATU 1002); 39. Zmeul biruit (ATU 1060); 40. ranul la masa boierului (ATU 1533); 41. iganul la mnstire (Stroescu 3230); 42. Popa prezictor (ATU 1641); 43. Cum a murit odat un igan (neatestat tipologic); 44. Povestea cu porumbia alb (ATU 550 I, II, III + 551); 45. Purcelul n pdure (ATU 2030); 46. iganul la o peire (ATU 1688); 47. Cum a ajuns o m s crmuiasc (ATU 130); 48. Fata bun i fata rea (ATU 480). Dintre aceste naraiuni patru sunt basme animaliere ( nr. 14, 32, 34, 47), paisprezece basme fantastice (nr. 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 20, 22, 25, 28, 30, 33, 36, 44, 48), trei basme-legend (nr. 4,18, 35), dou basme nuvelistice (nr.15, 17), patru basme cu dracul cel prost (nr. 24, 26, 27, 39), dou basme cu minciuni (nr.16, 19), aptesprezece snoave (nr. 2, 3, 5, 6, 9, 13, 21, 23, 29, 31, 37, 38, 40, 41, 42, 43, 46), un basm cu formule (nr. 45) i o poveste neterminat (nr.1). Zece au fost publicate de culegtor n 1853 i 1855 n Zeitschrift fr Mythologie und Sittenkunde din Gttingen, iar dou n 1899 ( nsoind rezumatele tuturor celor 48 de naraiuni) de ctre Joh. Bolte n Zeitschrift des Vereins fr Volkskunde din Berlin. Corpusul cuprinde deci aproximativ repertoriul categorial al basmelor frailor Grimm, Kinder- und Hausmrchen, admirai fr rezerv de ctre culegtor i revendicai, n cele cteva pagini cu care i prefaeaz culegerea, drept model strlucit de urmat. n ce-l privete, i motiveaz demersul prin necesitatea, pe de-o parte, de a umple un gol, pe de alta, de a face cunoscut specificul naiunii romne, oglindit cel mai bine n creaiile populare, acestea bogate i pline de inedit: Culegtorii acestora sunt foarte rari; activitatea n acest domeniu, care oricum e foarte puin nsemnat, aparine exclusiv strinilor. Ceea ce pledeaz n suficient msur pentru faptul c tezaurul de basme al poporului romn ofer o legiune de subiecte originale i c niciun culegtor nu e lsat s plece cu traista goal din inuturile romneti. Deoarece n poezia popular se exprim cel mai bine caracterul i cultura unei naiuni i prin ea poate fi perceput capacitatea de dezvoltare a acesteia din urm i se poate face o prognoz privind viitorul ei, am considerat c este o datorie sacr preluarea n colecia mea doar a ceea ce oglindete n chipul cel mai fidel particularitile naiunii romne. Anii 50 ai secolului al 19-lea, cnd se pare c i-a cules Adolf Staufe naraiunile, sunt aceia n care, sub impulsul Basmelor valahe ale frailor Arthur i Albert Schott4 ncep mai pretutindeni n ar s fie adunate i publicate proze populare. Franz Obert, D. Boer n Transilvania, Ioan Gh. Sbiera n Bucovina, Nicolae Filimon i Petre Ispirescu n Muntenia culeg cu toii basme n deceniul al aselea, chiar dac de cele mai multe ori acestea sunt publicate mult mai trziu.5 Tipriturile se multiplic dup
4 Walachische Mrchen, Stuttgart und Tbingen 1845; reeditare: Rumnische Volkserzhlungen aus dem Banat, besorgt von Rolf Wilh. Brednich und Ion Talo, Bukarest, 1971; retipriri ne varietur n 1973, 1976, 1978; Basme valahe, traducere de Viorica Nicov, Bucureti, 2003. 5 Franz Obert, Rumnische Mrchen und Sagen aus Siebenbrgen, n Archiv des Vereins fr siebenbrgische Landeskunde XLII. Bd. (1925), 2. und 3. Heft; Demetriu Boer, Mircea Vasile Stnescu Ardanul i tefan Cacoveanu, Poveti din Transilvania, ediie ngrijit de Ovidiu Brlea i Ion Talo, Cluj-Napoca, 1975; Ioan Gh. Sbiera, Poveti poporale romneti, Cernui, 1886; Nicolae

O colecie inedit de naraiuni populare romneti

457

1850, iniial lent, apoi dup 1860 din ce n ce mai rapid, dup cum se poate lesne vedea din Bibliografia general a etnografiei i folclorului romnesc6. Att cele 12 texte publicate din corpusul Staufe, ct i rezumatele fcute de Joh. Bolte au fost probabil cunoscute la noi, de vreme ce sunt citate de ineanu7 i de Schullerus8. De precizat de la bun nceput c tipurile din aceast colecie se regsesc n mai toate culegerile importante care au urmat i c, n genere, e vorba, cu foarte puine excepii, de naraiuni din cele mai rspndite n folclorul romnesc. Sunt chiar cazuri cnd texte aprute ulterior, i n alte pri ale rii, sunt att de apropiate pn n detaliu de versiunile Staufe, nct dac acestea ar fi fost publicate, s-ar fi putut lua n considerare raporturi directe de filiaie. Un exemplu gritor l ofer snoava nr. 40, n legtur cu care, de n-ar fi rmas pn acum n manuscris, s-ar fi putut crede c a fost tradus i tiprit sub titlul Bunstarea rspltit i lcomia pedepsit n Calendarul pe anul 1887, Arad, p. 70. S-ar zice deci c traductorul-culegtor nu a intervenit n subiectele ce i-au fost transmise, ci s-a strduit s le noteze ct mai exact, poate chiar s le stenografieze. Fa de Basmele valahe, care pot fi luate ca termen de referin, att pentru c sunt cap de serie i preced doar cu puin timp culegerile lui Staufe, ct i pentru c n ambele cazuri e vorba de culegtori-traductori situai n afara spaiului lingvistic i cultural romnesc, naraiunile acestuia din urm sunt mai strnse, mai sobre, foarte adesea schema lor epic se desfoar cuminte pe tiparul canonic, redus la esenial, lipsite fiind de frazele lungi, construite, de excesul de descrieri, de expresiile cutate care abund n colecia frailor suabi. Ternaritatea episoadelor proprie versiunilor orale e uneori suprimat, traductorul nlocuind repetiia ca figur compoziional cu formule gen aa ca mai nainte, aa ca i prima oar sau suprimnd-o pur i simplu: este cazul bunoar al basmului nr. 15, din care lipsete povestea povetii: scpat din cuibul tlharilor, fata nu-i mai istorisete ea nsi pania fioroas, ci aflm doar indirect prin vocea naratorului c ea i-o povestete i-i d astfel n vileag pe vinovai, care sunt mai apoi pedepsii pentru faptele svrite. Dac se simte la Staufe strdania de a repovesti fidel, evitnd capcana literaturizrilor, prolixitilor, digresiunilor, moralismelor adesea insuportabile ale unor basme de carte ( a se vedea povetile lui Gh. Ctan, G. Dem Teodorescu, Tudor Pamfile, fr a mai vorbi de reconstituirile savante ale lui Atanasie Marienescu sau de compuii hibrizi ai lui Slavici),.n schimb, sunt evidente la el i monotonia i lipsa de expresivitate a discursului, determinate, ntre altele, de srcia repertoriului de imagini i de amplitudinea mic a registrului lexical. Un exemplu care sare n ochi este reduplicarea adjectivelor sau adverbelor, mereu aceleai, cu rol intensificator. ntlnim la tot pasul: fat frumoas, frumoas; cal frumos, frumos; cas mare, mare;
Filimon, Roman Nzdrvan, Omul de piatr, Omul cu barb de mtase, n ranul romn 2(1862); Petre Ispirescu, Legende sau basmele romnilor adunate din gura poporului, adunate din gura poporului, Bucureti, 1882. 6 Vol. I (1800-1891), sub redacia lui Adrian Fochi, Bucureti, 1968. 7 Lazr ineanu, Basmele romnilor n comparaiune cu legendele antice clasice i n legtur cu basmele popoarelor nvecinate i ale tuturor popoarelor romanice. Studiu comparat, ediia a II-a ngrijit de Ruxandra Niculescu, Bucureti, 1978, p. 80. 8 Adolf Schullerus, Verzeichnis der rumnischen Mrchenvarianten nach dem System der Mrchentypen Anti Aarne, Helsinki, 1928, FFC 78; Tipologia basmelor romneti i a variantelor lor conform sistemului tipologiei basmului ntocmit de Anti Aarne, traducere din limba german de Magda Petculescu, Bucureti, 2006.

458

Viorica Nicov

om bogat, bogat; pdure adnc, adnc etc. Prezena ici-colo a unor motive oarbe, defuncionalizate care subiaz epicul, genernd un spaiu semantic aleatoriu (cf. de pild nr. 44), i o anume aplecare spre indeterminare a circumstanierilor n paguba detaliului concret contribuie, i ele, la aspectul tern al relatrii. Acelai efect l are i limitarea la aseriuni strict declarative sau la aplatizarea confruntrilor dintre protagoniti, a cror pondere i spectaculozitate n economia i respectiv stilistica versiunilor orale (i a celor foarte apropiate de oralitate), atinge cote ridicate. La Staufe, eroului aproape c nu i se opune nicio rezisten, el i extermin adversarii cu dezinvoltur, fr niciun efort vizibil, precum supermanul filmelor din zilele noastre. Lipsa de relief a narrii este compensat de tendina, ce-i drept, slab, dar prezent, de a retua stereotipia caracterologic n favoare individualizrii care ns i ea ndeprteaz, pe alt plan, textele de variantele orale corespunztoare. Aa, de pild, ceaua, ursoaica i lupoaica, animale de spaim, la care eroul e trimis spre pierzanie, i ofer acestuia nu doar laptele cerut, ci, mnate de o brusc i inexplicabil magnanimitate, chiar cte un pui dintre ai lor (nr.8). n nr. 49, zmeii desfoar o ntreag strategie de captare a bunvoinei eroului, iar n nr. 35 aceeai tendin explic finalul nstrunic, n care reginei-mam i se sparge fierea i moare pe loc de suprare cnd afl c feciorul bogat nvemntat, care se ntoarce nvingtor din lupt, i este ginere. Tot aa, n nr. 25, dup ce biatul oropsit, hrnit de vaca nzdrvan, i ia rmas bun de la ea i pleac n lume, n spatele lui, la o mare distan, venea vaca fiindc nu se ncumeta s-l lase singur pe flcu. Alteori e vorba doar de tratarea n termeni slabi a unor stratageme de testare a vitejiei protagonitilor, destinate s mping aciunea nainte: n nr. 43 feciori cei mari ai regelui, pornii n lume s caute leacul miraculos, sunt pui pe fug de regele prefcut n vulpe, care nu face dect s le prezic stngaci i neconvingtor o moarte iminent. Observaii realiste, precum n nr. 22, cnd protagonistul car afar leurile oamenilor omori de duhuri, dup care fumeaz abundent spre a risipi, ni se spune, duhoarea pestilenial, sau n nr. 33, cnd mama ntrzie s vin n petera curat de zmei, pentru ca mai nainte s-i poat strnge lucrurile, sunt rare. n schimb, se remarc preferina pentru precizri temporale exacte (prinul se ntoarce n jumtate de or de la ora, n petera zmeilor, biatul tifsuiete un sfert de or cu sora lui, berbecii de pe lumea cealalt se bat ntre ora 12 i 14, lupul i prinul ajung ntr-o sptmn la curtea regelui etc.), ca i absena oricror localizri i actualizri (de tipul aici i acum), care n naraiunile vii, circulante n mediile folclorice, in de arsenalul poetic al verosimilizrii peripeiilor. Ici-colo, ntlnim psihologizri factice ( nclcarea interdiciilor n cazul sarcinilor mbucate (M. I. H 1242), respectiv a acelora n care ndeplinirea uneia e condiionat de rezolvarea urmtoareia, l face pe prin s se ruineze fa de lupul atottiutor i s-i cear iertare nr.7; tot aa, n nr. 28, erpoaica se sfiete s-i refuze eroului inelul fermecat; vznd fericirea mezinei, surorile haine se cineaz pentru a-l fi refuzat pe peitorul zdrenros nr. 10); adresri livreti (drag frate, drag flcule, iscusite cetene, drag vac), formulri emfatice (Chiar dac eti un biet fiu de ceretor, poi s ai o inim bun i s fii un brbat cu suflet nobil. Nu vreau s te gonesc, precum au fcut surorile mele cu peitorii lor; vreau s te iau de brbat i s-i fiu nevast credincioas nr. 10; Fiul Vacii nu primete daruri, ci i cere s-l duci napoi n cealalt lume nr. 25), moduri ale sensibilitii afectate (plngea necontenit de i se nroeau ochiorii ei dragi nr. 20; furul drgla,

O colecie inedit de naraiuni populare romneti

459

pasrea drgla nr. 7). De anumite incongruene, mpinse uneori pn la absurd, pot fi rspunztori informatorii nii, precum se vede adesea din chiar basmele nregistrate pe band magnetic. La Staufe, n nr. 33, zmeii hlduiesc ntr-o peter, dar petera are odi, u, acoperi i horn; tot aici, observaiile Sfintei Duminici se bat cap n cap: Maic-ta vrea s scape de tine i te trimite ntr-un loc foarte primejdios. Cci iat din acel pom nu se poate lua nimic, cci el st n aa fel nct oricine se apropie de copac este omort de cei doi muni. Dar, fiul meu, ascult de maic-ta, cci doar i-e mam. Dup cum lipsesc zicalele i expresiile idiomatice, tot astfel i formulele de ncadrare ale naraiunilor care dau farmec versiunilor orale sau celor foarte apropiate de oralitate i le situeaz ntr-o perspectiva ontologic paradoxal (concomitena dintre a fi i a nu fi generat de formulele de nceput i de sfrit ale speciei basm fantastic). Povetile lui Staufe intr direct n subiect i, cu dou excepii (nr. 16, 19 ambele, basme cu minciuni), l prsesc la fel de neceremonios. ncep cu a fost odat (sau cu foarte mult vreme n urm, odat etc.) i se ncheie fie abrupt, fie uneori cu precizarea povestea nu spune ce s-a ntmplat mai departe sau cu concluzia la ndemn fcur nunt i trir de-atunci fericii (sau trir cu toii muli ani fericii) Basmele scurte i mai cu seam snoavele sunt povestite mai viu. Nu o dat cu suspans, cu simul ritmrii i cu o bun exploatare a poantei. Rezult din toate acestea c, repovestind naraiunile orale la standardele curente n epoc, Staufe aproximeaz o versiune de carte echilibrat, chiar dac mai degrab prozaic, arid uneori, lipsit de volutele flamboaiante, de fastuozitile, suavitile i totodat asprimile modelului, dar n orice caz sigur, de ncredere. Pe o scal a exactitii reproducerii i a facturii literare, el se situeaz, pe de-o parte, mai aproape de modul sobru, simplu i clar de relatare a lui Franz Obert. Pe de alta, mai departe att de aspectul episodic literaturizat al corpusului Schott, ct i de autenticitatea remarcabil a coleciei Paulinei Schullerus9. Faptul c n primele trei cazuri avem a face cu grade comparabile de repovestire a naraiunilor orale romneti, din care prospeimea i pitorescul colocvialitii fruste au fost evacuate, se explic, ntre altele i n primul rnd, prin aceea c piesele n cauz au trecut printr-o dubl translaie, prilej cu care au suferit modificri care, dac nu le-au afectat schelria dur a subiectelor, le-au amputat n schimb, n grade diferite, tocmai structura fluid a expresiei: una este de ordinul trecerii de la oral la scriptural, n condiiile inexistenei mijloacelor tehnice de nregistrare; i a doua de ordin lingvistic, traducerea din romn n german. Se adaug, cel puin n cazul lui Staufe, o cunoatere pentru nceput posibil precar a limbii i culturii populare romneti. Or, creaiile folclorice fiind n genere un concentrat de etnicitate, de date tradiionale ireductibile, sunt dintre cele mai greu transferabile n alt spaiu lingvistic, fie i din pricina inexistenei n limba receptoare a tuturor constituenilor refereniali. Cazul cel mai frecvent n ce ne privete sunt fiinele fantastice care n-au echivalent n german, precum Sfintele Zile ale sptmnii, Balaurul, Barb-Cot, detalii etnografice de ordin alimentar, arhitectural, vestimentar etc. Nemaivorbind de imposibilitatea de a transpune pitorescul
9 Rumnische Volkserzhlungen aus dem mittleren Harbachtale, n Archiv des Vereins fr siebenbrgische Landeskunde, Neue Folge, 33. Bd., 1906; Neuausgabe besorgt von Rolf W. Brednich und Ion Talo, Bukarest, 1977, reeditare n 1981.

460

Viorica Nicov

graiurilor locale, precum i dificultatea de a transfera paremiologiile, zicalele, expresiile idiomatice etc. care nu dispun de corespondeni valabili n limba receptoare. Dar c, dincolo de obstacolele obiective i de insuficienta cunoatere a contextului cultural folcloric romnesc, e vorba n ce-l privete pe Staufe i de o nzestrare literar mai modest o dovedete cu prisosin performana n materie de nelegere, de ingeniozitate, de fidelitate, inclusiv la nivelul expresiei, pe care a atins-o n mod exemplar colecia de proz popular romneasc n traducerea Paulinei Schullerus. Readucerea acas a corpusului Staufe comport acelai demers ca n cazul oricrei traduceri. Nu de restaurarea formei originare poate fi vorba, ci de gsirea acelor soluii care, slbind discret formulrile livreti, fr a le ocoli, i suflnd un abur de familiaritate colocvial peste texte, s pstreze pe ct posibil ntocmai, n fond i form, versiunea german. Dac n-am intervenit n cazul regelui i reginei, care apar sistematic n locul mpratului i mprtesei, n schimb, firete, c, acolo unde Staufe, urmnd legile gramaticii germane, a schimbat genul unor fiine fabuloase (Sfnta Duminic, Sfnta Vineri apar la el ca Sfntul Duminic, Sfntul Vineri ), unde n loc de balaur a notat, de altfel perfect legitim, arpe, am revenit la formele iniiale. Tot aa, am nlocuit pronumele de politee, folosit uneori n adresarea de la inferior la superior, cu forma moderat dumneata (dumitale) a acestuia sau cu pronumele obinuit: promisiunea feciorului nerod ctre tatl su din nr.7, Ich will Euch den Dieben fangen a devenit O s-i prind eu furul, iar rspunsul dat de hangiu prinului n nr. 22 Euer Pferd will ich schon versorgen aber Euch nicht a devenit De calul dumitale o s m ngrijesc, dar de dumneata nu. Etc. Aceste derogri, ca i altele incidentale, de la respectarea ntocmai a originalului german se ntemeiaz pe obligaia de a nu cobor versiunea romneasc sub pragul minim de coeren stilistic i adecvare la contextul cultural autohton. Reiese din cele spuse mai sus c valoarea coleciei Staufe st n varietatea materialului pe care l conine i mai cu seam n fiabilitatea lui. De altfel, dac admitem c fiecare interpretare folcloric, respectiv variant a unei structuri funcionale date, este, n parametrii fixai de tradiie, unic i irepetabil i c nelegerea modului de existen n timp i spaiu a produciilor vehiculate n mediile populare depinde de cunoaterea unui numr ct mai mare de forme de realizare ale unor prototipuri date, este de la sine neles c importana unei colecii inedite de piese folclorice, i cu att mai mult a uneia datnd din epoca nceputurilor culegerilor noastre, deinnd pe deasupra un grad ridicat de autenticitate, cum este cea a lui Adolf Staufe, nu mai trebuie demonstrat.

Lost Holiday. Connotations of the Communist Oppression in the Traditional Romanian Village
Valentin Orga
Babe-Bolyai University
After the Soviet Union assured the military control over Romania, it imposed its political system and the principles of the economical development. Gradually but however brutally the fields of the social and cultural life suffered the penetration of the communist ideology. The entire activity is carried on following the slogan of the party and in the name of the Romanian-Soviet friendship. The aggression against the Romanian village started with the first democratic measurements of the Grozas government. It is well known the fact that the agrarian reform was one of the first of this kind, being legislated even at a short time from the setting up of the government. However, it is equally well known that the application of it started even earlier due to a propaganda that advises rather to insubordination. The application on the revolutionary way of the reform came to break the real and traditional balance of the rural communities, destroying the inner solidarity of those. The propaganda communist machine, the terror set up by the new authorities created a stressed atmosphere within the main part of the rural society, already affected as a result of the war: the not-tilled land, the reduction of the masculine work force, forced requisitions, robberies, damages etc. The preoccupation for getting very good plot, the quarrel with the ones who were appointed as being the enemies of the work class and of the peasant class, made the community life to reduce its interest to the pragmatic aspects. Under the slogan fraternity between the peasants and the workers, not few villages are penetrated by the party militants who started the organisation of cells, attracting elements that were going to become tools of the new power, the ones who wanted to get on. The recruitment of the new members was more often made from the elements with a marginal status, with no economical power and no constructive wish within the community, with an unclear past and even gooks, moving in other places from various reasons. In these conditions, the traditional hierarchy is modified. The traditional leaders of the community, the priest and the school master, lost their chances in front of the activist and the miliia man. The leaders of the community designated on unwritten criteria or assessed by their moral and intellectual or economic qualities become the main opponents and the target of the marginals, of the empty elbows who began to ascend not only in the social unwritten hierarchy of the village. Unlike the professional activists these new agents of the communist propaganda, connoisseurs of the community they belonged to, directed there actions according to the directives coming from the centre, but also according to the personal likes and dislikes out-

462

Valentin Orga

lined during the time. Moreover, they did not have most often the intellectual ability necessary to the new tasks they assumed.1 The Romanian village would know a new earthquake during the time of the collectivisation of the agriculture, after March 1949. Forced to line up to the Soviet model, the Romanian agriculture could not come into discussion for modernisation, especially because the Soviet Union rejected the extension of the Marshall Plan on the whole continent.2 The peasant was indoctrinated with the myth of the kolkhoz copiousness and the superiority of the Soviet victorious science, which excluded from competition a capitalist agriculture based on the bourgeois-landowner exploitation.3 The Soviet system was presented as being the only able to confer the certainty of the welfare. Although easy to believe for the big number of poor peasants, the image created by the communist propaganda was not enough for those ones. Evidence has been the presence of a big number of peasants belonging to this category on the lists of arrests, deportations and repressions during the anti-collectivist revolts.4 The Soviet model idealisation was only one of the propaganda ways of the ideological offensive of the communist party during the campaign of collectivisation, the other being the negativism of the wealthy leaders of the villages.5 We stressed this point because this last type of propaganda will become the favourite topic of the artistic brigades made in the rural society. Returning to the fault produced in the traditional system of the Romanian village once the revolutionary application of the reform was done, but especially in the process of the collectivisation, we stress on the effect those had on the spiritual life of the community. The ethnic community micro-history (of the rural community, of the region) could not be separated from the context of the macro-history. The investigation of the transformations at level of local history do not have to end to the aspects of economic order (the change of the propriety, the collectivisation, work, productivity etc.), administrative or social-political order (easy identifiable because they start from superior levels), but requires an analysis of documents of orality referred to laws, customs, myths, rites and socio-historical traditions in order to reveal the period of time between the agrarian reform and the end of the collectivisation, and even after that.
1 The sociologist Ctlin Zamfir defined such behavior as an adopting instrumentalist attitude of the communist ideology. It happens often that the ideology to be sized as a tool for obtaining a desirable social position. In this case, there is a moderate duality: the personal interest on one hand and the instrument characteristics of the ideology on the other hand (...). Such atitude could evoluate in two distinctive directions: either to the internalization of the ideology or to the fixation of the atitude of instrument distance with accepting of some criticism and of some doubts toward the ideology but also the its use as an instrument. In this category there is also the limited and subcultural adaptation. It is about persons who make efforts to size the instruments necessary to the social activity and who do not have intelectual ways to develop a social-political conception and an integrated morality. Such an attitude is encouraged by a represive system that pretends conformism and not personal independent expression. (according to C. Zamfir, Totalitary System and the Configuration of the Ideological Field, in Archives of the Totalitarianism, I, 1993, no. 1, p. 29) (from now on A.T.). 2 Cl. Degeratu, Oct. Roske, Collectivisation of Agriculture. The Soviet model: the Victorious Science, in A.T., II, 1994, no. 4, p. 48. 3 Ibidem. 4 Ibidem, Collectivisation of the Agriculture: The Plenty Way, in A.T., II, 1994, no. 4, p. 54. 5 I. Sptaru, Iconography of Collectivisation, in A.T., I, 1993, no. 1, p. 68.

Lost Holiday

463

The village is a typical community in which the habits are true uncoded rules, to be followed in the lifetime for all, both accepted.6 Its social life is one of the most complex chapters of research from the ethnographic point of view but in the same time, it is a field in which the researchers investigation could highlight new aspects of the dynamics of this life after 1945. Within the communities there took place many events with a rich social content, events that had a contribution to strengthen its spiritual cohesion. These events receive almost always the character of actions involving the entire community or the majority of its members, receiving the worth of celebration.7 They were linked (and they continued to be linked) either through calendar important data or through certain religious holidays, and through agricultural works or the practice of animal breeding. In our folk culture, the custom is an event very good represented, not born somewhere for free but to get a local social function. This social fact found a role in the society constituting itself as a reality independent to the persons wish, determining certain emotions and feelings, imposing also a certain attitude.8 The socio-cultural values made by the community members are part of the local traditions being also a source of values that insinuates itself in the process of structure and development of the social life. That is because the customs appear, as professor Mihai Pop noted, as cultural complex facts designated to organize the peoples life, to mark the important moments of their passing through the world, to shape their behaviour.9 These mediate the immediate directly relationships, of the individuals within the community life, being elaborated in the end in the empiric life. In this way, the customs condition the event development, too.10 The reorganization of the activities caused by the agriculture collectivisation came to disturb even this complex of relationships, the system of rules and values that settles the entire community. Our research is aimed to surprise the changes occurred during the collectivisation on Alma Valley (Slaj County): Chechi and Glgu Almaului. The main reason of this option has been the practice here and only here of a custom with agrarian specific: Craiul Smnturilor (or Baterea Craiului) following in the same time also the other customs that trained o large part of the community. Even if the transition to collectivisation of the agriculture was held without a consistent resistance from the villagers in the region, because where the people are poor they do not have what to defend11, however there were peasants who refused until 1962 to give signature for entry the collective/association. Thus, a number of six householders have systematically refused to enter Chechi association, of who the last two were Surducan Isai and Gheorghi a Buhii. They resisted to the pressures till the last moment.12 However, the most representative act of resistance was the activity in the region of a modern outlaw, so called Horse Blan. During the convincing campaigns for entry in associations, the teachers in the
6 7 8 9 10 11 12 I. Chelcea, Customs. (Rural) Community. Folk Culture, Sibiu, 1938, p.7. I. Vlduiu, Romanian Ethnography, Bucharest, 1973, p. 417. V. Golban, Aesthetics of the Social Ceremony in Customs, Bucureti, 1983, p. 47. History of the Romanian Literature, vol. I, Bucharest, 1970, p. 29. V. Golban, quoted article, p. 47. Informer Burian Vasile. Informer Surducan Isaia.

464

Valentin Orga

villages had an important role. The primary school teacher Varga Vasile, come in 1957 at the school from Glgu Almaului participated actively to the making of associating in the village, at the successful conclusion of collectivisation.13 The triumph of the collectivisation meant a gradual cessation of the practice of the traditional customs. If the Vergel, Cununa, Sunday Play continued to take place for some years after declaring the conclusion of collectivization, Craiul Smnturilor could not be organized any more, while Claca acquired a new feature, being converted into a program of mass enlightenment. The teacher Varga recalls: We were going in haba (claca) to youth to made political education. We were sent14. After the conclusion of collectivisation, the reason or organizing the claca disappeared, all the activity becoming in fact a work for the state. Over time, haba moved to the communitys cultural centre, the young people came here on the teachers call: Each teacher went to bring them to the cultural community centre tells us the teacher Varga. Now they did not wrok any more to the association, and it acquired an activity of mass enlightenment, made by the teachers and supervised by the party activists.15 There were made twice a week rehearsals of poetry, of songs and of dances. The repertoire was made of poems related to the country, by Cosbuc and Eminescu. Then they started with the others, of party. The young people were brought up and held till almost the middle of the night.16 Under the directives from the centre in these villages, too, there were organised artistic brigades. Their activity was successful because in 1962 amateur artists from Glgu Almaului got the second place in the country at the biennial festival Ioan Luca Caragiale (third edition), with a literary artistic show. The program presented was related to history: since 1907 till the party got the power, with Doftana...17 The activity of the communitys cultural centres crossed to a new phase in the 8th decade, putting an emphasis on recovery and valorisation of the folk traditions. All the efforts were subordinated to the grand kitsch National Festival Romanias Song. In the new conditions, there was necessary reconsidering the repertoire. Since 1974 - the teacher Burian recalls we started with a vocal group of women having as core the teachers who came from here (Glgu Almaului n.n.) and we valorified first the Cununa (wreath) songs and then the other songs.18 The wreath custom19 is practised in connection with the end of harvest and is specific to a large ethnographic area. The twinning of the wreath took place at the corn field, of the last ears or ears of the last sheaf and it is made by young girls. Its destination is the host of claca, the one who holds it. The wear of the wreath has a solemn character and the one who wears it has a central place in the custom ongoing, reason for which its selection has to take into account of some certain conditions (beauty, diligence and skill to songs and traditional dance).20 This custom is in fact
13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 Informer Varga Vasile. Ibidem. Ibidem. Ibidem. Ibidem. Informer Burian Vasile. Details in N. Bot, Cntecele cununii (Wreaths Songs), Bucureti, 1989, p. 5-30. N. Bot, id., ibid., p. 9.

Lost Holiday

465

a series of ritual acts: a ritual item (the wreath), the ritual song and a series of ritual gestures consisting of the wearing of the wreath, the wetting of the wreath, the dance of the wreath and the ritual dish.21 In Glgu Almaului the custom was practised a few years even after the collectivisation, when the women still went with the brigade, with the work team. They came from the field work singing the songs of the wreath and making the same as in the past. They gave the wreath to the most hardworking person, and then it was reason for fun, dance, music. Even in this case we could consider that it was a last effort of surviving of a custom, the patricians showing in this way the joy for finishing the harvest, for collecting the fruit. Although it stimulated the competition, the most hardworking harvester wore the wreath, this custom could not face to the workers competition. Because the land was a common property, there was not any more the host to whom they organised the claca at the harvest and who offered the food and the party place. The teacher Burian focussed on this moment: It disappeared (the custom of Wreath) because the host did not exist any more where to go at the end of the harvest. At C.A.P. no one went. They came with the brigade from the field, poor women singing those old songs but there was not any more a recipient and so the custom was lost.22 After collectivisation, at a short time, the poor people began to leave the village: The area has low production; the ones who had money remained.23 The young people left especially to find jobs on the building sites or enterprises in the cities: Cluj, Baia Mare, Turda, and then Zalu. A break of 10-15 years from the period in which the custom of wreath was practised without anyone to force the organisation, being something status by tradition in the community life and the moment of repetition as element of the group of artists repertoire. The years spent were enough for the younger generations to forget or even not to have knowledge of this custom. Born in 1951, teacher Burian accepts that he did not know it, not being practised in the moment when he started to be aware of the community life. He discovered it as an adult, in his quality of instructor and leader of the communitys cultural centre of the village. According to the new directives, there was a must to modify the repertoire and in the same time the ongoing of the activities in the cultural centre. The organisation of it was a kind of obligation. In the years 1975-1976 there was not any more the artistic brigade to be an obligation (...). We had to make it and we said that it is better to take something from us not from the magazines.24 This attracted both the old and young people as the teacher Burian recalls. It attracted not only the villagers. When we went to Jibou the communitys cultural house was full.25 As a result, the custom of wreath was revived but only on the stage. There were some older countrywomen who told about it and told us the songs that were in the past. Some of them participated also on the stage to remake the custom. But everything was only for show said the teacher.
N. Bot, id., ibid., p. 8. Informer Burian Vasile. Informer Burian Vasile and Surducan Isai. See the magazine Folk Culture that had the aim to conduct the activities of work organisation in the mass culture. 25 Informer Burian Vasile. 21 22 23 24

466

Valentin Orga

The call to custom specific to the area had a positive effect on the group (lower as number) of participants to the cultural act. They sang with pleasure, because they did not have any more another possibility of expression (...) and they corrected one to another, as participants, before the custom At one time, the same teacher says, when he was director to the cultural centre in Blan commune, he wanted to give up to the vocal group but the countrywomen insisted to continue, even if the rehearsals were made especially during the night because during the day all of them were working at the field.26 So that, even if the wreath custom was reborn, it did not represent any more a holiday of the village, involving only a limited number of the community members, not being a case of expression of the community unit. A special case was represented by the custom of King of Sown Field (Craiul Smnturilor) or Beat of the King (Baterea Craiului), which was practised within the agrarian cycle and came to point out the beginning of the ploughing. Specific to the area, it was part of the same category with Tnjaua on Iza and Mara or with Plough Man on Inferior Olt Valley or with Bricelatul or New King in the Mocod region. The plough man is the first one who, after the monotony and rigors of the winter, being full of hope, disturbs the silence of the nature after the winter sleep. This moment of a special importance for him, to furrow first with the plough in the land after winter could not be considered as a usual/common thing and neither the one who starts the ploughing could not be taken into consideration by the community that he represents. Both the important moment when the plough was first thrust in the land and the first furrow, and the dared one who made this agrarian act the community put them into a lot of beliefs and then dressed them into some customs mystery transposed to one generation to the other as an ancient heritage, preserved and practised even nowadays. Whatever the psychological substrate that feeds the impulse to practise these customs would be, they throw light on the past that let us as inheritance, and also on the spiritual life that our people have lived. The King of Sown Field took place on the second day of Easter after the end of the religious service. The villagers got together to choose the King. This person was designated among the young people of the village. Once they made it, they catch and lift of the king followed. According to the information we have it seems that the decision belonged to some older members of the community. This one was going to be beat as King, on his shoulder.27 While he was beaten the one who made this act was saying: one, two, nine / this for me, this for you / this for a dish of lentil / to remember and for now on / to put the country like this / to put the laws like this ...28 The old king chosen a year before was carried on a adorned throne, ornamented by girls with flowers, leaves, beads and was taken to his own house where he gave food and drinks to all the young persons. Being a problem of spending money, too, the ones chosen as Kings were asked if they accepted this role (sometimes the parents were asked). Before the party, in the church yard the king judgement took place. The two Kings chose two young boys who proposed the judgement rules and executed
26 Informer Burian Vasile. 27 Informer Surducan Isai; Burian Vasile; Rcanu Ioan. 28 Informer Surducan Isai.

Lost Holiday

467

the punishments chosen by the Kings. The reasons at least at the end of the last century were approached as reasons to satirize: turning down of the cart on a straight road, the young boy in love who, thinking of the girlfriend, went to the field work of mowing taking with him the axe, the absent-minded boy who tried to pass a fence with the cows and the cart with woods etc.29 For the young people, to be chosen King was a reason of proud because some qualities were required: to be good householder, worker, to prove intelligence, to be handsome etc. So not anyone could be chose King. It was chosen the smartest one, most beautiful, most hard worker, most householders. For instance, the old man Surducan Isai told us that his older brother was chosen King and after he got married, he became a mayor in the village in the years 20-30.30 This custom was subjected - even before the war to a process of cultural erosion and of removal from the collective memory as the initial significance. Practised rather as a traditional custom than as an agrarian ritual as it was at the beginning, the King preserved especially its social functions and in the end only its spectacularaesthetic ones. During the war, the custom stopped taking place31 because of the situation of those years. It was restarted after the end of the war but only for a very short period of time, like other customs. The agrarian reform was implemented without much social convulsions especially because the large properties belonged to owners in the urban areas. The division of the land was made peaceably under the control of the commission headed by a delegate elected from the village community, Gherman Isaia (a middle peasant) because he was a good man.32 Not the same thing could be said about the process of collectivisation. Some peoples resistance as we noted above and the others wish to get on created dislikes and animosities. The old man Surducan Isai recalls a scene when returned from the woods several young men of the village stopped o his house to drink after a day of work. Here the discussions reached also some preference for the new regime. The spirits heated when one of them, Scioarla, a bare elbows said, referring to the one whom preferred the new ideology: We fight until you will be, Vasile and you Isai as me, to have nothing. Then, one of the targets turned down the table and tried to catch the one who spoke. Scioarla and iplea were two villagers very poor and not intelligent but very active in supporting the collectivisation, both of them arriving in a short time in important positions within C.A.P.33 Moreover in this area, too, the communism activists needed in their work to convince people to enter to this kind of associations, being helped by the Security. It is mentioned in Chechi and not only here the presence of an officer known for its cruelty, Szilagy.34 The complaints occurred while the intensification of the work of conviction, the differences of opinions among the community members to the new forms of organization of the property and work created moments of animosity in the village. The King of the Sown Field was chosen even after the war: till the association
29 30 31 32 33 34 See I. Pop Reteganul in Revista ilustrat, I, 1898, no. 3-4, p. 75. Informer Surducan Isai. Ibidem. Ibidem. Ibidem. He was remarked since 1946 as a worker of the communists.

468

Valentin Orga

was made the King was beaten every year. The last one was Drjan Isai.35 However, the state of tension existing in the village caused the interruption of its ongoing. The moment was a pretty unclear one and was due to Drjan Isai. This one, a young man of a good family, good worker and remarked among the youth of those years was chosen King but as his family did not accept to enter the association (it was among the last six), he refused to give a dish with the participation of all young people of the village, most of them already working in the agricultural state association. Therefore, the refusal of the old King to participate to the new election made some other young people who made common cause with him and so in the existed atmosphere the custom could not take place that year.36 There is also another version according to which there was to be chosen a young man who remarked himself in the work of brigade, who was rather advocate of the new authorities but who did not have possibility to organise a dish, promising only he would offer drinks at the pub. In these conditions, the young boys redirected to Drjan Isai but he refused, feeling offended he was chosen after an unsuccessful attempt at a worker with mouth.37 The sure fact is that since that time (1957 or 1959) the custom King of Sown Field was not beaten any more. After that period of time in which the cultural activities organised at the communitys cultural centre were reduced to literary artistic shows and brigades with ideological texts, and the King of Sown Field was recovered in the period of cultural relaxation and made out like the other traditional customs. Interesting is the fact that this custom was taken in the repertoire of the artistic band of Tihu village (Surduc commune) found in the neighbourhood of Blan commune, without being characteristic to this. The Tihu with a boundary less proper to agriculture both in terms of fertility and of extension combined the work in the field, animal breeding and pottery to ensure the daily necessities. However, it was a pretty poor village. Without having a tradition with spectacular customs, the villagers in order to participate to the cultural competitions in the county resorted to a loan. The teacher Gheorghe Bot, instructor and director of the cultural centre in the village (a connoisseur of the history and folklore in the area) introduced in the repertoire of the band the king of the sown field. Moreover, he published a material in which presented this custom in the version of the scenario for the show, without locating it in a publication published by the Committee for culture in Zalu, in 1973, Memory of Slaj. In the article he used very much the description of the custom made by Ioan Pop Reteganul at the end of the last century, or it was from Mocod (Bistria-Nsud) and it had other features. Looking for the spectacular and especially in order to show the cultural ancient unit of the Romanians, he mixed the elements of the King with the ones of Tnjala. The wetting down at the valley of the first ploughing is, in the case of the custom from the Alma Valley a random aspect,38 while in the case of one on Mara, it is the central part of the entire action. In the show-version, the King is substituted with the plough man and the accent is put one emphasising the diligence or laziness, on the reward35 36 37 38 Informer Surducan Isai; Bot Gheorghe. Informer Rcanu Ioan. Informer Gh. Bot; we used it as sourse due to his relationship of relative with Drjan Isai. The one who is wet in the presence of the King is not necessary young boy, it could be also a married man.

Lost Holiday

469

ing or punishment of it.39 If in the original version, the King is taken to the Valley and then at home on a richly decorated chair and the first plough man is carried on a royal chiar on the wheels of the plough, in the scenario version the King is carried one the plough. An essential change is found at the lyrics of the songs presented on the entire route of the procession that accompanied the King. Put out on the stage this custom is presented at almost all the competitions and festivals as being a custom specific to Tihu village. Over time, the fact that it was no longer practiced in the villages of origin and it was circulated on an area more extensive only by the band from Tihu made more and more the idea of its recovering from the folklore thesaurus of the village. Being an employee of the Museum of History and Art Zalu it was recommended to me as topic of research an interesting and still not research custom of Tihu, the King of Sown Field.40 The confusion appeared among the villagers. On the first contact with the villagers of Tihu, all of them directed me to the teacher Bot because only he was dealing with that. Our surprise was great because of the fact that neither older people born in the village could give us any detail about such custom practised during their youth. They knew that was held in the latter years, during the springtime at the cultural centre. Nobody however, before the teacher Bot was able to date it before or after the war (chronological clue fixed by us for the older people). The one who explained us everything was the teacher Bot, who was in his retirement period of life. If such a confusion created the activity held within the Festival Romania Song among villagers or the county cultural activists, it is evident how good it was set to the public opinion. We noticed from the narration of teacher from Tihu the moment when they won a contest in Baia Mare, their show enjoying an excellent reception by the public which caught the similarity to Tnjaua. Angry, their contracandidates from Maramure disputed the originality of the presented custom, from the same reasons.41 Unlike the lack of information from the elders of Tihu, in Glgu Almaului and Chechi, many villagers knew about the fact that the Beat of the King was practised long ago in their village. Indirectly by the change of the property system by imposing the joint work, only for the state use, in the rural community mostly in Romania at that time the new political realities hit the traditional village. A violation of the traditional spirituality occurred in the same time with the beginning of collectivisation, violation which, after all, was a completion to the decimation process of the cultural elite, happened only few years ago. The ideological efforts to recover and get on the stage the traditional customs and the search of their roots in the ancient Dacians and Romans beliefs and practices after the thawing of the 8th decade, has proved in fact on many times a pathetic kitsch whose purpose was the glorifying of the party and the leaders. The cultural instructors of the cultural centres, stimulated by the county cultural activists ambitions, eager to assert, often permitted to force the repertoire. Moreover, the fascination of the almost sacred space of the stage in which they did not enter till then, many amateur artists from the village world participated sincerely
39 See Slaj Memory, Zalu, 1973, p.38-43. 40 The recommendation belonged to the chief conselor from that time and to the director of the Center of Research and Preservation of the Slaj Folk Culture, both of them music teachers. 41 Informer Bot Gheorghe.

470

Valentin Orga

at the ridiculous show of singing the work and the humanness.42 For the ones in the village world, the stage represented the only possibility of artistic expression, of revival of some old customs. In this case, their structure was distorted, exploiting the aspects that could serve ideologically to the propagation of the principles of the communist morality and could have a contribution to the shape of the new man profile, multilaterally developed. Most often the emphasis was put on the spectacular and the changes, the improvements sought to provide opportunities to obtain prizes at festivals, which in turn allowed local activists to poit out the socialist challenge. The holiday in the traditional village, on the occasions of practices and customs related to the occupations or of the important moments of the life is replaced to the ideological holidays (1st of May, 23rd of August, Great October Revolution, Crop Day). The competition-festivals that took place on different occasions turned the peasants from participants to the village holiday to beholders of the scene transpositions. On the other hand, some customs have been restored and transformed into field feasts, occasion for the authorities to show the achievements in he socialist transformation of the agriculture, proof of the superioriry of the joint work and of the plenty that hit the Romanian village. As it was the case of the Market at Gina, of Sheep Association (Oa), Sheep Copulation (at Dragu, Voievodeni, Pria Slaj County) etc. Unfortunatelly, of some there remained only the name, all that happens on that occasion no longer remembers what was at once. For instance, I was a witness to the sheep copulation at Pria, occasion on which I did not see any sheep but only booths with beer, mititei (meat rolls) and the so called artisan items. The latter ones were marketed especially by gipsies. Organised by the Inspectorate for Culture of Slaj County and by the Centre of Research and Preservation of the Folk Culture, the grazing holiday had the benefit of some bands and folk performers in the county. Otherwise nothing agout what was once the sheep copulation. An aspect that contributed to the end of traditional customs practice was the young people massive leaving of the villages for the cities, on building sites or enterprises.43 At this phenomenon it is added the displacement under various reasons of all collectivities in colonies, in blocks etc. The most attractive elements in the traditional villages holidays, the young people, become the commuters who, at best return home at the end of the week. Depopulation of the villages meant the end of the customs, from the ones related to the occupations to the Sunday traditional dance, which still stood a good period of time, being practised at school or at the cultural centre. Really confused by the substance and form changes it has faced, the Romanian village lost gradually its holidays, the clearest moments of manifesting the solidarity, unity of living, reconciliation. Recovered and transposed on the stage, they could not be anything else than the leaders holidays. The village takes only the religious holidays, the church institution allowing their expression and not only the preservation of them in the indivituals soul and memory. Unfortunatelly, as M. Niescu stressed on, the ruin of the peasant household
42 See D. Petrescu, 400.000 creative spirits: Romanias Songs or the national stalinism in festival, in Romanian Communist Myths, p. 241. 43 All the informers presented here, independently one from the other and without a directed question explained the lost of the customs discussed above due to the especially young peoples migration to the city.

Lost Holiday

471

meant both the abolition of the peasant class as a social one, and its annihilation as a human type with moral and spiritual own identity, changing it into an amorphous mass of the agricultural workers with an uncertain moral physiognomy.44 Lists of informers: Bot Gheorghe, born 1931 in Tihu, primary school teacher in Tihu, director of the school in the village and of the communitys cultural centre, cultural instructor, lived in Tihu, retired person interview made in February 1996; photonecs of the Museum of History and Art Zalu Burian Vasile, born 1951 in Chendrea, lived in Chechi, primary school teacher in Glgu Almaului. He was instructor and director of the cultural centre in Glgu Almaului and after 1980 he was director of the cultural centres in Blan commune Rcanu Ioan, born 1924, in Chechi (Slaj County), lived in Chechi interview made in January 1999; Archives of Institute of Oral History BBU ClujNapoca Surducan Isai, born 1906 in Chechi, lived in Chechi interview made in January 1999; A.I.I.O BBU Cluj-Napoca Varga Vasile, born 1938, in Chendrea, graduate from the Normal School in Cluj, primary school teacher in Glgu Almaului in 1957, lived in Glgu Almaului interview made in January 1999; A.I.I.O. BBU Cluj-Napoca

44 M. Niescu, Under the proletcultism fate. The Dialectics of Power, Bucharest, 1995, p. 370.

Il paesaggio come farsi delle popolazioni locali

Cristina Papa
(Universit di Perugia)
A centanni dalla nascita di Emilio Sereni avvenuta nel 1907, una riflessione sulla sua eredit scientifica e politica ha investito numerosi ambiti disciplinari dalla economia agraria, suo riferimento disciplinare centrale, allagronomia, alla storia rurale, alla geografia, allantropologia.1 Studioso enciclopedico, raffinato e poliglotta ha dato contributi originali, oltrepassando gli steccati disciplinari, favorito dal fatto che i suoi studi si sono realizzati fuori dallaccademia e si sono radicati su due fondamenta unificanti: una solida e articolata formazione umanistica e una pratica politica coraggiosa e libertaria, che ha costantemente interagito con i suoi studi, suggerendo interrogativi e proponendo ipotesi.2 Questo suo eclettismo e indipendenza dalle logiche accademiche, se ne ha accentuato loriginalit, non ha favorito tuttavia la sua influenza nelle pratiche scientifiche che si realizzata in modo frammentario e spesso in forme indirette come avvenuto per lo pi in campo antropologico. Ma anche in campo storico e geografica sono state avanzate osservazioni analoghe: Moreno e Raggio considerano che leredit scientifica di Sereni sia stata perduta o meglio dissipata nei successivi studi di storia dellagricoltura e di geografia storica 3, dello stesso tono losservazione di Giardina che sostiene che: lopera storica di Sereni ha avuto pochissime letture totali4 in riferimento alla messa in relazione degli aspetti contemporaneisti e
1 Questo testo stato presentato in una sua prima stesura in una comunicazione al convegno internazionale Trasformazioni storico-sociali e mondo rurale: il pensiero forte di Emilio Sereni, tenutosi il 27-28 settembre 2007 a Perugia e promosso dalle Facolt di Agraria e Lettere e Filosofia della Universit degli studi di Perugia, dalla Fondazione Angelo Celli per una cultura della salute con la collaborazione della Fondazione Istituto Gramsci di Roma e dellIstituto Alcide Cervi (Reggio Emilia). Il convegno ha costituito uno degli appuntamenti che hanno riflettuto sul contributo politico e scientifico di Emilio Sereni in occasione del centenario della nascita e del trentennale della morte avvenuta a Roma nel 1977. 2 Per una bibliografia sintetica dei suoi scritti si veda DAvolio Giuseppe, Emilio Sereni. Ortodossia politica e genialit scientifica, Agra Editrice, Roma, 1999 che contiene anche una Biliografia essenziale degli scritti di Emilio Sereni, pp.75-85. Per un profilo biografico di Sereni si veda Vecchio Giorgio, Profilo di Emilio Sereni, pp. 109-118, in Sereni Emilio, Seppilli Tullio (curatore), Note sui canti tradizionali del popolo umbro, Quaderni di Umbria contemporanea, n.1, Crace, Perugia, 2007 ma anche le Pagine autobiografiche di Emilio Sereni, scritte da Emilio Sereni nel 1959 come curriculum per labilitazione alla libera docenza e pubblicate in appendice a Giardina Andrea, Emilio Sereni e le aporie della storia dItalia, Studi storici. Rivista trimestrale dellIstituto Gramsci, anno XXXVII, n. 3, luglio-settembre 1996, pp. 693-719, p. 695. 3 Moreno Diego-Raggio Osvaldo, Dalla storia del paesaggio agrario alla storia rurale. Lirrinunciabile eredit scientifica di Emilio Sereni, Quaderni storici, n.1, aprile 1999, pp. 89-104, p. 93. 4 Giardina Andrea, Emilio Sereni e le aporie della storia dItalia, Studi storici. Rivista trimestrale dellIstituto Gramsci, anno XXXVII, n. 3, luglio-settembre 1996, pp. 693-719, p. 695.

474

Cristina Papa

antichisti del suo lavoro di storico. Non si deve per trarre la conclusione che le sue opere non abbiano avuto una fortuna di pubblico, in particolare la sua Storia del paesaggio agrario italiano, pensata anche per un pubblico non specialista, che giunta ormai alla sua quattordicesima ristampa da parte di Laterza. Eproprio a partire da questo libro che qui vorrei sottolineare una problematica di grande attualit non solo nel panorama italiano ma anche allinterno di una prospettiva disciplinare antropologica, che riguarda la gestione del paesaggio. Nellintroduzione alla Storia del paesaggio agrario italiano, in cui illustra il senso del suo lavoro, Sereni parla del paesaggio non come un semplice dato o fatto storico ma come un fare e un farsi di genti vive con le loro attivit produttive, con le loro forme di vita associata, con le loro lotte, con la lingua che di quelle attivit produttive, di quella vita associata, di quelle lotte era il tramite, anchesso vivo, produttivo e perennemente innovatore.5 Vorrei qui cercare di contestualizzare questa affermazione, che si rivolge non solo allo storico ma anche al politico riformatore, allinterno della prospettiva insieme scientifica e politica di Sereni e nello stesso tempo vorrei attualizzare la Storia nelle sue possibili connessioni con le politiche recenti relative al paesaggio per come sono definite nella Convenzione europea del paesaggio. La duplice prospettiva scientifica e politica di Sereni coerente con il suo percorso di vita, rivolto non solo agli studi ma anche alla militanza politica, allimpegno civile (per il suo antifascismo e la militanza nel partito comunista sub il carcere, lesilio e rischi la vita nel periodo fascista), alle pratiche di gestione della cosa pubblica (membro dellassemblea costituente, deputato e ministro), dimensioni che nella sua attivit si sono vivificate a vicenda con molteplici punti di contatto. Il libro traccia le trasformazioni dei territori agricoli italiani fino agli anni Cinquanta a partire dal 500 a.C., epoca della colonizzazione greca. Un lungo percorso che spazia dal mondo antico a quello contemporaneo, dove Sereni si muove con agio e con loriginalit che gli deriva dalla capacit di utilizzare di volta in volta fonti tra loro molto diverse e differenti approcci disciplinari. Pubblicato per Laterza nel 1961, ma terminato sei anni prima, il libro tratta del lavoro e dei rapporti produttivi nelle campagne, dalle tecniche di coltivazione, alla organizzazione dei campi, dalle dimensioni della propriet ai rapporti di produzione. Viene scritto in un periodo in cui la questione agraria era diventata emergenza nazionale. Le grandi lotte contadine per la terra nelle aree latifondistiche del Sud, le vertenze nazionali nelle aree mezzadrili per nuove condizioni contrattuali, i conflitti bracciantili nelle aziende capitalistiche del Nord Italia, la riforma agraria del 1950 preparavano profonde trasformazioni economiche e sociali nel paese e dominavano lagenda politica. Non stupisce che in un contesto fortemente conflittuale, in cui braccianti e mezzadri lottavano per la sopravvivenza e per condizioni di vita pi civili e al cui fianco il Sereni politico era schierato, anche il Sereni studioso aderisse ad una prospettiva attiva e militante. Sereni fa propria laccezione del paesaggio come luogo, localit a cui si appartiene, in cui si immersi, che si attraversa e che si modifica con il lavoro e con le lotte, piuttosto che laccezione del paesaggio come spazio osservato, che si sperimenta
5 Sereni Emilio, Storia del paesaggio agrario italiano, Laterza, Bari, (1961), 1972, p. 19.

Il paesaggio come farsi delle popolazioni locali

475

attraverso la percezione in base a canoni estetici elaborati nella distanza, come ad esempio il paesaggio definito da Simmel. Una prospettiva dunque focalizzata sulla coincidenza tra un luogo e i suoi abitanti, attraversato da una interna conflittualit e dialettica. E tuttavia il fascino esercitato da questo lavoro dovuto anche al suo collocarsi su un crinale che quello della stessa definizione di paesaggio, che si riferisce a ci che osservato ma anche alla percezione dellosservatore, al soggetto agente ma anche alloggetto su cui interviene. Se vero che Sereni mette laccento sui primi termini di questa dicotomia, anche vero che le sue fonti sono prevalentemente iconografiche e a carattere storico artistico. Il libro corredato infatti di riproduzioni di opere darte che sarebbero state molto pi numerose (lautore ne aveva raccolte ben 200.000) se non ci fossero state difficolt editoriali dovute ai costi di stampa. Anche se lautore non indulge alla prospettiva estetico percettiva del paesaggio come quadro6, il lettore non pu fare a meno di essere colpito anche esteticamente dalla lettura di un testo che nel suo argomentare di volta in volta rinvia ai paesaggi delle opere darte, dai fregi pompeiani, ai mosaici bizantini, ai quadri di Lorenzetti o di Guttuso. La definizione data da Sereni di paesaggio agrario come quella forma che luomo, nel corso ed ai fini delle sue attivit produttive agricole, coscientemente e sistematicamente imprime al paesaggio naturale7, tuttavia univoca. Sereni tende a spiegare le forme fisiche del paesaggio basandosi sulla contrapposizione, tra uomo e natura, tra equilibrio ecologico primigenio ed azione modificatrice umana. Una definizione che, mentre si oppone a ogni determinismo geografico, mette laccento su due elementi che rinviano allagire e allesperienza umana: lazione umana consapevole e cumulativa e lesito visibile delle attivit produttive agricole in specifiche forme del paesaggio. Da un lato questa definizione lontana dalla nostra sensibilit per la separazione netta che istituisce tra uomo e natura tipica della geografia rurale degli anni Cinquanta e per la considerazione del comportamento umano esclusivamente nei suoi tratti razionali e progettuali, dallaltro lenfasi sullazione modificatrice umana assume oggi in un periodo di incombenti pericoli per la salute del pianeta causati dalluomo una drammatica attualit. Il lavoro di Sereni pur nella sua originalit e per molti versi attualit strettamente legato ai contesti scientifici e politici in cui stato elaborato. Per quanto riguarda quelli scientifici un debito viene esplicitamente riconosciuto da Sereni, quello nei confronti della storiografia annalista del tempo e pi in particolare di Marc Bloch, considerato il fondatore e il pioniere 8, della storiografia del paesaggio agrario con il suo I caratteri originari della storia rurale francese edito circa trentanni prima. Di Bloch Sereni ammirava non solo la genialit dello studioso ma anche le sue scelte politiche che ne avevano fatto un combattente della resistenza in Francia e che lo avevano condotto
6 La rappresentazione del paesaggio come quadro cos radicata che questa espressione stata usata anche nella normativa. Nella legge del 29 giugno 1939 n. 1497 allart. 2 relativo alle norme sulla protezione delle bellezze naturali si dice che devono essere sottoposte a tutela le bellezze panoramiche, considerate come quadri naturali. La formulazione ripresa quasi identica nel Testo unico dei bei culturali (DL 490 del 24 ottobre 1999) in cui allart 139 si parla delle belleze panoramiche considerate come quadri, come beni da tutelare, una formulazione ripresa anche nel testo attualmente in vigore, il Codice Urbani (DL 16 gennaio 2004, n. 42 allart. 136). 7 Sereni Emilio, Storia del paesaggio agrario italiano, Laterza, Bari, (1961), 1972, p. 29. 8 Sereni Emilio, Storia del paesaggio agrario italiano, ibidem, p. 10.

476

Cristina Papa

alla fucilazione da parte dei nazisti. Sereni si propone di ricalcare per lItalia quanto Bloch aveva fatto per la Francia, la delineazione di un quadro sintetico dei caratteri delle campagne francesi. Sereni ritiene possibile tracciare un quadro di storia del paesaggio agrario solo con un lavoro di sintesi e di combinazione di fonti diverse di tipo linguistico, archeologico, artistico, letterario, geografico e relativo alle tecniche agrarie, capace di superare la frammentariet e la predominanza degli approcci giuridici degli studi italiani. Anche per Sereni come per Bloch infatti il paesaggio agrario da studiarsi in modo interdisciplinare poich esso, come metter bene in evidenza in seguito nellarticolo Citt e campagne nellItalia preromana 9, dove analizza il rapporto della campagna con la citt, concerne non solo le tecniche produttive, ma anche il sistema dei traffici, dei trasporti e della moneta, le strutture della parentela, le istituzioni politiche, le forme degli insediamenti e cos via. Ma una volta riconosciuto il debito, Sereni prende anche le distanze da Bloch su un punto nodale. Mentre denuncia la inapplicabilit ai paesaggi italiani come quelli della piantata o del giardino mediterraneo delle categorie utilizzate da Bloch a causa di una diversa organizzazione delle sistemazioni rurali nei due paesi avanza una critica su di un punto molto pi importante e che riguarda limiti e.. insufficienze di fondo di quella impostazione e che investe la nozione stessa di paesaggio agrario e la sua interna dialettica storica.10 . Pi avanti Sereni argomenta approfonditamente questa critica sottolineando la necessit di sfuggire al pericolo in cui ritiene sia incorso Bloch della ipostatizzazione delle forme del paesaggio agrario, che ponga troppo esclusivamente laccento sulla loro consistenza e persistenza geografica piuttosto che sul processo della loro viva e perenne elaborazione storica. 11 A fronte di questa essenzializzazione dei paesaggi (Bloch distingue come noto i paesaggi in due grandi categorie una caratterizzata dai campi chiusi, dal bocage e una caratterizzata dai campi aperti che possono essere di forma allungata regolare o di forma irregolare), Sereni mette laccento sulla prassi umana e sul senso che essa riveste sia per il lavoro dello storico che per quello del politico riformatore. Il paesaggio per Sereni non deve essere considerato come un dato intangibile e bloccato ma piuttosto come un dato di fatto storico e nello stesso tempo come un limite12 che tuttavia non si pu non oltrepassare. Se si leggono i passi dellintroduzione alla Storia, scritta nel 1961, comparandola con lintroduzione al Capitalismo nelle campagne, si pu forse capirne meglio il senso. La prospettiva di Sereni fortemente incentrata sulla processualit e sul mutamento, il suo orizzonte teorico e politico marxista di un marxismo umanocentrico rivisitato anche attraverso la lettura di Gramsci lo sollecita a mettere al centro della sua analisi il rapporto tra struttura e processo, un rapporto che come egli dice consente di mettere a fuoco lunit dialettica di necessit e libert, da un lato leggi obiettive, dallaltro linesauribile produttivit della volont e della attivit soggettiva. Non possibile analizzare eventi e fatti storici senza ancorarli ad una struttura che dia loro senso e a cui inevitabilmente necessario ricondursi se non si vuole analizzare la storia come un succedersi di eventi intrinsecamente arbitrari, casua9 Sereni Emilio, Citt e campagne nellItalia preromana, Critica marxista, n. 3, 1966, pp. 73-100. 10 Sereni Emilio, Storia del paesaggio agrario italiano, Laterza, Bari, (1961), 1972, p. 15. 11 Sereni Emilio, Storia del paesaggio agrario italiano, ibidem, p. 19. 12 Sereni Emilio, Storia del paesaggio agrario italiano, ibidem, p. 16.

Il paesaggio come farsi delle popolazioni locali

477

li e occasionali13. Il fatto storico non pu che essere letto in riferimento ad una struttura che, se caratterizzata da un determinato sistema di rapporti necessari (formazione economico-sociale), non ha tuttavia nulla di rigido e immutabile poich percorsa da interne contraddizioni e da unintima dialettica, agita dalle classi sociali che diventano protagoniste del mutamento e del processo. In questa prospettiva il paesaggio come fatto storico ha una sua interna contraddittoriet in quanto lesito di una dialettica, in cui sono compresenti molteplici soggetti e fattori, ivi compresi quelli che in questa dialettica non sono risultati prevalere. In questo senso lo storico Andrea Giardina ha parlato del sistema agronomico in Sereni non solo come prodotto della storia ma anche come motore della storia, parafrasando il significato che Sereni attribuisce alla categoria di formazione economicosociale, categoria che anche quando viene adottata come criterio di periodizzazione deve essere intesa in senso dinamico e non statico come un processo e non come la sostanza di una et o fase storica in se stessa immobile e conclusa.14 Il paesaggio dei campi chiusi ad esempio viene letto da Sereni come lesito di un conflitto tra classi in seguito alle trasformazioni dei mezzi produttivi e al superamento del regime dei campi aperti. Sereni individua nella seconda met del Settecento il periodo in cui assumono nuova importanza nellagricoltura di molte parti dItalia gli investimenti di capitali da parte di nuovi ceti agrari, divenuti proprietari di terre, e da parte di una aristocrazia illuminata decisa ad investire nel miglioramento agrario. Questi ceti in conflitto di volta in volta con le popolazioni pi povere delle campagne, con i grandi proprietari di greggi transumanti e con quelli che Sereni chiama i ceti pi retrivi reclamano la chiusura dei campi aperti che per tutto lAlto medioevo avevano caratterizzato il paesaggio agrario. Come sottolinea Sereni, un regime che limita il diritto del proprietario sui campi non appena siano terminate le operazioni di raccolto o comunque quando il terreno non sottoposto a coltura, cos che su questi possano esercitarsi gli usi di pascolo comunitari, in contrasto con importanti investimenti, con la coltura del prato artificiale, le opere di sistemazione idraulica, gli investimenti nelledilizia rurale. Quello descritto da Sereni costituisce un conflitto che si sviluppa con alterne vicende per un lungo periodo che vede nel periodo comunale e del Rinascimento lestendersi dei campi chiusi mentre nel Seicento e la seconda met del Cinquecento si allarga di nuovo larea dei campi aperti, per tornare al Settecento in cui il movimento inverso. Un processo dunque complesso, che non tocca uniformemente tutte le aree del Paese e che vede coinvolti soggetti differenti sia pure dentro una dinamica strutturale identica, che conduce allaffermarsi dellimpresa capitalistica in agricoltura. Unattenzione alle dinamiche tra le classi e al mutamento che non troviamo in Bloch interessato piuttosto attraverso la comparazione a costruire tipologie caratterizzate da continuit e interna coerenza come il rapporto che Bloch individua da un lato tra regime dei campi chiusi, individualismo e deboli rapporti di solidariet interni alla comunit e dallaltro tra regime dei campi aperti e spirito comunitario cos che ogni uso agrario soprattutto lespressione di uno stato danimo.15
13 Sereni Emilio, Il capitalismo nelle campagne (1860-1900), Einaudi, Torino, 1968, p. XX. 14 Giardina Andrea, Emilio Sereni e le aporie della storia dItalia, Studi storici. Rivista trimestrale dellIstituto Gramsci, anno XXXVII, n. 3, luglio-settembre 1996, pp. 693-719, p. 708. 15 Bloch Marc, I caratteri originali della storia rurale francese, trad. dal francese, Einaudi, Torino, (1931), 1973, p. 100.

478

Cristina Papa

Zangheri che interviene sul confronto tra l opera di Bloch e Sereni efficacemente descrive il taglio che caratterizza lopera di quest ultimo: E un inventario ricchissimo di micropaesaggi che s inseriscono nella pi larga maglia paesistica: se la parola inventario adatta a esprimere il contenuto di uno sviluppo, che Sereni sa restituire in cadenze viventi, senza congelamenti o stacchi di continuit. Sicch si pu concludere, alla fine, che il racconto ha pienamente tenuto fede alle sue premesse: di essere la storia di una pratica umana, non la mera illustrazione di ambienti fitogeografici, di relitti paesisitici: la storia dei paesaggi come condizioni e prodotti ad un tempo dell attivit associativa degli uomini.16 La storia del paesaggio agrario forse il lavoro di Sereni che ha avuto maggiore influenza non solo a livello degli studi storici e agronomici ma anche negli orientamenti culturali e nelle politiche di conservazione del territorio. Un riconoscimento della sua importanza gli viene attribuito, non appena pubblicato, dal famoso storico della scuola delle Annales, Georges Duby. Duby in una nota critica sulle Annales insieme ai riconoscimenti sottolinea con insistenza la primogenitura di Bloch e della scuola francese rispetto al lavoro di Sereni e muove una critica allo studioso italiano per il fatto che nei suoi scritti il contadino, questo costruttore di paesaggi non appare in una luce sufficientemente viva 17 per quanto riguarda le tecniche, gli strumenti, la situazione sociale ed economica. Duby certamente coglieva un aspetto di cui Sereni era ben consapevole e che peraltro aveva dichiarato fin dallintroduzione quando denunciava le difficolt di unopera, quale quella che aveva intrapreso, determinate dalla scarsezza degli studi relativi alla storia delle tecniche agrarie e della stessa storia del paesaggio agrario. Una consapevolezza presente anche tra gli storici italiani dellepoca come emerge dallauspicio introduttivo a nuove ricerche in questo campo di Luigi Dal Pane al convegno del 1955 su Le campagne emiliane in epoca moderna, in cui Sereni tenne una relazione dal titolo Note per la storia del paesaggio agrario emiliano18, proprio nel periodo in cui stava concludendo anche la Storia del paesaggio agrario. Non a caso a quel momento si pu datare linizio di una importante serie di studi sulle campagne emiliane condotta da autorevoli storici come Luigi Dal Pane, Renato Zangheri, Vito Fumagalli, Carlo Poni.19 Che queste fossero le preoccupazioni scientifiche di Sereni anche in seguito alla pubblicazione del libro, lo dimostra il lavoro analitico che aveva messo in campo negli anni successivi su alcune tecniche agricole come il debbio, tecnica di incendio del mantello vegetale per rendere coltivabile un terreno, sulla coltivazione della vite e la produzione del vino in Italia o sullallevamento del cavallo che avrebbero dovuto andare nelle sue intenzioni a comporre un lavoro sistematico sulle Tecniche agricole comunitarie. Questo lavoro nella veste immaginata non vide mai la luce, invece i lavori sul debbio, la vite e lallevamento del cavallo vennero pubblicati postu16 Zangheri Renato, Agricoltura e contadini nella storia d Italia, Einaudi, Torino, 1977, p. 111 17 Duby George, Sur lhistoire agraire de lItalie, Annales, anno XVIII, n. 2, marzo-aprile 1963, pp. 350-362, p. 57. 18 Sereni Emilio, Note per la storia del paesaggio agrario emiliano, pp. 27-56 in Zangheri Renato, (a cura di), Le campagne emiliane nellepoca moderna. Saggi e testimonianze, Feltrinelli, Milano, 1957. 19 Cazzola Franco, Il paesaggio agrario emiliano: permanenze e trasformazioni, Annali dellIstituto Alcide Cervi, n. 10, 1988, pp. 223-242.

Il paesaggio come farsi delle popolazioni locali

479

mi con una introduzione di Zangheri nel testo Terra nuova e buoi rossi.20 Linteresse di Sereni per gli studi di antichistica e per lo studio delle persistenze nella lingua, nel paesaggio, nelle tecniche, negli insediamenti ha portato alcuni ad evidenziare nella sua prospettiva gli elementi di continuit storica. Sono daccordo con chi, come Giardina21, ritiene al contrario che il motivo conduttore del lavoro di Sereni sia piuttosto caratterizzato, come ho cercato di dimostrare, dallenfasi sulle trasformazioni e sui soggetti artefici di queste trasformazioni. Persino nei due saggi sui canti umbri editi nel 1959 sulla rivista Cronache umbre e recentemente ripubblicati22, Sereni adotta una prospettiva dinamica. Essi sarebbero dovuti andare a comporre insieme ad altri di altre regioni italiane unopera che avrebbe dovuto riguardare lItalia per ricostruire la vita e la cultura delle classi contadine e il loro ruolo nelle dinamiche di potere. I testi della religiosit cantata nellUmbria tardo-medioevale vengono esaminati da Emilio Sereni come fonti preziose per la ricostruzione della storia materiale e culturale delle classi subalterne, in questo territorio, della loro ricorrente conflittualit con i ceti dominanti e con il potere entrale della Chiesa, del loro ruolo entro pi estesi processinazionali di egemonia e di circolazione di idee. 23I testi esaminati da Sereni gli lasciano ipotizzare che attraverso di essi e la loro diffusione per il tramite di un consistente spostamento di persone e di merci gi in et comunale si sia attivato un processo di unificazione culturale dal basso che avrebbe portato alcuni secoli dopo, insieme ad altri fattori allunificazione dellItalia. Senza voler entrare nellannoso dibattito sui caratteri, i processi e i soggetti che portarono allunificazione italiana e agli sviluppi dellidea enunciata da Sereni gi nel 1947 sui caratteri antagonisti del folclore24, lesempio di questa opera qui utilizzata per rafforzare lidea che Sereni non pu essere accusato di continuismo e di incapacit al confronto tra interessi della trasformazione e della conservazione. Per rievocare una polemica presente nellurbanistica a lui contemporanea, gli ben chiaro che bisogna evitare che le mort saisit le vif, come dice nellintroduzione alla Storia. Epur vero per che lopera di Sereni, suo malgrado, ha sollecitato coloro che vi si sono ispirati in campo storico e geografico ma anche antropologico e urbanistico a focalizzare lattenzione sulla continuit, le permanenze e la conservazione dei paesaggi. Se penso ad esempio allantropologia e in particolare alla museografia antropologica, La storia del paesaggio agrario ha certamente influito sulla vitalit della
20 Sereni Emilio, Terra nuova e buoi rossi e altri saggi per una storia dell agricoltura europea, Einaudi, Torino, 1981. 21 Giardina Andrea, Emilio Sereni e le aporie della storia dItalia, Studi storici. Rivista trimestrale dellIstituto Gramsci, anno XXXVII, n. 3, luglio-settembre 1996, pp. 693-719. 22 Sereni Emilio, Seppilli Tullio (curatore), Note sui canti tradizionali del popolo umbro, Quaderni di Umbria contemporanea, n. 1, Crace, Perugia, 2007. 23 Seppilli Tullio, Introduzione, pp. 5-46 in Sereni Emilio, Seppilli Tullio (curatore), Note sui canti tradizionali del popolo umbro, Quaderni di Umbria contemporanea, n. 1, Crace, Perugia, 2007, p. 9. 24 Nelle schede di lavoro prodotte tra il marzo e il giugno 1947 e nel carteggio con leditore Einaudi per la pubblicazione sono delineati i tratti di un libro dal titolo Bertoldo. Una storia del popolo italiano nei canti del lavoro, delloppressione, della lotta. Il libro non venne mai pubblicato ad eccezione dei succitati saggi sullUmbria e altri due brevi lavori, ma nelle bozze dellintroduzione dello stesso anno Sereni indica la sua ipotesi di fondo sul rapporto tra circolazione dei canti e unificazione nazionale e sulla presenza attiva e conflittuale della cultura delle classi popolari sulla scena nazionale. Si veda Seppilli Tullio, Introduzione, ibidem, pp. 17-19.

480

Cristina Papa

intensa stagione degli anni Settanta, che ha visto la proliferazione dei musei del lavoro e della cosiddetta civilt contadina25. Labbandono delle campagne, la meccanizzazione e la trasformazione dei regimi di conduzione della terra sono stati infatti il contesto entro cui si sono moltiplicati un poovunque in Italia musei in cui venivano raccolti oggetti duso quotidiano e strumenti di lavoro, che andavano perdendo la loro utilit strumentale. A queste imprese gli scritti di Sereni hanno fornito materiali documentari e strumenti interpretativi, ma La storia del paesaggio agrario ha fornito alla museografia antropologica anche altre suggestioni derivate dal suo originale utilizzo delle fonti. Soprattutto in anni pi recenti infatti si iniziato ad introdurre nella progettazione di questa museografia elementi di evocazione estetica ed artistica cos da avvicinare i linguaggi del museo demologico a quelli dellarte attraverso ambientazioni sceniche evocative e capaci di sollecitare impressioni ed emozioni e allestimenti in cui oggetti, foto, didascalie, registrazioni di racconti dialogano con le citazioni artistiche 26. Al contrario quell insistenza di Sereni sul farsi del paesaggio agrario, sul superamento del limite ha avuto in antropologia uneco debolissima. Le ricerche negli anni Sessanta di Tullio Seppilli sulla deruralizzazione, le trasformazioni nelle campagne, il rapporto citt campagna sono rimaste sostanzialmente isolate e la maggior parte degli antropologi del tempo hanno preferito battere altre strade anche nello studio della vita rurale. I rapporti di amicizia e di comune appartenenza politica con Emilio Sereni hanno costituito lo sfondo anche per una diretta influenza di Sereni sulle prospettive e le ipotesi di lavoro con cui lallora giovane antropologo Seppilli affrontava le questioni della vita nelle campagne: labbandono dellagricoltura, linurbamento, il controllo della fecondit, le trasformazioni nella cultura di genere, lintensificarsi dei rapporti e il pendolarismo con la citt. Prospettive incentrate sullagentivit dei ceti popolari e sul cambiamento. 27 Al contrario la maggior parte degli antropologi si orientavano a ricercare coerenze, identit, sistemi, permanenze nella vita rurale piuttosto che rotture, trasformazioni, contraddizioni. Un taglio di ricerca che veniva piuttosto legato ai fenomeni urbani, alle migrazioni, alle tradizioni popolari rurali nella citt, quasi che le campagne non ne venissero toccate e che la modernit nelle aree rurali significasse solo abbandono e disgregazione e non la definizione di nuovi assetti. A cinquantanni di distanza lagenda dellantropologia italiana contemporanea ha cambiato direzione e oggi cerca di cogliere le trasformazioni che riguardano la vita e lesperienza nelle aree rurali contemporanee. Vanno in questa direzione lattenzione alle pratiche del turismo rurale e delle produzioni tipiche, alle dinamiche delleconomia informale e di nuove forme di scambio come quelle organizzate dai gruppi di acquisto locale, alla progettazione di ecomusei come strumenti di connessione comunitaria tra forme
25 Su questo periodo particolarmente intenso per la museografia antropologica italiana si veda Papa Cristina, Le travail entre demologie, museographie et culture materielle, Ethnologie franaise, XXV, 3, settembre 1994, (dedicato a Regards danthropologues italiens sur lItalie), pp. 549565. 26 Clemente Pietro-Rossi Emanuela, Il terzo principio della museografia. Antropologia, contadini, musei, Carocci, Roma, 1999; Papa Cristina, Nouvelles dfies pour le muses dethnographie italiens, pp. 97-108, MARTOR, vol. 11, 2006. 27 Alcuni scritti di questo periodo di Tullio Seppilli sono stati riediti in Seppilli Tullio, Minelli Massimiliano-Papa Cristina (curatori), Scritti di antropologia culturale, 2 voll., Leo S. Olschki Editore, Firenze, 2008. Si veda in particolare la parte quarta dal titolo La grande trasformazione delle campagne, pp. 385-476.

Il paesaggio come farsi delle popolazioni locali

481

di vita tradizionali e contemporanee di patrimonializzazione territoriale. Rispetto a questi nuovi ambiti tematici la concezione del paesaggio di Sereni acquista una sua pregnante attualit quando sollecita a guardare alle forme di vita del presente, alla loro continua dinamica, ai soggetti e alle loro pratiche trasformative. La prospettiva di Sereni va tuttavia oltre le preoccupazioni dello studioso che cerca di comprendere a fondo il proprio oggetto e si estende ad indicare una strada anche al privato operatore economico e al politico riformatore riguardo alle forme dellagire sul paesaggio. Sereni non dice a quali e quante modificazioni allude, quelle che riguardano solo lagricoltura o anche quelle che riguardano le trasformazioni del paesaggio attraverso gli interventi delle infrastrutture o ledificazione urbana o il tempo libero. Di queste modificazioni allinizio degli anni 60 gi si discuteva ampiamente in sede urbanistica. Se applichiamo le suggestioni di Sereni anche a questi diversi campi, credo che possiamo ritenerlo come uno dei sostenitori di quella che oggi chiamiamo la modificazione critica del paesaggio, una strada difficile da percorrere e che in Italia non ha avuto molto successo, mentre si preferito seguire strade pi semplici o quella della conservazione basata sui vincoli o quella dellintervento acritico e distruttivo. Due facce a ben guardare della stessa medaglia. Sereni propone una strada pi complessa. La prassi viva ed attuale di ogni nuova generazione degli uomini, egli dice :non pu prendere le mosse, per quella sua, se non da una realt, che lopera delle generazioni passate venuta faticosamente elaborando, imponendole forme, contorni, limiti ben definiti. Solo fondandosi saldamente in questa concreta e ben delimitata realt storica anzi ogni prassi umana pu sortire la sua efficacia. Se terminassimo qui la lettura si dovrebbe intendere che ogni iniziativa, intervento, azione sul presente non pu discostarsi da ci che avvenuto nel passato. Ma Sereni a questo aggiunge che quellazione nel presente non pu tradire la sua attualit e sarebbe priva di contenuto e di senso l dove essa si esaurisse nella stanca riproduzione di forme gi date, e non travalicasse e non travolgesse perennemente invece quel suo dato contorno e quei suoi dati limiti storici, inducendo nella realt contenuti e forme nuove ed originali. 28 Una linea di intervento sul paesaggio che tiene dunque conto del passato come fatto e come limite e in questo senso consapevole e critica ma che deve anche andare oltre. Anche conservare o riqualificare un paesaggio non pu prescindere dalla consapevolezza del suo mutamento necessario, del suo farsi costante nella progettualit e nellintenzionalit delle popolazioni che lo abitano. Una sfida ad intervenire sul paesaggio in modo consapevole, responsabile, condiviso. Potrebbe sembrare una via tanto stretta da essere impraticabile, unutopia, eppure anche una lettura non consolatoria o superficiale della Convenzione europea del paesaggio29 ci spinge proprio in questa direzione. La Convenzione europea del paesaggio che costituisce oggi la cornice di riferimento della normativa nazionale e regionale in materia paesistica, mette al suo centro le popolazioni locali, le loro percezioni del paesaggio, il loro diritto e desiderio
28 Sereni Emilio, Storia del paesaggio agrario italiano, Laterza, Bari, (1961), 1972, p. 16. 29 La Convenzione europea del paesaggio un trattato internazionale in 18 articoli vincolante per gli Stati che l hanno sottoscritta e ratificata. Elaborata dal Congresso dei poteri locali e regionali del Consiglio d Europa (CPLRE) stata adottata dal Comitato dei Ministri del Consiglio d Europa il 20 luglio 2000 e sottoscritta fino ad oggi da 34 stati membri del Consiglio d Europa, di cui 26 l hanno anche ratificata. Essa entrata in vigore in Italia il 1 settembre 2006 in seguito all approvazione della legge di ratifica n.14 del 9 gennaio 2006.

482

Cristina Papa

a svolgere un ruolo attivo nelle scelte sulle trasformazioni dei paesaggi che abitano, la cui qualit ha un diretto rapporto sulla qualit della loro vita30. Questa insistenza della Convenzione su una pianificazione e progettazione paesistica condivisa e concertata con le popolazioni locali richiama lauspicio di Sereni ad intervenire sul paesaggio con forme nuove e originali e ad affermare il diritto delle nuove generazioni contro il diritto delle generazioni precedenti, pur riconoscendo i limiti necessari di questa azione. Non certo mia intenzione assimilare tout court la prospettiva della Convenzione a quella di Sereni, un cinquantennio in cui tutto cambiato le separa, numerosi elementi le distinguono e non qui possibile analizzarli. Posso dire quello che le unisce. Entrambe si situano sul difficile crinale tra conservazione e modificazione del paesaggio ed entrambe insistono sulla prassi delle popolazioni locali che ci chiama tutti in causa, ciascuno per la propria parte: lo studioso, il politico, il comune cittadino. La lezione di Sereni sullo specifico aspetto che stato qui preso in esame oggi possiamo tradurla, forse senza tradirla, in quella del paesaggio negoziato che non consiste in una facile e automatica coesione su una astratta tipologia di paesaggi essenzializzati e definiti dai saperi esperti, ma piuttosto nella mediazione dei conflitti, nella ricomposizione di frammenti, nella ricucitura di fratture e di opposte esigenze, in una parola nella gestione democratica del paesaggio.

30 Una specifica attenzione al ruolo delle popolazioni nella Convenzione europea del paesaggio viene rivolta in Papa Cristina,Riflessioni sulla Convenzione Europea, pp. 19-27, Umbria Contemporanea, vol. 8, 2007 e Papa Cristina, Le Popolazioni nella Convenzione europea del paesaggio, pp. 77-86, in Fornari Schianchi Lucia, Mangiavacchi Maria (a cura di), La Val dOrcia viva e verde. Riflessioni sui siti Unesco, Edizioni Effigi, Siena, 2008.

Gheorghe Pavelescu i Ion Talo

Amalia Pavelescu
Universitatea Lucian Blaga, Sibiu
ntr-o sear de iarn, n decembrie 2002, memorabil amintire, s-a nrdcinat o prietenie aleas, ntre doi crturari de formaie clasic i riguroas: Gh. Pavelescu i Ion Talo. Era trziu, dup ora 21, cnd spre surprinderea i bucuria mea, gsesc pe adresa facultii un e-mail de la domnul profesor Ion Talo, prin care eram rugat s-i ofer o variant inedit a baladei Soarele i Luna, culeas din Tilica, aflat n arhiva personal, spre a o compara cu cea despre care se spunea c ar fi fost nregistrat n aceeai localitate, n sec. al XIX-lea1. Scrisoarea, venind de la o asemenea personalitate, iar subiectul fiind att de interesant, n-am mai avut rbdare pn dimineaa i am dorit s-i mprtesc ct mai repede vestea tatlui meu. Dei l-am trezit din somn, auzind despre ce balad era vorba, mi-a recitat-o ntreag, apoi mi-a spus: Ce m bucur! Diminea o s-i transmitem variante i din alte sate. Avem destul de multe. Poate c unele le are. O s-i scriu i o scrisoare. Aa a nceput corespondena frumoas i rodnic, mbrcat n vemintele unei prietenii sincere i intelectuale, care a durat pn n 2008, vrnd parc s recupereze anii n care n-au avut legturi. Totul a decurs firesc i frumos, cci erau din acelai altoi, cu rdcini n satul ardelenesc, cu respect i admiraie pentru cultura popular, formai la coal clujean, avnd aceleai modele culturale i aceiai maetri spirituali: Ion Mulea i Lucian Blaga. Tatl meu, susinut de Ion Mulea material i spiritual nc nainte de a fi student al Clujului, dar i dup aceea, Ion Talo beneficiind de acelai mentor, un numr important de ani, fiind ncadrat la Arhiva de Folclor a Academiei Romne, n 1957, dup ce tatlui meu i se refuzase aceast ans, ca urmare a unor conjuncturi nefavorabile lui. Cei doi continuau i fceau parte dintr-o tradiie ce se ncadra ntr-o adevrat coal etnologic, ilustrat n cercetrile de teren ntreprinse i prin lucrrile publicate. Ion Talo, prin crile remarcabile pe care le-a dat culturii romne, Meterul Manole, Gndirea magico-religioas la romni, Cununia frailor i Nunta Soarelui reprezint o exemplificare a valorii acestei coli, care d roade i la ali continuatori: Ion Cuceu, Maria Cuceu, Virgiliu Florea, Ion euleanu, Nicolae Bot i alii. Lucian Blaga, una dintre personalitile de prim mrime ale Clujului, de care Gheorghe Pavelescu i Ion Talo se simeau puternic atrai, dei era, nainte de toate, poet i filosof, a fundamentat de la distana unui spirit nalt i ales construirea unor preocupri rodnice pentru aprecierea i valorificarea tradiiei populare romneti. Nu e deci de mirare c n corespondena dintre Gheorghe Pavelescu i Ion Talo, numele
1 E vorba despre textul din colecia Aurelian Millea, considerat, probabil eronat, a fi fost cules n Tilica, dup cum se poate vedea n Ion Talo: Cununia frailor i Nunta Soarelui. Incestul zdrnicit n folclorul romnesc i universal. Bucureti, Editura Enciclopedic, 2004, p. 203-204.

484

Amalia Pavelescu

lui Ion Mulea i Lucian Blaga apreau frecvent i erau nsoite de exprimarea dorinei de a face cunoscut contribuia lor. Scrisorile trimise prin fiiere ataate erau adevrate schimburi de idei i materiale bibliografice, pe teme etnografico-folclorice, fcute cu rigoarea unor veritabili oameni de tiin, ce cunosc importana i rolul detaliului, au pertinen n idei, pasiune, consecven, imbold spre cercetare, dorin de cuprindere vast i sintetic, caracteristici principale ale formaiei clujene, vizibile nu doar n materialele destinate publicului, ci i n conduita personal. n scrisorile lui Ion Talo se simea adierea unui stil specific omului de nalt cultur, care caut detaliul semnificativ, aparent neimportant, pentru a se ridica apoi la o imagine totalizatoare, ilustrativ pentru definirea culturii tradiionale romne n plan european. n schimbul de materiale documentare care avea loc ntre Gheorghe Pavelescu i Ion Talo, rzbtea dorina descoperirii i cunoaterii documentului verificabil. Ceea ce m ncnt, e faptul c variantele trimise de Dvs. se ncadreaz perfect n subtipurile pe care le-am constatat pn acum, c mbogesc materialele de care dispuneam i aduc atestri din localiti care erau pete albe n harta mea, scria Ion Talo. Capacitatea cu totul special a profesorului Ion Talo de a realiza opere de mare amploare era o mare tentaie pentru tatl meu. De aceea nu se sfia de a-i sugera noi teme de cercetare. Poate c, ntr-un viitor apropiat, ar putea s v tenteze i o monografie a baladei Lenore, la care se gndeau Ion Mulea i Dumitru Caracostea. Balada a fost apreciat i de Lucian Blaga ntr-o variant din Valea Sebeului (Alba) Voichia pe care a folosit-o n pantomima nviere (1925). Dialogul pe probleme mari de cercetare primea rspunsuri prompte i pertinente, cu pasiunea vdit de a ajunge la interpretare i explicaii, dar i cu mrturisiri privind teme noi: Sugestia de a m ocupa de Voichia se suprapune unui mai vechi plan al meu. Am adunat destul de mult material despre aceast balad pe care o situez imediat dup Mioria, Meterul Manole i Soarele i Luna. Mi se pare c aceste patru balade reprezint templul arhaic al culturii romneti, rspunde ntr-o scrisoare Ion Talo. Corespondena dintre cei doi constituia un permanent schimb de material bibliografic cu vdita dorin de a contura coordonatele crono-spaiale ale problemei studiate. Tatl meu trimitea informaii despre Soarele i Luna, din arhiva personal, din cea a Facultii de Teologie din Sibiu i l inea la curent cu noile apariii editoriale din Romnia, domnul profesor avnd atunci domiciliul la Kln2. Ion Talo i cuta materiale n bibliotecile din Germania pentru Pasrea Suflet, ntruct Gh. Pavelescu scria Mi-ar face plcere s am informaii de pe tot mapamondul, mai ales de la ainuii din insula Sahalin sau de la triburile indiene din Canada. Crile i mai ales imaginile pe care le solicita Gh. Pavelescu erau rare, greu de gsit (Georg Weicker Leipzig, 1902, G. Buschan, Illustrierte Vlkerkunde Europas, T. Papahagi, vol. III din Images dethnographie roumaine, 1934. .a.). Ion Talo, cu devotament, consecven i plcere, i procura materialele solicitate, dup numeroase cutri la diferite biblioteci, pe care apoi le xerografia i le trimitea prin pot sau prin fax.3 Vemintele entuziasmului i bucuriei erau vdite, att pentru cel care trimitea
2 Cf. Ion Talo, op. cit., p. 35. 3 Cf. Gh. Pavelescu: Pasrea-suflet. Studiu de antropologie cultural indo-european. Alba Iulia 2009, p. 41, 212.

Gh. Pavelescu i Ion Talo

485

informaia, ct i pentru cel ce-o primea. Schimbul de scrisori referitor la gsirea de material bibliografic era aproape sptmnal ntr-o perioad. Iat ce scria Ion Talo: Mrturisesc c-mi face plcere s caut informaii despre teme folclorice i, cum aici, sistemul de biblioteci e destul de bine pus la punct, aceasta nu reprezint pentru mine un efort. Corespondena celor doi folcloriti, Ion Talo i Gheorghe Pavelescu, nu se limita doar la schimbul de materiale folclorice, prioritare, desigur, pentru activitatea lor n domeniul cunoaterii culturii tradiionale, i nici la schimbul de cri personale. Ea contura puni de legtur cu personaliti i opere relevante pentru folclorul romnesc i devenea militans. Tatl meu ncerca s gseasc soluii pentru republicarea la Universitatea din Sibiu a Antologiei de poezie popular a lui Lucian Blaga, n ediie bilingv, sub ngrijirea lui Ion Talo, care a avut un merit deosebit n realizarea lucrrii princeps4. Tot pe Ion Talo l considera cel mai indicat pentru publicarea unui volum privind corespondena primit de Ion Mulea. Dup schimbul de scrisori referitor la Ion Mulea, Gheorghe Pavelescu folosete expresia dor de Mulea, pe care, desigur, Ion Talo o nelegea i o mprtea. i alte nume de folcloriti intrau n preocuprile celor doi corespondeni. Ion Talo scria: De altfel, pe Ilarion Cociiu l consider un mare nedreptit al cercetrii folclorice romneti i nu neleg pentru ce nu se angajeaz nimeni s fac o ediie critic a textelor culese de el, iar Gheorghe Pavelescu i propunea lui Ion Talo s scrie despre Ioan erb. Prin strduina lui Gheorghe Pavelescu i Ion Talo, dei nici unul nu era profesor la Universitatea Lucian Blaga din Sibiu, dup doi ani de schimburi de scrisori i insistene la oficialitile universitare din localitate, au reuit s le fie ndeplinit dorina ca la Sibiu s se desfoare Simpozionul Confluene culturale romno-germane, plnuit iniial internaional i cu finalitatea unei publicaii consistente ale comunicrilor prezentate. ntr-o scrisoare, Gh. Pavelescu i comunica lui I. Talo: S-a acceptat propunerea Dv., din 21 I 04, de a se organiza la Sibiu, n luna mai 2005, simpozionul cu tema: Confluene culturale romno-germane. Ideea unui simpozion care s reuneasc specialiti n cultura romn i n cultura german a fost considerat fructuoas de ctre Universitate, de vreme ce, n 2007, instituia sibian a fost gazda unei manifestri cu aceeai tem, fr s mai fie necesar intervenia celor doi iniiatori. Considerndu-l pe Ion Talo o personalitate de prim mrime n domeniul culturii tradiionale, care trebuie s fie promovat i mai binecunoscut n Romnia, tatl meu l invit s participe la simpozioane tiinifice i publicaii, cum sunt: Festivalul Lucian Blaga din Sebe, Colocviile de Etnografie i Folclor din Alba Iulia, revista Transilvania din Sibiu i Miastra din Trgu Jiu. Preuirea pentru Ion Talo a fost att de mare, nct Gh. Pavelescu a considerat c Universitatea Lucian Blaga din Sibiu ar fi onorat prin a-i conferi domnului Profesor Ion Talo titlul de doctor honoris causa i a redactat un referat pentru acordarea acestei distincii. Reproducem aici textul propunerii, pstrat n Arhiva Pavelescu i, desigur, n cea a Universitii Lucian Blaga din Sibiu.
4 Ion Talo i-a asociat doi specialiti germani (Artur Greive i Gerda Schler) i a realizat ediia bilingv: Lucian Blaga, Antologie de poezie popular. Volksdichtung. Eine Anthologie. Ediie ngrijit i studiu introductiv de Ion Talo, ilustraii de Mihu Vulcnescu, aprut n Bucureti, 1995, XXII + 308 p.

486

Amalia Pavelescu Ctre Senatul Universitii Lucian Blaga

Obiectiv:Propunere de a se acorda titlul de doctor honoris causa d-lui Ion Talo, prof. de Literaturi populare romanice la Universitatea din Kln. Ion Talo i-a fcut studiile universitare la Cluj (1953-1957) i i-a dat doctoratul n tiine filologice, specialitatea folclor, la Universitatea din Bucureti (1970). Pe baza unei burse, acordat de Fundaia Alexander von Humboldt, a efectuat dou stagii de specializare la Deutsches Volkslied Archiv din Freiburg i. Br. (1967, 1971). n perioada 1968-1985 a condus Sectorul de Etnografie i Folclor din Cluj al Academiei, editnd Anuarul de Folclor, vol. I-IV (1980-1983). Din 1986, pred cursul de literaturi populare romanice la Universitatea din Kln, unde n 1993 a obinut titlul de dr. docent (Privatdozent). Ion Talo i-a nceput activitatea tiinific la Cluj, cu studii de istoria folcloristicii romneti, pentru a se consacra apoi studierii baladelor populare: Mioria i Meterul Manole. A pregtit o tipologie a colindelor, a ghicitorilor i proverbelor romneti. n prezent, lucreaz la o monografie asupra baladei Soarele i Luna, din care posed peste 500 de variante. A elaborat studii cu privire la eposul medieval francez i spaniol. n ceea ce privete folclorul romnesc, Ion Talo a editat i operele unor importani folcloriti din Transilvania, romni i strini, i a colaborat la mai multe publicaii cu caracter internaional: Enzyklopdie des Mrchens, Internationale Volkskundliche Bibliographie (1979-1982), The Enciclopedia of Religion (1987) i Mrchen und Mrchenforschung in Europa (1993). Cunoscnd, de la Ion Mulea, dorina lui Lucian Blaga, ca Antologia de liric popular romneasc (editat n 1966), s fie publicat i ntr-o limb de larg circulaie, Ion Talo i-a asociat doi specialiti germani (Artur Greive i Gerda Schler), realiznd ediia bilingv: Lucian Blaga, Antologie de poezie popular. Volksdichtung. Eine Anthologie. Ediie ngrijit i studiu introductiv de Ion Talo, ilustraii de Mihu Vulcnescu, aprut n Bucureti, 1995, XXII + 308 p. Pentru contribuia sa la studiul folclorului romnesc, i introducerea lui n circuitul universal, pentru prestana tiinific internaional i, nu n ultimul rnd, pentru realizarea dorinei lui Lucian Blaga, credem c d-l Ion Talo merit s i se acorde titlul de doctor honoris causa al Universitii din Sibiu. Anexm, n copii xerox, cteva materiale, pentru justificarea acestui demers. Sibiu, 5 iunie 2003 Prof. univ. dr. Gh. Pavelescu

Propunerea n-a fost ncununat de succes, ntruct n acel an era programat acordarea titlului de doctor honoris causa unui alt mare nvat romn, profesorul Nicolae Balot.

Metafora egiptologic i orizontul ei cultural n Istoria ieroglific de Dimitrie Cantemir

Ovidiu Pecican
Universitatea Babe-Bolyai
n cele ce urmeaz mi propun s desluesc sursele posibile ale metaforei egiptologice prezent n titlul principalei opere literare a lui Dimitrie Cantemir, nregistrnd genealogia occidental a interesului pentru Egipt i scrierea hieroglific, unele sugestii orientale n aceast direcie i contribuiile esoterismului la popularizarea utilizrii glifelor. Este vorba, deci, nu att de o explorare a universului literar cantemirian, ct a unui anumit filon din cunoaterea secolului al XVII-lea i a nceputului de veac al XVIII-lea la intersecia mai multor tradiii i arealuri culturale. Sub raport metodologic, atrag atenia asupra predileciei mele deliberate pentru resursele explorabile via internet, ca efect al dezvoltrii rapide a acestui instrumentar i sofisticat, i la ndemn, dar i ca manifest ndreptat mpotriva nencrederii care domnete n cercurile savante cu privire la cunoaterea mediat electronic. Suntem n miezul unei revoluii a cunoaterii, iar a-i refuza acesteia avantajele numai pentru c exist i utilizri neconforme cu etica cercetrii tiinifice, ar fi excesiv, neinspirat i n contrasens cu direcia de naintare a investigrii de tip tiinific. Istoria ieroglific apare n ochii cititorului specializat sau nu ca un bloc textual enigmatic, codat, nc dintru nceput. Titlul nsui al lucrrii pune problema elementar: de unde i de ce i-a mprumutat Cantemir metafora sub semnul creia i aaz ntregul efort creator de prozator i pamfletar deghizat? n epoca n care scria el, n cultura romn nu este atestat nici cel mai mic interes fa de Egipt, civilizaia lui antic i scrierea misterioas folosit n acele timpuri. Totodat, la nceputul sec. al XVIII-lea romanul a fost alctuit ntre 1703 i 1705, la Istanbul egiptologia era, i n Europa Occidental, departe de interesul tiinific i de cunoaterea de care urma s se bucure peste un secol, graie eforturilor mai multor savani, printre care i Champollion. Cu toate acestea, interesul pentru antichitile egiptene nu era cu totul absent; ba, mai curnd, dimpotriv. Lucrarea Hieroglyphica scris de un anume Horapollo sau Horus Apollo, pseudonim care combina numele divinitii egiptene Horus, cu cel al zeului grec Apollo n cursul sec. al V-lea, a fost influent vreme de secole. Tratatul anonimului considerat mult vreme grec, dar care, n lumina unor cercetri mai recente, pare s fie, totui, opera unui egiptean, este un tratat timpuriu despre hieroglifele egiptene. A fost tradus n greac de un anume Phillipus, alctuitorul lui fiind ulterior menionat n lexiconul Suidas drept unul dintre ultimii mari preoi egipteni care ar fi fcut parte dintr-o coal din Menouthis, lng Alexandria, trind n perioada guvernrii egiptene a lui Zeno (474 - 491). Conform aceleiai surse, acuzat de complot mpotriva cretinismului, Horapollo a trebuit s fug, prsind n grab templul dedicat lui Isis

488

Ovidiu Pecican

i Osiris, unde slujea, loca pgn incendiat imediat dup aceea. Capturat, n cele din urm, sacerdotul a fost convertit sub tortur la cretinism. Dup alii mai ales editorii din sec. al XVI-lea ai Hierogliphyca-ei lucrarea ar fi fost scris de un omonim al primului, identificat de Suidas cu un gramatician din Phanebytis, din timpul lui Theodosius al II-lea (408 - 450). Alctuit din dou pri, Hierogliphyca totaliza 189 de explicaii pentru hieroglifele egiptene. Descoperirea sa n 1422 n insula Andros i transportarea ei la Florena de ctre Cristoforo Buonadelmonti a marcat nceputul unei cariere occidentale prestigioase n secolele urmtoare. Deja la sfritul sec. al XV-lea devenise foarte popular printre umaniti, fiind tiprit ntia oar la Veneia, de Aldo Manuzio, n 1505. Momentul a fost ns doar nceputul unei lungi serii de reeditri i traduceri. Prima parte a crii se bazeaz pe o cunoatere autentic a hieroglifelor, dei aceasta este transmis confuz, mpreun cu elemente de simbolism baroc i speculaie teologic. Astzi se socotete c lucrarea i-ar fi putut, realmente, avea originea n cunoaterea autentic a hieroglifelor de ctre ultimii preoi egipteni din sec. al V-lea. Popular n perioada umanismului, speculaia simbolic din jurul hieroglifelor la origine simple semne silabice a fost popular n perioada elenistic. Aceast abordare referitoare la hieroglife ca la nite semne alctuind o scriere magic, simbolic i ideografic a fost popular ncepnd cu finalul antichitii i pn n vremea lui Athanasius Kirchner. Partea secund a Hieroglyphicei se refer la simbolismul i alegoria animalier, derivnd din Aristotel, Elian, Plinius i Artemidorus, fiind, probabil, adugat de ctre translatorul grec1. Aceasta mai cu seam a putut fi unul dintre izvoarele principale ale inspiraiei lui Dimitrie Cantemir cu privire la utilizarea simbolurilor animaliere ntr-un sens simbolic i alegoric, sugerndu-i recursul la metafora scrierii hieroglifice ca i cod pentru transmiterea unor adevruri despre realitile politice ale vremii. Ce gsea, de fapt, tnrul Cantemir, aflat la Constantinopol, n Hierogliphyca, dincolo de un model literar? Modelul unei iniiative culturale complexe, cu o nfiare literar, dar cu o portan filosofic i esoteric semnificativ, care cultiva interesul pentru antichitile precretine, dar i o aderen la neoplatonism, rafinament cultural i erudiie. Anterior lui Horapollo, cultura egiptean ajunsese n lumea greac prin intermediul lui Manetho(n), Bolus de Mende, Apion i Caeremon. Dei operele acestora s-au pstrat numai fragmentar, se tie astzi c ele au fost scrise n acelai stil ca Hieroglyphica, singurul tratat antic ajuns pn la noi care se ocup de hieroglifele egiptene2. Nu se tie n ce ediie a consultat Dimitrie Cantemir tratatul elenistic care a ajuns un bestseller odat cu umanismul. Exist deja o list a circulaiei occidentale a crii, ncepnd cu 1505, dup cum urmeaz (o prezint n traducere, selectnd doar perioada anterioar elaborrii Istoriei ieroglifice):
1 Am preluat masiv informaia referitoare la Hieroglyphica i autorul su din http://en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Horapollo. Pentru referirea la Horapollo din lexiconul Suidas (sau Sudas) veyi: http://www. stoa.org/sol-bin//search.pl?search_method=QUERY&login=&enlogin=&searchstr=omega,159&fi eld=adlerhw_gr&db=REAL. Textul integral, tradus n englez, al operei se gsete sub titlul The Hieroglyphics of Horapollo Nilous, translated by Alexander Turner Cory [1840], la http://www. sacred-texts.com/egy/hh/index.htm. n versiunea italian a ediiei Horapollo, Delli segni hierogliphici, Venecia 1547 textul se gsete la http://www.studiolum.com/en/horapollo/001.htm 2 http://www.studiolum.com/en/cd08-horapollo.htm

Metafora egiptologic i orizontul ei cultural n Istoria ieroglific

489

Veneia: Aldus Manutius 1505: editio princeps n greac, ntr-un volum care conine i Fabellae de Aesop i alte lucrri minore, bazat pe manuscrisul veneian din sec. al XV-lea Marciano greco 391. Augsburg 1515: prima traducere latin, de Bernardino Trebazio, dedicat lui Konrad Peutinger. Aceast tlmcire este destul de liber dup cum se citete n prefa; ea omite fr explicaii toate pasajele textuale corupte sau pe cele cu nelesuri dubioase. Totui, a fost foarte popular, dup cum o atest numeroasele ei reeditri: Basel 1518, Paris 1530, Basel 1534, Venice 1538, Lyon 1542, Lyon 1626 (as an appendix to Valerianos Hieroglyphica). Bologna: Hieronymus Platonides 1517: a doua traducere latin, de Filippo Fasanini. S-a bazat probabil pe manuscrisul grec mai curnd dect pe ediia lui Aldus; dar aceast lucrare nu s-a bucurat de aceeai popularitate ca i cea a lui Trebazio. Traducere latin nencheiat n manuscris. Vienna, Nationalbibliothek: nceput de Willibald Pirckheimer n 1512 la cererea mpratului Maximilian I. Conine 67 de hieroglife din Partea I, i pe primul din Partea a II-a. A fost publicat de Giehlow n 1915. Paris: Pierre Vidoue 1521: editat de Jean Angeli; cea greac se bazeaz pe Aldus, iar cea latin pe Trebazio. Paris: Jacques Kerver 1543: cea dinti traducere francez, ilustrat cu 197 gravuri general atribuite lui Jean Cousin. Appendix-ul conine zece hieroglife adiionale, incluznd 1.66, 2.1 i 2.5 din ediia lui Aldus, ca i alte cteva preluate iniial din Hypnerotomachia Poliphilii. Veneia: Gabriel Giolito de Ferrari 1547: unica traducere n italian, de Pietro Vasolli da Fivizzano, dedicat lui Giovanni Battista Terzago. Traducerea o urma pe cea latin a lui Trebazio, cu multe omisiuni (din cele 119 capitole din Partea a II-a, include numai 81); n pofida acestui fapt, a fost o ediie foarte popular. Manuscrisul unei traduceri franceze de Michel Nostradamus, alctuit din epigrame scrise ntre 1543 i 1547. Editat de Rollet, 1968. Paris: Jacques Kerver 1548: Grecesc, cu o traducere latin de Jean Mercier. A fost retiprit, versiunea latin fiind revizuit de Mercier, bazat pe un manuscris ncredinat lui de ctre tipograful Guillaume Morel, n 1551. Include gravurile din ediia din 1543. Paris: Jacques Kerver 1553: traducerea latin a lui Mercier din 1548, i o traducere francez, probabil a lui Jean Martin, traductorul francez al Hypnerotomachia-ei (publicat i ea de Kerver, n 1546). Cu gravurile din ediia din 1543, i cu 7 hieroglife adiionale n appendix. Basel: Heinrich Petri 1554: traducerea german a teologului elveian Johann Herold, cu gravuri de o foarte modest calitate. Valencia: Antonio Sanahuja 1556: ediie greac de Juan Lorenzo Palmireno, profesor de retoric i umanioare la Universidad de Valencia. Paris: Galliot du Pr 1574: retiprire a versiunii lui Kerver din 1553 cu gravurile sale, dar mpreun cu varianta latin a lui Trebazio, i cu 11 hieroglife adiionale n appendix. Augsburg 1595: ediie greceasc de David Hoeschel, bazat pe manuscrisul Monacense graec. 419 din Augsburg (doar puin diferit de cel al lui Aldus); cu traducere latin i observaii de Jean Mercier, 1548. Aceast versiune a servit ca baz textului grec al tuturor ediiilor urmtoare. Retiprit n Augsburg 1606, Frankfurt

490

Ovidiu Pecican

1614 (ca un appendix la Hieroglyphica lui Valeriano), Leipzig 1626 (doar cu text latin), Kln 1631, Frankfurt 1678. Roma: Aloisii Zanetti 1597: o versiune greco-latin de Giulio Franceschini expurgat spre a fi utilizat n coli, cu 184 gravuri de calitate inferioar. Retiprit n 1599. Paris 1618: n greac i latin, datorat iezuitului Nicolas Caussin, nsoit de observaiile lui. Volumul conine i alte lucrri referitoare la simbolismul animal. A aprut anterior cu titlul Electorum symbolorum et parabolarum historicarum syntagmata, ulterior purtnd titlul De symbolica Aegyptiorum sapientiae n ediiile din Kln din 1622, 1631, 1654, i din Paris din 1634 i 16473. Este clar c, din capul locului, trebuie scoase din discuie manuscrisele i ediiile rare. Cele mai populare, mereu reluate, au anse mai mari s fi coninut i exemplarul ajuns n mna beizadelei Dumitraco Cantemir, nc de pe cnd era n Moldova, completndu-i educaia, sau n anii petrecui la Constantinopol, dar anterior celui n care i-a inaugurat munca la Istoria ieroglific (1703). Se prea poate ca versiunea de care a dispus la un moment dat Cantemir s fi fost chiar cea a lui Nicolas Caussin4. Trebuie spus ns c n epoc, interesul european pentru hieroglifele egiptene i misterul lor nu s-a transmis doar prin lucrarea lui Horapollo. Athanasius Kircher sau Kirchner (1602 - 1680) publica n 1636 Prodromus Coptus, n 1643 Lingua Aegyptiaca Restituta, continua cu Obeliscus Pamphilicus (1650), Obelisci Aegyptiaci ... interpretatio hieroglyphica (1666), Sphinx Mystagoga (Amsterdam, 1676), Obelisci Aegyptiaci (1676) i Oedipus Aegiptiacus (Amsterdam, 1680), serie de lucrri n care interesul pentru Egiptul antic i scrierea acestuia este persisntent i recurent. El credea c fiecare caracter hieroglific reprezenta o idee5. De-a lungul ntregului secol al XVII-lea a fost privit ca un mare egiptolog, iar Sir J. Marshall a folosit scrierile lui n a sa Canon Chronicus, publicat la Frankfurt n 1696. Pare c scrierile lui Kircher au dat un impuls studiului limbii i antichitilor vechiului Egipt, i n decursul sec. al XVIII-lea au aprut foarte multe cri pe aceste subiecte6. Printre crile de egiptologie publicate n sec. al XVIII-lea sunt puine cele n care autorii lor au dovedit c realmente au ct de ct idee despre natura i caracterul hieroglifelor egiptene7. La vremea cnd Cantemir elabora proiectul Istoriei ieroglifice, scrierea egiptean i pstra, deci, nu numai misterul integral, ci i fascinaia intact asupra lumii europene. Una dintre pistele majore pe care a avansat acest interes, ctignd atenia publicului, a fost cea a simbolismului esoteric. Hieroglyphica a influenat covritor simbolismul renascentist, n special cartea de embleme a lui Andrea Alciato, dar i Hypnerotomachia Poliphili a lui Francesco Colonna. Dar tnrul prin moldovean nu aparinea n primul rnd acestui circuit cultural. El provenea dintr-o provincie a Imperiului Otoman, una cretin-rsritean, ns in3 Editorial history of the Hieroglyphica, ibidem. Traducerea citatului mi aparine. 4 Textul latin i grecesc integral al crii lui Nicolas Caussin n ediia din 1634 se gsete la http:// books.google.ro/books?id=1clamkg3UGoC&dq=De+symbolica+Aegyptiorum+sapientiae&prints ec=frontcover&source=bl&ots=olO8bZ_qjH&sig=i3MRVwOsvKI0Z1Dhb3n2p7tnViA&hl=ro&e i=gvQSS4flItOE_Aakr-muBQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=3&ved=0CAwQ6AEw Ag#v=onepage&q=&f=false 5 E. A. Wallis Budge, The Rosetta Stone, 1989, p. 188. 6 Ibidem, p. 189. 7 Ibidem, p. 190.

Metafora egiptologic i orizontul ei cultural n Istoria ieroglific

491

tegrat progresiv, n ultimul secol i jumtate, n circuitul economic, administrativ i militar al dominaiei turceti. Ca atare, nu doar c tnrul autor fusese trimis la Poart s garanteze fidelitatea dinastiei cantemireti fa de sultan, ospitalitatea de care se bucura el acolo avnd i o component silnic, impus, ci i pentru a-i completa educaia n consens cu lumea n care ara sa era deja integrat, familiarizndu-se ct mai ndeaproape cu valorile culturii otomane, islamice. Nu degeaba atrage atenia Adriana Babei asupra celor ... trei tipuri distincte de dialog intertextual al Divanului, Imaginii... i Istoriei ieroglifice cu spaiul islamic: n limba arab, persan i turc. Argumentul contactului direct al beizadelei cu cele trei mari arii lingvistice, culturale i literare, toate reunite sub semnul spiritual al Islamului, au fora evidenei. Cantemir cunotea la perfecie toate cele trei limbi, avnd un acces liber, decrispat, la fabulosul fond de carte din Constantinopolul sfritului de veac [al] XVII[-lea]8. Judicioas este i atenionarea aceleiai autoare c Repercusiunile n planul actualizrii mesajului din Istoria ieroglific i Divan, de pild, sunt, din aceast perspectiv, a apartenenei la un model topologic, la o arie spiritual-cultural, dintre cele mai semnificative. Ele vor deveni operative mai ales atunci cnd va fi analizat intertextualitatea respectivelor texte, deci modul concret n care acestea citesc, la rndul lor, literatura. Ce elemente specifice, de exemplu, mentalitii orientale, modelului oriental, se repercuteaz n formele concrete de manifestare literar n cazul lui Cantemir. Iat doar o posibil ntrebare ce i ateapt rspunsul9. ncercnd un rspuns posibil, mcar n direcia elucidrilor interesului pentru scrierea hieroglific a vechilor egipteni pe care o mrturisete titlul i metafora naratologic principal ale Istoriei ieroglifice, el se cuvine cutat i n interiorul orientalisticii rsritene. Cele dinti tentative de descifrare a hieroglifelor egiptene dateaz din secolele al IX-lea i al X-lea i aparin unor istorici arabi din Egiptul medieval. nlocuit de alfabetele copt i arab, vechea scriere din Egiptul faraonilor era de-acum uitat n anii 800 - 900. Dhul-Nun al-Misri i Ibn Wahshiyya au fost doi istorici care au descifrat, mcar parial, unele inscripii egiptene din antichitate, punndu-le n raporturi cu scrierea copt contemporan, utilizat de preoii copi ai timpului lor. n ce l privete pe Ibn Wahshiyya, un manuscris al crii sale Kitab Shawq al-Mustaham, unde discuta un numr de vechi alfabete, i n care descifra mai multe hieroglife, a fost citit n sec. al XVII-lea de Athanasius Kircher, fiind ulterior tradus i publicat n englez. Faptul c respectivul manuscris a ajuns n veacul al XVII-lea n mediile crturreti germane i nc la un monah erudit precum Kircher -, arat c circuitul erudit oriental nu era deloc izolat etan de cel occidental. n circulaia crilor, temelor i ideilor una dintre plcile turnante ale momentului a fost, fr ndoial, Istanbulul, capitala sultanilor, chiar dac, aa cum tim din aventura lui Cervantes de dup Lepanto, Maghrebul era, i el, frecventat de cretini; att de prizonierii de rzboi, ct i de negustorii i monahii cretini care tranzacionau eliberarea lor contra unor rscumprri adeseori substaniale. Istoria stpnirii otomane asupra Egiptului include episoade de confruntare aprig pentru dispunerea de resursele rii din valea Nilului. Triburile turcice au traversat frontiera teritoriilor arabe nc din sec. al X-lea, stabilindu-se n Bagdad i
8 Adriana Babei, Btliile pierdute. Dimitrie Cantemir. Strategii de lectur, Timioara, Ed. Amarcord, 1998, p. 61. 9 Ibidem, p. 44.

492

Ovidiu Pecican

Anatolia. Odat cu invaziile mongole din sec. al XIII-lea, emiratele conduse de dinati turci au fost ns spulberate. Unul dintre conductorii de emirate din zon a fost Osman (1280 - 1324), ntemeietorul Imperiului Otoman. Urmaii lui ajunseser ns, n sec. al XVI-lea, s conduc deja unul dintre cele mai puternice imperii ale vremii. Dup ce, n 1453, turcii cuceriser Constantinopolul, transformndu-l n capital proprie, ntre 1512 i 1520 au anexat imperiului lor i provinciile arabe, printre care i Egiptul. Trecerea motenirii faraonilor n minile sultanului Selim I a avut loc n 1517, forele mameluce fiind nfrnte la Ar Raydaniyah, n preajma Cairo-ului. Selim l-a lsat s conduc Egiptul pe Khair Bey, dar nici el, nici urmaii lui nu au putut nlocui puterea mamelucilor n aceast ar. Interferenele mamelucilor n Egipt s-au fcut simite tot mai mult n ultimele decenii din sec. al XVI-lea i n anii timpurii ai sec. al XVII-lea, cnd au izbucnit o serie de rzmerie n rndul garnizoanelor de aici. Ele au coincis cu o renviere a structurii militare mameluce. Elita mameluc nu a deinut funcii precise n aparat, dar s-a perpetuat, ocupndu-se pe mai departe de instruirea militar a sclavilor, eliberndu-i pe acetia ulterior i atribuindu-i uneia dintre familiile mameluce notabile din Egipt. Deja pe la mijlocul sec. al XVII-lea, supremaia politic trecuse pe seama beilor. De aici nainte, istoria Egiptului otoman apare ca o confruntare ntre turci i mameluci pentru controlul administraiei i, implicit, a resurselor egiptene. Ea a coincis ns i cu o competiie ntre familiile mameluce pentru controlul funciei de bey. De-a lungul secolelor al XVII-lea i al XVIII-lea, mamelucii au fost divizai n dou mari familii rivale: Faqriyyah i Qsimiyyah. Confruntrile i ostilitatea lor au slbit fora mamelucilor ca ansamblu, subminndu-i n raport cu turcii10. n vremea lui Cantemir, aceste tensiuni i frmntri erau nc nesoluionate, abia n ultima parte a sec. al XVIII-lea ajungndu-se la situaia n care un bey mameluc s ctige o putere fr precedent asupra structurilor militare i politice din regiune i putndu-se substitui guvernatorului otoman. Deocamdat ns, disputele ntre familiile Faqriyyah i Qsimiyyah, cunoscute unui supus cretin al imperiului, ajuns, n calitate de zlog princiar i de capuchehaie, n capitala Imperiului Otoman pentru mai muli ani de zile, participant la viaa politic i cunosctor al turcei i arabei, ca i al persanei i al altor limbi orientale, puteau fi socotite inspiratoare pentru opera romanesc totodat i satir politic pe cale de a se nate. Confruntarea dintre Brncoveni i Cantemiri, elul declarat dei formal deghizat al lucrrii sale poate fi interpretat doar ca pretext. n fapt, ca i n cazul acestora, i competiia pentru putere i prestigiu dintre cele dou dinastii mameluce, Faqriyyah i Qsimiyyah, mcinnd puterea otoman n Egipt, dar i ruinnd nsi puterea mameluc, l putea inspira pe prinul moldovean. C privirea autorului acestui prim roman romnesc era orientat ctre rsrit se vdete nc din primele rnduri ale fabulei cantemiriene, unde trimiterea se face nspre un Orient mitic, marcat de viziunea dinainte de zidirea Babilonului, de apariia grdinilor suspendate ale Semiramidei i chiar nainte ca Eufratul s-i fi croit cale n viitoarea-i albie11. Firete, asemenea trimiteri in i de un illo tempore care nu nseamn altceva dect vremurile fabuloase, cnd pn i
10 Despre raporturile dintre Imperiul Otoman i Egipt vezi: http://www.egypttourinfo.com/medievalegypt-ottoman-empire.html i Enciclopaedia Britannica. 11 Dimitrie Cantemir, Istoria ieroglific, Mai dinainte dect temeliile Vavilonului a s zidi i Semiramis ntr-nsul raiul spndzurat (cel ce din epte ale lumii minuni unul ieste) a sdi i Evfrathul ntre ale Asiii ape vestitul prin ulee-i a-i porni

Metafora egiptologic i orizontul ei cultural n Istoria ieroglific

493

asemenea prestigioase referiri culturale-geografice lipseau din teritoriul ntins ntre cele dou ruri, Tigrul i Eufratul, din Mesopotamia unde tradiia veterotestamentar situeaz Grdina Raiului. Istoric vorbind ns, Mesopotamia inea, n vremurile acelea, tot de Imperiul Otoman, ca i Egiptul, iar dac acesta din urm este evocat doar aluziv, i numai n titlu, lucrul se poate datora tocmai dorinei de a nu trimite ntr-un mod prea transparent la peripeiile puterii sultanului n acest teritoriu disputat de cele dou familii rivale mameluce. n fond, faptele petrecute cu voievozii - cretini ai celor dou ri romne artau, n viziunea cantemirian conform aceleiai scheme a disputei politice ntre puternicii dintr-un anumit teritoriu. Schema nu era, de altfel, deloc inovativ. n Shakespeare, disputele dintre frai, vecini sau concitadini (din rndul ultimilor fiind memorabili florentinii clanurilor Montague i Capulet) sunt un tipar prezent n majoritatea pieselor, constituind, practic, un adevrat motor al evenimentelor dramatice. Ceea ce vreau s spun ns n acest context este c, preocupat de evenimentele politice n miezul crora era antrenat familia proprie, Dimitrie Cantemir putea gsi n evenimentele din Egiptul contemporan confirmarea c nu este vorba n niciun caz numai despre o situaie atipic, de o chestiune marginal, de o abatere de la tribulaiile politicului universal. innd seama de toate cele de mai sus, nu trebuie uitat o alt pist menit s faciliteze nelegerea mai adecvat pentru c mai complex, pluriperspectivic a titlului romanului Istoria ieroglific. Este vorba despre faptul c n modernitatea timpurie european esoterismul producea i folosea el nsui glife, nsemne grafice simbolice. Un caz cunoscut este cel al englezului John Dee, magul i astrologul elizabetan. Acestuia i se datoreaz att simbolul esoteric pe care l-a inventat i desenat, ct i explicaia redat de autor n textul intitulat Monada hieroglific (Mona Hieroglyphica), datnd din 156412. Glifa respectiv reprezint luna, soarele, elementele i focul, ntr-o viziune unitar asupra cosmosului. Comentariul explicativ a fost utilizat n iniierea neofiilor n mistere. Semnul lui Dee nu a rmas n depozitele nefrecventate ale culturii. El se regsete pe pagina de titlu a crii-manifest a rozincrucienilor, Nunta chimic a lui Christian Rosenkreutz, ndat dup invitaia la nunta regal dat lui Rosenkreutz. Se presupune c Dee ar fi artat semnul lui Johannes Valentinus Andreae sau vreunui asociat al acestuia n timpul vizitei lui n Europa Central. Din pcate, nu se tie nc nici astzi dac pretenia lui Johannes Valentinus Andreae c el ar fi autorul tratatului are vreun temei, aa nct lucrurile rmn nesigure. Tot ce tim cu precizie este c glifa esoteric a lui John Dee se regsete pe pagina de titlu a Nunii alchimice, dovad c n anumite medii occidental-central europene ea a circulat n secolele al XVI-lea al XVII-lea. Glifa lui John Dee i Nunta chimic a lui Rosenkreutz readuc discuia n preajma vechii cri a lui Horapollo, Hieroglyphica, i a contribuiilor lui Athanasius Kircher, atrgnd atenia c i n ipoteza c tnrul Dimitrie Cantemir ar fi rmas nafara oricrei iniieri de tip esoteric, occidental sau oriental, subiecte, viziuni i proceduri ale esoterismului, ca i atracia general pentru elucidarea misterelor mai vechi i mai noi ale omenirii, l nvecineaz, prin Istoria ieroglific, marilor curente esoteriste din epoc i l fac sensibil la cercetarea lumii printr-un ansamblu de proceduri care nu s-au redus la simpla interogaie i dezbatere teologic i filosofic, aa
12 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monas_Hieroglyphica

494

Ovidiu Pecican

cum le-au consacrat pe acestea tradiia raionalist a Europei. Deocamdat, dei nu se pot preciza izvoarele interesului cantemirian pentru scrierea hieroglific, trebuie subliniat c atenia principelui moldovean pare focalizat mai ales asupra caracterului sacru al acestei scrieri i al rolului ei de a disimula exprimnd ntr-o form misterioas adevruri care, innd de divin, nu puteau fi dect revelate. Conform definiiei curente, O hieroglif este un caracter al sistemului de scriere al Egiptului antic ce coninea o combinaie de elemente logografice, alfabetice i ideografice. [...] Cuvntul hieroglif este de origine greac (). Champollion avea ca definiie a sistemului hieroglific, un sistem complex, o scriere figurativ, simbolic i fonetic, n acelasi timp, ntr-un acelai text, aceeai fraz, uneori acelai cuvnt. n funie de context, un acelai caracter poate avea un sens: figurativ (ideografic), caracterul exprim ceea ce reprezint el; simbolic, caracterul exprim o idee diferit de ceea ce reprezint el; fonetic, caracterul este utilizat ca i liter ntr-un cuvnt, fr alt valoare n afara sunetului care i corespunde n ansamblul de sunete al cuvntului. Sensul de citire a propoziiilor se face de la stnga nspre dreapta. Acest lucru se poate aplica i cuvintelor separate, dar nu este o regul definit deoarece sunt cazuri n care citirea se face i de la dreapa nspre stnga, la fel ca n majoritatea limbilor. De obicei sensul de citire al cuvintelor se determin in funcie de orientarea reprezentrilor care alctuiesc cuvntul, astfel: dac animalele, oamenii sau plantele sunt orientate cu faa nspre stnga, citirea se va face de la stnga, iar dac sunt orientate nspre dreapta, citirea se va face de la dreapta. Dispunerea cuvintelor se poate ntlni i pe coloane, citirea fcndu-se de sus n jos sau invers n funcie de coninut13. n conformitate cu explicitrile de mai sus, recursul la o istorie ieroglific trebuie interpretat nu doar ca deghizare a istoriei i politicii n fabul animalier, nici doar ca mitizare a realului i chiar a cotidianului, ori a istoriei recente, ci i ca transfigurare simbolic cu o portan sacr, poate chiar ca transmitere a unei nvturi superioare ctre potenialii iniiai ntr-o alt nelegere a lumii; ca o aventur spiritual. De mai bine de trei secole14, Dimitrie Cantemir transmite ctre cititorii si o nvtur pe care o contemplm pe mai departe de la o anumit distan, cu un aer deconcertat i puin buimac, nedndu-i nc de capt. Lsat de autor n stadiul de manuscris, acesta avnd s fie socotit mult vreme chiar pierdut, cartea vede lumina tiparului destul de trziu, n 1883, cnd Gr. Toci13 Wikipedia. Conform lui Champollion, Gramatica egiptean sau principiile generale ale scrisului sacru egiptean aplicat reprezentrilor limbii vorbite, p. 1-2 (vezi http://www1.lib.uchicago.edu/cgi-bin/eos/eos_page.pl?DPI=100&callnum=PJ1135.C45& ident=1) Cap. I. Nume, forme i dispuneri ale caracterelor sacre 1. Formele caracterelor 1. Caracterele care, nc de la origine, au compus sistemul ntreg al scriiturii sacre, au fost imitaii mai mult sau mai puin exacte ale obiectelor existente n natur. 2. Aceste caractere, constnd n imagini ale lucrurilor reale, reproduse n ansamblul lor sau n unele pri ale lor, au primit de la vechii autori greci numele de gramata hiera, caractere sacre, i mai ales cel de gramata hieroglifica, caractere sacre sculptate. [...] 3. Numele de hieroglife nu trebuie, la rigoare, s fie aplicat numai caracterelor sacre; sculptate sau pictate, reprezentnd obiecte naturale desenate sau sculptate cu o anumit grij, aa cum o cerea buna decorare a monumentelor publice sau private crora ele le-au fost special aplicate. 14 M.[arin] B.[lan], Istoria ieroglific, n Ion Ianoi (coord.), Dicionarul operelor filozofice romneti, Bucureti, Ed. Humanitas, 1997, p. 101.

Metafora egiptologic i orizontul ei cultural n Istoria ieroglific

495

lescu (cel care a recuperat manuscrisul) o introduce n volumul al VI-lea din Operele Principelui Demetriu Cantemiru (Societatea Academiei Romne, 1872 - 1901). [] Prima ediie critic, nsoit de glosar, a aprut n 1965 sub ngrijirea lui P.P. Panaitescu i I. Verde15 Cele trei secole avute aici n vedere se dovedesc astfel, mult reduse, de la prima ediie trecnt abia puin peste un secol, iar de la cea dinti ediie critic abia circa jumtate de veac. Cum ns nu este deloc clar de ce anume, avnd romanul finalizat, Cantemir l-a pstrat n manuscris, neintroducndu-l n circuitul de lectur moldovenesc al vremii sau introducndu-l n copii discrete, direct ndreptate ctre iniiai -, cele trei secole menionate aici rmn un fapt contabil de necontestat. Avnd n vedere caracterul enigmistic deliberat al scrierii, ca i nivelul de interpretare esoteric pe care l conine, nu se poate afirma cu deplin certitudine nici mcar c textul a cunoscut doar o carier postum. Cine ne poate asigura c el ar fi rmas necunoscut altora pe durata vieii autorului?

15 Ibidem.

Las alabanzas al vino en los versos de la lrica popular

Antonio Jos Prez
Fundacin Machado - Sevilla
En estas pginas de merecido homenaje al profesor Ion Talo queremos aproximarnos a la presencia del vino en los textos que los estudiosos de la literatura espaola incluyen bajo el epgrafe de antigua lrica hispnica y que han sido magistralmente editados recientemente por la profesora Margit Frenk en el Nuevo corpus de la antigua lrica hispnica1. Hablamos de la poesa que el pueblo entonaba en medio de sus quehaceres diarios y en sus regocijos y festejos, patrimonio tradicional, ese que pasa de padres a hijos a travs de una transmisin preferentemente oral pero tambin escrita, recordemos los pliegos de cordel, las hojas sueltas, los cancioneros; popular, pero que en ningn perodo vivi separada de los crculos cultos. Los poetas y humanistas renacentistas en un intento de acercarse al pueblo y a sus tradiciones y de encontrar nuevas voces poticas se preocuparon hasta bien entrado el siglo XVII de anotar por escrito muchos de aquellos cantares que si no llega a ser por sus eruditos esfuerzos se hubieran perdido irremediablemente. Estos cantarcillos se refugiaron en los cancioneros poticos y musicales, en los pliegos sueltos, obras de teatro, colecciones de refranes. El consumo del vino suele venir acompaado por la euforia y la desinhibicin, es por ello que esta imagen del vino aparece repetidas veces en los textos que el pueblo cantaba en la Edad Media y en los Siglos de Oro. El vino es considerado como instancia liberadora de las tensiones y como inductor de vivencias placenteras. Esta felicidad que nos otorga el vino le hace ser valorado desde antiguo como invitado inexcusable de la comida, como fuente de salud, como smbolo de la existencia placentera frente a las fatigas del trabajo o como claro vencedor en sus simblicas batallas contra el agua y la leche. Valls en su Libro de refranes2 publicado en Zaragoza en 1549:
En Cantalapiedra y en Cantaelpino canta la moa con el buen vino. NC 1592

1 M. Frenk, Nuevo corpus de la antigua lrica hispnica. Siglos XV a XVII, Mxico, Facultad de Filosofa y Letras, UNAM, El Colegio de Mxico, Fondo de Cultura Econmica, 2 vols, 2003. 2 Libro de refranes. Copilado por el orde del A.B.C. En el qual se contienen Quatro mil y trezientos refranes. El mas copioso que hasta oy ha salido Impresso, Zaragoza, -1549. eds. Jess Cantera y Julia Sevilla, Madrid, Guillermo Blzquez, 2003.

498

Antonio Jos Prez

Otras coplas conmemoran al bblico inventor del vino, y en este clima eufrico, celebran la alegra que nos otorga el vino, aliviando la sed, levantando el nimo:

Bendito sea No, ke las vias plant, para kitar la sed i alegrar el korazn. NC, 1600

que recoge Correas en su Vocabulario,3 Esta alabanza del patriarca bblico -que tiene como fuente directa el pasaje del Gnesis- ha gozado de fortuna, y a travs de los siglos, llegando hasta el folclore actual con ligeras variantes. Lo recoge - con forma muy similar a la del perodo ureo - Lafuente y Alcntara en su Cancionero popular. Coleccin escogida de coplas y seguidillas4, publicado en 1865:

Bendito sea No, el que las vias plant, que si no fuese por l, ya me haba muerto yo.

Francisco Rodrguez Marn en sus Cantos populares espaoles lo public con ligeras variantes: Bendito sea No,
el que las vias plant, porque de un triste sarmiento sale tan dulce licor5.

La historia tuvo amplia difusin en la literatura medieval. De los numerosos ejemplos que podramos citar, vamos a recordar este fragmento tomado del Rimado de Palacio del canciller Lpez de Ayala:
Lemos que No despus que fue labrar la via e el vino quiso donde gustar beviendo ende mucho, ovo se a desnudar, mostrando sus vergenzas non poda acordar6.

En el Petit dictionanaire de mythologie populaire roumaine de Ion Talo se dice acerca del descubrimiento del vino por los hombres:
3 Gonzalo Correas, Vocabulario de refranes y frases proverbiales, ed. L. Combet, Madrid, Castalia, 2000. 4 Emilio, Lafuente y Alcntara, Cancionero popular. Coleccin escogida de coplas y seguidillas, 2 vols., Madrid, Baillo-Baillire, 1865. 5 F. Rodrguez Marn, Cantos populares espaoles, Madrid, Atlas, 1981, n 7669. 6 Pero Lpez de Ayala, Libro Rimado de Palacio, ed. Kenneth Adams, Madrid, Ctedra, 1993, pp. 154-155.

Las alabanzas al vino en los versos de la lrica popular

Alors que No construisait lArche le diable lui offrit une vigne couverte de raissins. No en aporta Dieu, il les apprcia et demanda qui avait invent cette plante: La main de l`hommme, rpondit No qui croyait que le diable en tait un. Enmne la dans lArche, declara Dieu, et cest ainsi que le diable fut pargn ar le dluge. Aprs le dluge, le dmon apprit No faire du vin et de lalcool et realisa son voeu: semer la discorde et la meurtre parmi les hommes. 7

499

Los textos de la antigua lrica nos hablan de las ancestrales virtudes del vino entre las que se destaca la de servir como acompaamiento imprescindible a la comida. Unas veces, para complementarla, otras, para compensar la mala calidad o la escasez de alimentos8. As este cantar que anotamos a continuacin recopilado por Hernn Nez9 en el siglo XVI:
A buen comer o mal comer, tres vezes bever. NC 1569 A

O este otro que encontramos de nuevo en el Vocabulario del maestro Correas: No me siento io a la mesa
sino siempre el xarro lleno; bevo poko i kirolo bueno. NC 1571 bis A

De forma semejante es abordado por los cantos de boda de la lrica sefard, donde, entre las obligaciones de la recin casada, se hace hincapi en la de proveer la mesa familiar de pan y vino:
Desde hoy, la mi madre, la del cuerpo lusido tomers vos las yaras las del pan y del vino, que yo irme que ra a servir buen marido, a ponelle la mesa, la del pan y del vino, para hacelle la cama y para echa lle conmigo...10

7 Ion Talo, Petit dictionnaire de mythologie populaire roumaine, trad. Anneliese et Claude Lecoutuex, Grenoble, Ellug, 2002, p. 203. 8 Ni quiero tres, ni quiero trezes,/ Que un tordo beve cien vezes. NC 1570. Cantarcillo al que, sin duda, se refiere este dilogo de La Celestina: - Madre, pues tre vezes [beber] dicen que es bueno y honesto... - Hijo, estar corrupta la letra: pues trece, tres . 9 Nez, Hernn, Refranes, o proverbios en romance (1555), eds. Louis Combet y otros, 2 vols, Madrid, Guillermo Blzquez Editores, 2001. 10 Manuel Alvar, ed. Cantos de bodas judeo-espaoles, Madrid, CSIC, 1971, p. 222.

500

Antonio Jos Prez

O esta otra que se incluye a comienzo de la mojiganga Para todo de Alonso de Ayala, para la zarzuela de Antonio de Zamora Amor es quinto elemento (BNM, ms. 15587, f)11, fechada en el siglo XVII:
A las doce va por vino la angarilleja, para su marido cenar, arandilla andar... NC 1593

La participacin del vino en la mesa se muestra como imprescindible. No se concibe ninguna comida sin el concurso del vino; en esta nueva copla que ahora traemos a colacin se insiste una y otra vez en su importancia para los comensales, ya sea en el futuro, en el presente o en el pasado kiero komer, komo komido:
Mozo, dame de bever, ke un guevo kiero comer; dame vino, mozo, ke un guevo komo; mozo, dame vino, ke un guevo komido. NC 1568 bis A

Otra perspectiva nos surge en la lectura de estos poemas: el binomio vinotrabajo. El disfrute del vino se enfrenta en estos versos al trabajo; placer frente a obligacin. La voz potica reclama el vino mientras rechaza los esfuerzos, representados por las alusiones a los trminos relacionados desde el punto de vista semntico con el mbito laboral: lino, rueca, tortero, huso, etc.
Echmelo todo en vino, marido mo, ke no en lino. NC 1583 Esta rroka me ten morta, este vio me konforta. NC 1584

En Horozco, Recopilacin (ff. 231 v) leemos: Vino, marido, que no molino (lino)12. Cuando veo la rrueca,
de mo me kaio muerta; kuando veo el lino,

11 Apud ngel Gonzlez Palencia, La zangarilleja /Tonadilla y jcara del siglo XVII). Tirada aparte de la Revista de la Biblioteca Archivo y Museo del Ayuntamiento de Madrid, Madrid, Imprenta municipal, 1925, p. 203. 12 Sebastin de Horozco, Teatro universal de proverbios, ed. Jos Luis Alonso Hernndez, Salamanca, Universidad de Groningen-Universidad de Salamanca, 1986.

Las alabanzas al vino en los versos de la lrica popular

me fino. NC 1584 bis

501

En una ensalada Querer viejo yo que figura en el Cancionero musical de la Colombina (ff. 100v-101 -n 86-):

... Perd la mi rrueca llena de lino, hallme una bota llena de vyno. Si vistes all [e]l tortero andar. NC 1585 C

En la cultura occidental el vino ha ocupado un lugar preeminente frente a otras bebidas mucho menos deseadas: el agua, la leche. No es de extraar, por tanto, que la antigua lrica popular enaltezca al dulce vino frente a las otras bebidas a las que menosprecia una y otra vez:
Por leche vena, i vino trais: echme un azunbre, ver k tal es13. NC, 1589 Fro haze; no me plaze, pan kaliente: bien me kepe; agua fra no kerra; vino blanko: kada da! NC 1581 bis A

O este dilogo a tres bandas entre el agua, la leche y el vino:

Dixo la leche al vino: - Bien seys venido, amigo. Y bolvise hacia el agua y dixo: - Estys en enhoramala. NC 1602 A

Enfrentamientos entre el agua y el vino que tambin tenan su lugar en la literatura escrita, en obras como los Denuestos del agua y del vino que en el siglo XIII castellano se editaba junto a la Razn de amor. O en novelas de pcaros como la Segunda Parte del Lazarillo en la que el protagonista se vanagloria de que ha sobrevivido a un naufragio en el que ha estado a
13 G. Correas, Vocabulario de refranes y frases proverbiales, ed. L. Combet, Madrid, Castalia, 2000.

502

Antonio Jos Prez

punto de perecer como sus camaradas, gracias a que el agua del mar no pudo entrar en su cuerpo porque ste ya estaba lleno de vino: Entonces conoc cmo el vino me haba conservado la vida, pues por estar lleno dl hasta la boca no tuvo tiempo el agua de me ofender; entonces vi verdaderamente la filosofa que cerca desto haba profetizado mi ciego, cuando en Escalona me dixo que si a hombre el vino haba de dar vida haba de ser a m14. En la Loa para empezar en Valladolid la compaa de Ros se introduce como refrn. Djole la leche al vino:/ bien venido seas, amigo. Y bien nos cuidamos de aguar al vino (Algo tendr el vino cuando lo bendicen)
No me echys agua en el vino, que andan gusarapas por el ro. NC 1580 bis

Desde muy antiguo, el hombre ha buscado en el vino sus cualidades teraputicas, sus ventajas medicinales; existe toda una literatura cientfica consagrada al estudio del vino como fuente de salud, cuyos orgenes podemos datar en las culturas ms antiguas del Medio Oriente. No es de extraar por ello que otro de los mritos que se encarece del vino en los cantares populares sea su poder curativo, como manifiesta esta copla:
Con el vino sano io, marido, con el agua pngome mala. NC 1583 bis

O esta otra que dej escrita Pedro de Orellana en sus Endechas alrededor de 1550:(Me susepit la tu diestra) :15
Sopa en vino16, marido!, que me fino! NC 1582 bis

El vino es exaltado, como vemos, una y otra vez por sus propiedades curativas, por su poder teraputico, que incluso nos salva de la inminencia de la muerte: Caldo de huvas, marido!
ay, que me fino! NC 1582

Sin embargo, el descontrol en el comportamiento y el efecto estupefaciente del vino son dos factores histricamente problemticos, que han sido recurrentemente
14 Segunda Parte del Lazarillo, ed. Pedro M. Piero, Madrid, Ctedra, 1988. p. 138. 15 Pedro de Orellana, Endechas para mi seora Anna Yaez [ca 1550]. 16 En el refranero: Sopa en vino no emborracha, pero agacha. Sopa en vino no emborracha, pero arrima a las paredes.

Las alabanzas al vino en los versos de la lrica popular

503

esgrimidos como argumento para los intentos de control social y hasta de represin poltica o religiosa. Por ello, otro de los apartados que podemos considerar en estos cantares bquicos es aquel en que se incluyen las coplas que se extienden sobre los desastres fsicos del excesivo consumo de alcohol: El vrtigo, la inestabilidad, los problemas con la visin. Espigando entre estos poemas tradicionales que estamos comentando hallamos expresiones como: relampaguame el ojo, todo me kaio, todo me derruba, el vino derrama a nos, referidas a las consecuencias de la borrachera..
Sopa en vino no enborracha, aire no haze, pues quin me menea?17 NC 1582 ter

Nos dice el maestro Correas en su Vocabulario ya citado anteriormente:

Tanto me kier o fillo do branko, tanto me quier ke todo me kaio. NC 1573 B Tanto me kier o fillo da uva, tanto me kier, ke todo me derruba. NC 1573 A Ai de m, mas ai de vos!, ke nazimos en un sino, ke la agua derrama al vino, i el vino derrama a nos. NC 1601

En el Cancionero musical de Segovia18 (f. 214v), la voz popular se regocija en estas evidentes repercusiones que los excesos vincolas tienen sobre la percepcin visual, pintndonos el ambiente de claroscuro, bajo una s velas, en medio de la noche, propio de las tabernas coetneas:
... La candela os pareca que diez pabilos tena, y era mona quos morda so el cocote. Qul estvades anoche! NC 1588c

17 Vento non faze,/ xente non pareze,/ quin te rrenpuxa? (NC 1582 quattuor) 18 Catedral de Segovia. Archivo Musical, ms [fines siglo XV y comienzos siglo XVI]; ed. J. Gonzlez Cuenca, Cancionero de la Catedral de Segovia. Textos poticos castellanos, Ciudad Real, 1980.

504

Antonio Jos Prez

Cantar que tambin se encuentra en el Cancionero musical de Palacio19 [folio perdido, n 517]:
... Que all me tenas mi saya y mantillo; relampaguame el ojo, lteme l colodrillo. Por bever. NC 1586

Ms all de los cambios fsicos, en una escala de menor a mayor gravedad, acuden los desequilibrios psquicos, en medio de la curda: Desde la alucinacin:
Dezades al cangiln: Oh, qu casa de oracin! Donde os veo con deboin voyme al trote. Qul estvades anoche! NC 1588c T eres vino y yo, Martino; t me hars loco, ms yo te har poco. NC 1567 bis

Hasta la locura:

Ideas que como era de esperar se muestran paralelas a otros ejemplos que encontramos en la literatura escrita: As en los Milagros de Nuestra Seora de Gonzalo de Berceo:
Entr enna bodega un da por ventura, bebi mucho del bino, esto fo sin mesura, embeodse el locco, issi de su cordura, yogo hasta las visperas sobre la tierra dura20.

Y en el Libro de Buen Amor:

Bevi el hermitao mucho vino sin tiento: como era fuerte, puro, sacl de entendimiento21.

Un lugar especial dentro de esta poesa popular que estamos analizando ocupa el recurso al tpico de la mujer borracha22. La misoginia propia de la literatura me19 J. Romeu Figueras, La msica en la Corte de los Reyes Catlicos. Cancionero musical de Palacio (siglos XV-XVI), Barcelona, 1965. 20 Gonzalo de Berceo, Milagros de Nuestra Seora, ed. V. Beltrn, Barcelona, Planeta, 1983, pp. 8889. 21 Libro de Buen Amor, ed. J. Joset, Madrid, Taurus, 1990, estr. 537. 22 Cfr.: Asmate a la ventana,/ cara de pastel podrido,/ que despus de estar borracha/ dices. Qu

Las alabanzas al vino en los versos de la lrica popular

505

ke me de akostar borracha, daka el xarro, muchacha24. NC 1572 ... Perd la mi rrueca llena de lino, fallava una bota llena de vino25. NC 1585 D

dieval23 que se prolonga hasta las obras literarias de los Siglos de Oro encontr en la burla a la mujer aficionada al vino un amplio campo para hilvanar un nuevo ataque contra el gnero femenino, poniendo bajo la voz de la mujer beoda un tanto por ciento muy alto de los cantos que conocemos: Si de Dios est ordenado

Dice este otro canto que podemos leer en los Cancionerillos de Munich.

Y como ya hemos sealado antes anteponen el vino al trabajo propio de las mujeres: hilar, bordar, guisar. La mujer beoda tiene al vino como el mejor amigo, como la mejor defensa ante la enfermedad, ante la muerte, y as lo dice a su marido:
Azeite de zepas, marido! que me fino! NC 1582 bis. Variantes

Y anda siempre preocupada porque no tiene dinero para comprarlo:

Pecadora de Sancha: querra beber y no tiene blanca!26 NC 1596 bis

El vino y la libertad de la mujer se hacen compaeros en estos textos donde la voz femenina une el quitarse la toca, el soltarse el cabello, el desmelenarse, en fin, la liberacin sexual al consumo del vino. Si pensamos que la toca simboliza aqu la sujecin, la represin, la atadura que impone el tocado al cabello de la mujer y por extensin a todo su cuerpo y a sus deseos sexuales:
malo est el vino (Cancionero popular villenense, Alicante, Instituto Alicantino de Cultura Juan Gil-Albert, 1986, n 691). 23 Recurdese en este sentido el captulo XI, de la segunda parte del famoso Corbacho (Alfonso Martnez de Toledo, Arcipreste de Talavera o Corbacho, ed. Michael Gerli, Madrid, Ctedra, 1979). 24 Correas lo recoge como refrn: Si est de Dios ke nos avemos de akostar borrachos, daka La bota, muchacho (Correas, Vocabulario, p. 278a). 25 Primer Quaderno de varios Romances... Valencia, s. a. (Cancionerillos de Munich, n 54), Correas, Vocabulario, p. 437b 26 Hernn Nez, Refranes o proverbios en romance, que nuevamente colligio y glosso el Comendador..., Salamanca, 1555 (H.S.A.), f. 94v.

506

Antonio Jos Prez

Por enpinar el xarro, kaiseme el tokado; mientras me toko, echme otro poko. NC 1579 Daime la bota i kitime la toka una me kansa i otra me konforta. NC 1578

Una mujer que bate marca y que supera a los hombres en las cantidades de vino que consume:
... Ella bevi dos vancales, una dozena de costales, pluma de dos cabeales, que no pudo ms aver. NC 1596 A

Una variante del motivo de la mujer borracha es la vieja comadre que en otro tiempo fue hermosa y que ahora, vieja, ahoga sus penas en el vino (Recurdese el discurso de Celestina en el auto III ensalzando las virtudes del vino para sobrellevar la dura ancianidad en la que vive)27:
... Una duea muy ufana, que otros tiempos fue galana, ni dexa lino ni lana, que todo lo enpea por bever. NC 1596 A La buena vieja harta lazeria passa, con su manto y su jarro y de casa en casa. NC 1595 bis

Sebastin Horozco en su Cancionero anota este otro cantar:

Poned luto, taberneros, por la triste de Marigarca, que se muri el otro da la que nos dava de sus dineros. NC 1599

Una de las coplas conservadas en el Cancionero musical de Palacio, que como sabemos recoge composiciones de la poca de los Reyes Catlicos nos permite acompaar a una comadre borracha en medio de sus avatares: El camino de su casa a
27 Fernando de Rojas, La Celestina, ed. Pedro M. Piero, Madrid, Espasa-Calpe, 1993, p. 151.

Las alabanzas al vino en los versos de la lrica popular

507

la taberna est limpio y despejado de tanto recorrerlo, en l no deja crecer la hierba. Cuando se le acaba el dinero, rompe su hucha para alcanzar nuevas monedas que le permitan seguir con su aficin al vino y gastada hasta la ltima moneda decide empear todo lo que puede, el producto de su trabajo, el ajuar de su casa: lino, lana, la caldera, sartenes y manteles:
... De su casa a la taberna tiene fecha una tal senda que ni dexa naer yerva, y ella quiere naer. [...] Quebrselel su puchero en que allegava el su dinero; andad ac, seor mortero, que con vos quiero bever. Mirando a la enizera, vidostar a la caldera: Andad ac, seora buena, que con vos quiero beber. Bebise tres cubricheles i tres pares de manteles; ans fizo a las sartenes en que guisa de comer. NC 1596 B

Concluimos aqu nuestro modesto repaso a un tan extenso repertorio de la lrica que conviva entre las gentes del pueblo tuvo al vino como uno de sus temas predilectos desde sus primeros balbuceos medievales. Desde entonces el vino y la cancin popular han ido de la mano en los cancioneros de la lrica tradicional de los siglos posteriores prolongndose hasta llegar a nuestros das.

La cara de la novia / como la luna. Un tpico con fortuna

en la tradicin lrica

Pedro M. Piero Ramrez

Universidad de Sevilla y Fundacin Machado
En homenaje a mi buen amigo Ion Talo En el repertorio lrico de Arcos de la Frontera que vengo estudiando desde hace aos, se hallan dos canciones en las que aparece el motivo tradicional de comparar la belleza de la mujer con la luna o con la luna y el sol. Es un viejo tpico universal muy extendido por la lrica hispnica, en la que se actualiza de muy variadas maneras; en este cancionerillo andaluz aparece en dos formulaciones diferentes, que ahora quisiera estudiar en este homenaje, tan merecido, a mi amigo el Profesor Ion Talo, con el que he compartido no pocos trabajos en algunas zonas de la Baja Andaluca y en reuniones acadmicas en la Universidad de Colonia. Formando parte de una cancin compuesta de dos coplas en seguidillas con estribillo, recogimos una de las formulaciones del motivo. He aqu el texto en cuestin completo, tal como lo grabamos a nuestro informante:
En medio de la plaza cay la luna, se hizo cuatro partes: tu cara es una. Y al pepinillo y al pepinero, y al pajarillo del mes de enero. Y aqu es de noche y all es de da, y aqu te aguardo, paloma ma Y en medio de la plaza y en medio, en medio, se le cay a la cursi el zagalejo. Y al pepinillo []

La segunda formulacin se inserta en una serie heteroestrfica abierta de co-

510

Pedro M. Piero Ramrez

plas y motivos varios engarzados con cierta habilidad, que reproduzco asimismo en su totalidad como ejemplo de esta clase de series tan frecuentes en el cancionero hispnico, y para que quede claro que este motivo viene a aparecer, como se podr comprobar, en series muy similares en el repertorio peninsular:
Arroyo claro, fuente serena, quin te lava el pauelo saber quisiera. Me lo han lavado cuatro mujeres: una le tira rosas y otra, claveles. Claveles, que en tu jardn los tienes sembrados, blancos y colorados y azules, del color de los cielos cuando no hay nubes. Y la nia cuando me ve me guia, y la llamo, se me viene a la mano, y le digo: Cara de sol y luna, vente conmigo. Y por eso llevan a mi amor preso y a la crcel. Siendo yo carcelero no hay que apurarse!1

I. la identificacin de la amada con la luna. un tpico de races mticas muy difundido

Volvamos a la primera cancioncita que nos interesa:

En medio de la plaza cay la luna, se hizo cuatro partes: tu cara es una.

En general, la identificacin de la amada con la luna, como se hace en los versos de la cancin primera, se halla con frecuencia en las canciones de muchos pueblos;
1 Publiqu las dos canciones en Pedro M. Piero Ramrez, Con agua de toronjil. Del cancionero popular arcense de Jos Mara Capote, en Mosaico de varia leccin literaria en homenaje a Jos Mara Capote Benot, Sevilla, Departamento de Literatura Espaola y Secretariado de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Sevilla, 1992, pp. 21-52.

La cara de la novia / como la luna

511

es muy habitual, desde luego, en la lrica rabe, y como lugar comn, segn Menndez Pidal, reaparece en la poesa popular de algunas zonas europeas en las que existi una estrecha convivencia de las dos culturas, la rabe y la cristiana, durante la Edad Media, como se dio en Sicilia y, desde luego, en Espaa. En las canciones de la poesa rabe, mientras que escasea la comparacin de la hermosura de la mujer con el sol que viene a ser la ms corriente en la poesa popular moderna hispana, abunda, por el contrario, con la luna.2 Por su parte, lvaro Galms de Fuentes insiste en que la identificacin de la mujer y la luna es motivo tpico en la lrica clsica rabe, que vuelve a usarse en las jarchas, aunque desde su punto de vista, segn precisa no haya encontrado asiento en la lrica tradicional hispnica: Luna hermosa!, / di, luz de mis ojos, / que as te demoras: / ya es bastante.3 En la tradicin moderna abundan, como ya haba adelantado don Ramn, las canciones en las que la belleza de la mujer se pondera por el amigo con su identificacin o en comparacin con la luna. Las hay en la poesa judeo-espaola, como en este canto de boda procedente de Melilla:
Por Dios, la nuestra novia, cuerpo garrido, si vos pons albayalde o oro molido. No me puso mi madre cosa ninguna: la cara de la novia como la luna4

He aqu algunos ejemplos tambin modernos que tomo de Francisco Rodrguez Marn:
Es tu cara lo mismo que luna blanca y tus ojos, luceros que la acompaan. Con la luna de enero te he comparado, que es la luna ms clara de todo el ao.5

2 Vase Ramn Menndez Pidal, La primitiva lrica europea. Estado actual del problema, Revista de Filologa Espaola, 49 (1960), pp. 279-357 (pp. 295 y 316). 3 lvaro Galms de Fuentes, Las jarchas mozrabes. Forma y significado, Barcelona, Crtica, 1994, pp. 142-143. 4 Manuel Alvar, Cantos de boda judeo-espaoles, Madrid, CSIC, 1971, XIV A, con ejemplos de textos de poesa popular espaola y otros judeo-espaoles reunidos en distintas colecciones, como la de Turqua de Abraham Danon, de finales del siglo xix: Oh! que relustror de cara y de frente / Vos me parecis la luna creciente (p. 236). 5 Francisco Rodrguez Marn, Cantos populares espaoles (1882-1883), 5 vols., Madrid, Atlas, 1981, nms. 1311 y 1315.

512

Pedro M. Piero Ramrez Y este es del repertorio mexicano:

La luna real en su coche, conquistando corazones. Pues no habr quien me reproche: quien no quiera ver visiones mejor que no ande de noche.6

Por otro lado, parece normal que en esta comparacin luna/amada la mujer lleve las de ganar, como cantan algunos enamorados, entre los que se cuenta este mozo segoviano:
La luna cuando va llena no lleva tanto rigor, como lleva mi morena cuando va a misa mayor.7

No es nada extrao que la comparacin de la mujer con la luna haya tenido tanto xito en la poesa de distintas culturas mediterrneas, pues de muy antiguo viene que algunas deidades femeninas mitolgicas (entre ellas nada menos que Diana y Juno) se identificaran con la luna, como principio de la fecundidad de las mujeres y de la fertilidad de los campos; como diosas de los alumbramientos y de la luz a ambas se las conoca con el sobrenombre de Lucina.
[Diana era] imaginada como luna y especialmente [] como la luna amarillenta de las cosechas, ella hencha la casa de labor del agricultor con frutos hermosos y escuchaba las oraciones de las parturientas [] tena culto especial como diosa de los partos, la que conceda descendencia a los humanos. As, Diana, semejante a la griega Artemisa, con la que estaba continuamente identificada, puede ser descrita como diosa de la naturaleza en general y de la fertilidad en particular.8

As es por todas las culturas de los pueblos europeos de la gran zona de races grecorromanas. La luna tiene, desde luego, una simbologa polivalente, y representa en muchas culturas, en esta multivalencia de significados, la muerte y la resurreccin, el crecimiento de las plantas, la unidad de ritmos lunares, el devenir temporal, el destino humano, la mujer atrae el agua, la lluvia, los alimentos, el embrin, la semilla.9 Por su parte, escribe el Profesor Talos:
Chez tous les peuples romans, cet astre est fminin []. Partout, la lune est sacre, cest un don de Dieu et la nouvelle lune (Crai nou) est
6 Margit Frenk y otros (eds.), Cancionero folklrico de Mxico, 5 vols., Mxico, El Colegio de Mxico, 1975-1985, nm. 4706. 7 Agapito Marazuela Albornoz, Cancionero segoviano, Segovia, Junta Provincial del Movimiento, 1964, p. 401. 8 James George Frazer, La rama dorada. Magia y religin, Mxico-Madrid-Buenos Aires, Fondo de Cultura Econmica (1944), 1981, p. 177. Vase tambin, p. 203. 9 Vase Egla Morales Blouin, El ciervo y la fuente. Mito y folklore del agua en la lrica tradicional, Madrid, Porra Turanzas (Studia Humanitatis), 1981, pp. 10 y 54.

La cara de la novia / como la luna

attendue avec joie et de largent en poche afin de rester en bonne sant et davoir toutes sortes de succs. [] La nouvelle lune est le moment propice pour semer, planter des arbres et faire clore les oeufs; ses diverses positions dans le ciel sont rvlatrices du temps quil fera.10

513

Por otro lado, la identificacin de la luna con una vaca es, simplemente, el recuerdo de algunos mitos mediterrneos en los que varias divinidades femeninas de la fertilidad se asocian con la luna, y por ello se figuran con un creciente lunar en unos grandes cuernos abiertos, como Isis, identificada con Hathor que se representa como una vaca-luna con cuernos. Egla Morales Blouin encuentra en una coplita moderna que nosotros consideramos una derivacin de la recogida en Arcos de la Frontera la permanencia de la identificacin mtica de la luna con la vaca:
En la plaza la luna hoy se ha cado y se rompi los cuernos contra el tendido.11

Adems, desde muy antiguo, los hombres han establecido la relacin entre el ciclo lunar y el ciclo de la mujer, virginidad y embarazo, de manera que la luna viene a ser, simblicamente, la mujer. Todava se acredita este simbolismo en algunas canciones lricas populares de ciertas regiones de la Pennsula Ibrica, como en Galicia.12 II. Cara como el sol y la luna. Un motivo y una frmula De Cervantes a la cancin popular de la tradicin moderna
bien consolidados.

De la segunda cancin que transcribimos ms arriba, esta es la copla que desarrolla otra formulacin del tpico que estamos comentando. Dice el texto de nuestra versin:
Y la nia cuando me ve me guia, y la llamo, se me viene a la mano, y le digo:

10 Ion Talo, Petit dictionnaire de mythologie populaire roumaine, trad. Anneliese y Claude Lecouteux, Grenoble, ELLUG, Universit Stendhal, 2002, s. v. lune, nouvelle lune, pp.117-119. 11 Manuel Martnez Remis, Cancionero popular taurino, Madrid, Taurus, 1963, 171. Vase E. Morales Blouin, El ciervo y la fuente, ob. cit., p. 158. 12 Vase, por ejemplo, Doroth Schubarth, O Simbolismo na lrica popular galega, Anuario de estudios literarios galegos (2001), pp. 225-246 (pp. 240-241). El valor simblico de la luna, ha sido estudiado, entre otros, por Margit Frenk, Smbolos naturales en las viejas canciones populares hispnicas (en Pedro M. Piero Ramrez, ed., Lrica popular/lrica tradicional. Lecciones en homenaje a don Emilio Garca Gmez. Sevilla, Universidad de Sevilla y Fundacin Machado, 1998, pp. 159-182, recogido en su libro Pesa popular hispnica. 44 estudios, Mxico, Fondo de Cultura Econmica, 2006, pp. 329-352. En canciones de la comarca del Rhin, la luna saliente - recuerda M. Frenk - se relaciona con las muchachas casaderas, porque la luna es un astro de las mujeres, un astro matrimonial (p. 164).

514

Pedro M. Piero Ramrez

Cara de sol y luna, vente conmigo.

Se trata ahora del motivo de la llamada a la joven mediante un requiebro, segn unas frmulas tpicas consagradas en la tradicin moderna, como veremos. Y se iguala su hermosura nada menos que con el sol y la luna juntos, aunando en la cara de la muchacha polaridades complementarias (oro y plata, sol y luna), como los hermanos gemelos Apolo y rtemis, que representan a estos astros del firmamento entre los dioses grecolatinos. Igual que muchas de las canciones populares de hoy, esta que comentamos se cantaba ya en el siglo xix, segn la documentacin que poseemos. Una muestra: Francisco Navarro y Ledesma (1869-1905), en una ingeniosa biografa de Cervantes aparecida en la conmemoracin del tercer centenario de la publicacin del Quijote, transcriba la siguiente versin que l consideraba propia de los gaanes manchegos, denominndola, en dos lugares diferentes de su obra, como el antiguo son de La nia:
La nia que vino de Sevilla y trujo un delantal de lujo y ahora porque se le ha rompido la nia llora. La nia cuando me ve, me guia; la llamo, se me viene a la mano; la cojo debajo del embozo; la digo: cara de sol y luna, vente conmigo que no eres la primera que se ha venido.13

Tenga su origen en La Mancha o en otra regin, lo cierto es que la cancin seriada, o al menos nuestra copla, en concreto, se oye por muy diversos lugares espaoles. As, aparece dentro de otra serie que se cantaba por Asturias a finales del siglo xix o cuando menos en los primeros aos del siguiente, segn publicacin que haca de ella el benemrito Eduardo M. Torner en su repertorio musical asturiano, y que ahora reproduzco completa para ofrecer otro ejemplo una vez ms de cmo diversas coplas se renen en variadas actualizaciones para formar las series
13 Cito por la edicin que tengo a mano, Francisco Navarro Ledesma, El ingenioso hidalgo Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra (1905), Buenos Aires-Mxico, Espasa-Calpe Argentina (Col. Austral, 401), 1944 (2 ed. 1948). La cancin se publica separando las dos coplas que la forman y acentuando en agudo, por necesidad de la meloda, todos los versos. En la primera cita Navarro Ledesma escribe: Es una aeja cantinela de este lado de los olivos en la que se ve una punta de odio contra la corrupta Andaluca, mientras en la segunda vuelve a insistir en que se trata de un cantar viejo (pp. 37 y 164), y al final, en apndice, se hace su transcripcin musical (p. 345).

La cara de la novia / como la luna heteroestrficas de la tradicin moderna. Dice as:

Cmo quiere mi madre que yo sea blanca, siendo carbonerilla de Salamanca? La nia, que vino de Sevilla y trajo un balazo, y ahora la cura el cirujano, y la nia llora. La llamo, la traigo de la mano, la cojo, la embozo en mi capa y le digo: cara de sol y luna, vente conmigo, cara de sol y luna, que no te olvido.14

515

El propio Torner, insistiendo en la existencia de una vieja versin que desconocemos, recuerda haber ledo alguna vez en la lrica antigua esta misma frmula ponderativa de la belleza de la joven, y transcribe otra cancin exenta (al menos es as como l la publica) de la tradicin moderna, que dice as:
La nia, que vino de Sevilla la llamo, la cojo de la mano; la digo: cara de sol y luna, vente conmigo.15

En la recoleccin que llev a cabo en la provincia de Sevilla Arcadio de Larrea a finales de la dcada de 1940, transcribi varias versiones de estas canciones en serie, de las que voy a citar (respetando la distribucin versal que dej en sus papeletas) esta que se cantaba (y bailaba) como de zambomba en Nochebuena:

14 Eduardo M[artnez] Torner, Cancionero musical de la lrica popular asturiana, Madrid, Nieto y Compaa, 1920, nm. 256. En la nota correspondiente, el musiclogo, que da cuenta de la versin manchega publicada por Navarro Ledesma, al referirse a la msica escribe: La transcripcin musical de este canto manchego la ha hecho para el Sr. Navarro Ledesma D. Manuel Manrique de Lara, y aunque meldicamente difiere bastante de la versin asturiana, tiene de comn con esta el ritmo y la meloda (p. 235). 15 E. M. Torner, Lrica hispnica. Relaciones entre lo popular y lo culto, Madrid, Castalia, 1966, nm. 117, p. 205. El editor aade un cantar de vila publicado por Kurt Schindler: Eres como la luna / y eres como el sol; / eres la prenda / de mi corazn.

516

Pedro M. Piero Ramrez

Santa Brbara tiene palma y corona y un ramito de flores Santa Polonia. La nia cuando me ve me guia; la cojo, me la llevo al rastrojo, la digo: cara de sol y luna, vente conmigo, no ser la primera que se ha venido.16

Poseemos de este motivo de la llamada de atencin a la muchacha con este piropo algunas versiones ms en la Baja Andaluca, dentro de otras canciones o simplemente como copla independiente. En Bornos grabamos la que transcribo a continuacin, bien parecida a la de nuestro informante de Arcos, pero con una estrofa de entrada distinta:
Tiro media naranja a la laguna, cualquiera que la vea dice que es una, que es una nia. Cuando la veo la llamo y le digo: Cara de sol y luna, vente conmigo Arroyo claro, [etc.].17

En la zona oriental andaluza tambin se conoce la coplita en cuestin, segn la muestra de una serie de Huneja que hacen los editores del repertorio granadino:
Principio la primavera porque no digan que est mi amante ausente, yo pensativa. A la nia, de que me ve, me guia, la llamo, me viene a la mano, le digo: cara de sol y luna, vente conmigo!

16 Arcadio de Larrea hizo diversos trabajos de campo en la provincia de Sevilla en 1948-1949, y sus notas y transcripciones musicales se encuentran manuscritas en el Archivo del Centro de Musicologa del CSIC, con sede en Barcelona. 17 Se la grabamos a Isabel Ibez Sevillano, de 46 aos, en noviembre de 1984. Antonio Mairena cantaba los cuatro primeros versos (con la variante creer que es una por dice que es una del v. 4) como remate de un romance aflamencado.

La cara de la novia / como la luna

Vente conmigo a Roma y sers romana y aprenders la lengua napolitana, y los claveles que en mi jardn, los tengo sembrados, verdes y colorados Cara de sol y luna, vente conmigo! 18

517

En todos estos versos el joven llama a su amada, con evidente deseo de alabarla, cara de sol y luna (v. 21), como, segn estamos viendo, no es nada infrecuente en la lrica popular actual. Otro ejemplo: En tu reja estoy cantando, / carita de sol y luna, de un cantarcillo muy difundido en La Mancha.19 Rodrguez Marn, comentando el pasaje del Quijote (I, 12) en que el cabrero Pedro da cuenta a don Quijote y a la concurrencia de la historia trgica de Grisstomo cuando, al comenzar el relato dice de Marcela que: no parece sino que ahora la veo, con aquella cara que de un cabo tena el sol y del otro la luna, anota que, ciertamente, el ensalzar la belleza de un rostro de mujer diciendo que del un cabo tena el sol y del otro la luna es elogio propio de gente rstica, y tal como el requiebro que contiene esta copla popular:
Hermosas he visto yo; Pero como t ninguna; De tu cara sale el sol; De tu garganta la luna.20

Era, sin duda, una frmula para encarecer la belleza femenina, que Cervantes vuelve a usar en la historia de don Quijote cuando la duea doa Rodrguez habla de la duquesa al caballero manchego en estos trminos: Vee vuesa merced, seor don Quijote, la hermosura de mi seora la duquesa, aquella tez de rostro, que no parece sino de una espada acicalada y tersa, aquellas dos mejillas de leche y de carmn, que en la una tiene el sol y en la otra la luna.21 Del mismo modo, en La ilustre fregona el mozo sevillano haba ponderado la hermosura de la protagonista a Carriazo y Avendao, echando mano de la misma formulilla tpica de alabanza: tiene una cara de pascua y un rostro de buen ao: en una mejilla tiene el sol, y en la otra, la luna; la una es hecha de rosas y la otra de claveles, y en entrambas hay tambin azucenas y jazmines.22
18 M. L. Escribano Pueo y otros (eds.), Cancionero granadino de tradicin oral, Granada, Universidad de Granada, 1994, nm. 207, pp. 108-109. 19 Me facilita el dato Jos Manuel Fraile, al que expreso mi agradecimiento. 20 Cervantes, Quijote, ed. de F. Rodrguez Marn, 8 vols., Madrid, Espasa-Calpe (Col. Clsicos castellanos), 1964, 8 ed., I, p. 269, n. 6, con otras referencias. Los anotadores de la ed. dirigida por Francisco Rico haban aclarado: y entre los dos extremos, el cielo entero; es piropo para ponderar la hermosura de la mujer (Don Quijote de la Mancha, 2 vols., Barcelona, Instituto CervantesCrtica, 1998, I, xii, p. 131, nota 35). 21 Quijote II, xlviii, p. 1021 de la ed. de F. Rico (1998). 22 La referencia la trae Rodrguez Marn (vase nuestra nota 20 anterior), pero cito por la ed. de Juan

518

Pedro M. Piero Ramrez

Los anotadores de la edicin del Quijote dirigida por Rico, citados poco antes, recuerdan que la frmula de alabanza de la mujer se encontraba ya en el Apocalipsis: Mulier amicta sole et luna sub pedibus eius, et in capite eius corona stellarum duodecim.23 Parece ser que, ms all de la literatura popular, esta frmula de encarecimiento de la belleza de una dama fue tambin, en la poca urea, de cierto uso en textos ms conspicuos, llegando incluso a utilizarse en una discusin ardua y minuciosa acerca de si la Virgen Mara fue blanca o morena, segn se plantea en la Segunda parte de El donoso hablador Alonso mozo de muchos amos, de Jernimo Alcal Ynez y Ribera:
Llmase la sagrada Virgen escogida como el sol y hermosa como la luna; si ha de parecerse al sol y la luna, fuerza es que sea blanca, pues la hermosura de la luna en ser blanca y clara consiste, como la del sol claro y resplandeciente.24

La copla que Rodrguez Marn recordaba al ilustrar el primer pasaje citado del Quijote (Hermosas he visto yo), ha tenido muy buena difusin en la tradicin peninsular moderna, y se encuentra publicada en algunos cancioneros contemporneos: entre otros repertorios,25 el de Alonso Corts ofrece dos versiones, una con el primer verso distinto que repite variante frecuente (Morenas he visto yo), y otra que es un texto derivado que viene a confirmar la aceptacin popular de la copla:
Hermosas las podr ver, como t ninguna. De tu cara sale el sol, de tu delantal la luna.26

De cualquier forma, la versin ms antigua que tenemos en la tradicin moderna es la que dio a conocer Emilio Lafuente, en su recopilacin de mediados del siglo xix,27 que se mantiene en algunas versiones flamencas andaluzas:
De tu cara sale el sol, de tu garganta, la luna,

B. Avalle-Arce, Cervantes, Novelas ejemplares, 3 vols., Madrid, Castalia, 1982, III, p. 56, que comenta en nota: esta descripcin de la belleza femenina rompe con todos los lugares comunes de la poesa petrarquista y es un rotundo xito de la originalidad cervantina, pero opino por mi parte la originalidad est en el uso de un clich ponderativo popular. 23 San Juan, Apocalipsis, 12. 1: Una mujer envuelta en el sol, con la luna debajo de sus pies, y sobre la cabeza una corona de doce estrellas, en trad. de Sagrada Biblia, versin directa de las lenguas originales por Elono Ncar y Alberto Colunga, Madrid, Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 1959, 9 ed., p. 1361a. 24 Vase Jos M. Pedrosa, La luna de enero y el amor primero, en prensa. 25 Por ejemplo: Jos M. Fernndez Cano, Mil cantares populares, Ciudad Real, Diputacin Provincial, 1998, 2 ed.; Francisco lvarez Curiel, Cancionero popular andaluz, Mlaga, Arguval, 1992, pp. 98 y 100. 26 Narciso Alonso Corts, Cantares populares de Castilla (1914), reedicin: Valladolid, Diputacin Provincial, 1982, nm. 941; la versin anterior, nm. 1201. 27 Emilio Lafuente Alcntara, Cancionero popular: coleccin escogida de coplas y seguidillas, 2 vols., Madrid, Carlos Bailly-Bailliere, 1865, I, p. 77.

La cara de la novia / como la luna

morenas he visto yo, pero, como t, ninguna.28

519

Por su parte, el mismo Francisco Rodrguez Marn rene en su impagable coleccin varias coplitas con la misma frmula de requiebro, entre las que quiero citar estas:
Tengo yo comparado, nia, tu rostro con la luna de enero y el sol de agosto. Yo cre que era la luna la que estaba en el balcn; yo cre que era la luna y era la luna y el sol.29

La primera seguidilla ha tenido mucha difusin, y se canta con variantes en diferentes zonas de la Pennsula, como esta versin extremea, que reuna Manuel Garca Matos por la dcada de 1940:
A la luna de enero (vida ma) y al sol de agosto tengo comparadito (vida ma), nia, tu rostro.30

Ni que decir tiene que es recurso corrientsimo recuvrir a la luna y al sol para destacar en la poesa popular la belleza de una muchacha, como se le dice a esta carbonera en una cancin aragonesa:
Carbonera, carbonera, no sufras por tu color, que tu carita relumbra ms que la luna y el sol.31

28 Juan Alberto Fernndez Bauls y Jos Mara Prez Orozco, La poesa flamenca. Lrica en andaluz, Sevilla, Consejera de Cultura de la Junta de Andaluca y Ayuntamiento de Sevilla, 1983. Cito por la nueva ed.: Sevilla, Signatura Ediciones [2004], p. 316. 29 Cantos populares espaoles, ed. cit., nms. 1314 y 1570. 30 Manuel Garca Matos, Lrica popular de la Alta Extremadura, Madrid, Unin Musical Espaola, 1944, p. 409. 31 Tomo el texto de Mercedes Daz Roig, Supervivencias en la lrica actual de canciones y coplas recogidas en Vergel de canciones antiguas. Lrica de tipo popular (1450-1650). Trabajo para el Seminario de Lrica antigua, Profa. Margit Frenk. Junio de 1972. Es un estudio mecanografiado, hasta hace poco tiempo indito, cuyo facsmil ha aparecido en Culturas populares. Revista Electrnica 5 (julio-diciembre 2007).

520

Pedro M. Piero Ramrez

Ni ms ni menos se encuentra ya en una seguidilla publicada en 1597, en cuyos versos se resalta la belleza de los ojos de la nia que salen triunfantes en su comparacin con el sol y la luna:
El sol y la luna quedan ublados quando ala mi nia sus ojos claros.32

En pocas ms recientes, as cantaba un enamorado mozo salmantino:

Me est matando una pena y nadie ve que me muero, ni que me puede curar la luz de tus ojos negros. Sol y luna, luna y lucero. Sol y luna, que por ti me muero.33

Y un ejemplo ms perteneciente al repertorio andaluz, que tomo de Francisco lvarez Curiel:

Eres la luna de enero, el sol que cobija marzo, pajarito prisionero, vente conmigo a mis brazos que a ti solito te quiero.34

A la vista de todo lo expuesto, no cabe la menor duda de que, para ponderar la belleza de la mujer, la poesa popular, a lo largo de los tiempos, con bastante frecuencia ha echado mano unas veces de la simple comparacin con la luna (la cara de la novia / como la luna), y otras veces de la imagen que se asienta en la suma de los dos cuerpos celestes ms deslumbrantes del firmamento (cara de sol y luna), y esto ha sido moneda comn en las canciones populares de todas las zonas peninsulares y tambin de la literatura occidental en general. El tpico en sus dos formulaciones es de extensin universal, se remonta a tiempos muy antiguos, tiene races mticas, y se ha difundido tanto en la literatura culta como en la popular. En buena parte de las coplas citadas puesto que en estas pginas de lo que se trata es de su recreacin en la poesa lrica de transmisin oral el motivo se ha conservado o en su formulacin ms simple o recurriendo a diferentes variantes o incluso derivaciones, que en definitiva vienen a acreditar el notable arraigo que estas comparaciones de la belleza de la mujer con la luna o la luna y el sol han tenido, y tienen, en la tradicin popular de todos los tiempos.

32 Margit Frenk, Nuevo corpus de la antigua lrica popular hispnica (siglos xv a xvii), 2 vols., Mxico, Facultad de Filosofa y Letras de la UNAM, El Colegio de Mxico y Fondo de Cultura Econmica, 2003, 2399. 33 Dmaso Ledesma, Folk-Lore o Cancionero salmantino, Salamanca, Imprenta Provincial, 1972 (reedicin fac. de la 1 ed., Salamanca, Diputacin, 1907), p. 80. 34 F. lvarez Curiel, Cancionero popular andaluz cit., p. 91.

Un caiet manuscris cu versuri vechi din 1834

Mircea Popa
Institutul de Lingvistic i Istorie Literar Sextil Pucariu Cluj-Napoca
Dup manuscrisele coninnd versuri vechi din Transilvania semnalate de N. Drganu, Ion Breazu, Ion Mulea, Romulus Tudoran i alii, iat acum un alt manuscris de aceeai factur descoperit de noi n colecia Bibliotecii Centrale Universitare L. Blaga din Cluj-Napoca. Manuscrisul, nregistrat sub nr. 4345, dateaz din 1834, cum ne spune nsemnarea de pe faa a doua a copertei: Aceast carte este a lui 1834. Din pcate numele autorului (sau al posesorului) a fost ters i n afar de faptul c a intrat n colecia Bibliotecii n 1948, cum ne arat vechiul numr de inventar 5/1948, nu deinem alte date despre el, netiind mcar din care zon provine i de la cine a fost achiziionat. Caietul a fost destinat de la nceput transcrierii unor veruri sau irmoase, care sunt notate pn la un anumit punct n chirilic (f. 62), iar de acolo nainte n alfabetul latin. n transcrierea lor autorul ne-a lipsit pn i de titluri, prefernd s le noteze prin numerotare: verul 1-lea, verul al 13-lea etc., iar n partea a II-a, acolo unde schimb i alfabetul, pur i simplu prin cifre romane. n privina coninutului iari este de fcut o deosebire ntre versurile din prima parte a caietului i acelea din partea a II-a. Cele din prima parte sunt n genere versuri religioase, pe cnd cele din partea a II-a, laice. Printre versurile din partea I-a vom recunoate Verul lui Adam (Venii toi cei din Adam / i cu fiii lui Avram), Verul lui Iosif (Cnd s-au vzut Iosif legat / Cu amar s-au suprat); versuri sau colinde de Crciun (Steaua care s ivete / Nou pre Hristos vestete; n marginea rului / La apa Iordanului; O, ce slav sufleteasc / i mrire ngereasc / C s-au nscut), un ver nchinat Fecioarei Maria (O prea milostiv Maic / Tu spre ruga mea te pleac), Verul lui Ioasaf sau al pustiei (Cel fecior de mprat / Cu numele Iosafat); Verul despre Cina din Cana Galileii (Iar de nceput fr de sfrit / Fost-au Dumnezeu cuvnt / La nunta ce s-au aflat / Fost-au i Isus chiemat). Tot n aceast parte gsim Verul popii Ilie (ntlnit ca balad la Amzulescu), i cunoscutul Cntec al strintii (Srac strintate / Mult ai fost fr de dreptate), antologat i de Anton Pann n Spitalul amorului, dar ntr-o versiune mult diferit. Nu lipsete nici varianta popular a poeziei Amrt turturea a lui Ienchi Vcrescu, prezent i ea n Spitalul amorului a lui Anton Pann. Un alt vers cunoscut este cel cuprins sub numrul 15, fiind n fond vorba de o fabul versificat, prezent i la La Fontaine, despre doi tineri nsurei care se gndesc s se mbogeasc plecnd de la creterea unei cloti cu pui. Alte dou veruri, cele cu nr. 13 i 14 au localizri foarte precise: n cel dinti, eroul dorete s plece la Cmpina spre a se vindeca cu ierburi de leac i, mai ales, cu dragostea mndruei (e vorba de un cntec n care infiltraia folcloric e mai pregnant); iar n cel de al doilea se relateaz modul n care i poi

522

Mircea Popa

cheltui banii la Sibiu, text mai asemntor ca factur cu cntecele de lume sau cu versul diecilor, cunoscut i din alte culegeri, ale nvceilor de la Teologia din Sibiu. Finalul cntecului conine i o trimitere la tagma teologilor de aici, cu un anumit rol n colportarea unor asemenea cntece n mediile urbane. Credem c de aceast categorie studioas a intelectualitii se leag i cntecul frobelian de la nr. 5, obinuit a se cnta probabil prin internate, coli i seminarii, fiind construit pe baza repetrii vocalelor: a, e, i, o, u etc., preamrindu-se pe rnd mpratul, mitropolitul, dregtorii rii, dasclii i directorii, precum i ceata preoeasc, iar la urm pentru cei care petrec i pentru care se nchin cte un pahar de vin, bucurndu-se de frumuseile naturii pe care le nregistreaz cu ochi atent. Mai sunt aici i cteva cntece de desprire (Verul al 11-lea) i altele care deplng deertciunea lumii (Verul al 2-lea, Verul al 4-lea), fr a pierde din vedere frumosul cntec al pustiei cu punct de plecare n romanul popular Varlaam i Ioasaf, i care are, n cazul de fa, un final deosebit de frumos, de doin de jale sau de bocet. Alte dou piese foarte frumoase, cu aspect de cntec de lume, sunt Verul al 18-lea (Ia vezi lacrmile mele / Cum se vars cu durere) i Verul al 19lea (Cucule cu peana sur / Ce te plimbi seara p lun) n care se cnt starea de suferin a ndrgostiilor hamorezai. Cuvintele hamor i parigorie trimit la aria de influen greceasc, deci bucuretean, atestnd puternica prezen n acest caiet a speciei folclorice de tipul cntecului de lume, care se simte n estura multora dintre versurile de aici. Aceast influen, prin Anton Pann i alii, este confirmat de altfel direct mai ales n partea a II-a a caietului. Din cele 10 poezii notate aici, cinci sunt scoase din Spitalul amorului al lui Anton Pann. E vorba de cntecele: I Vduvi gras, III Drag cum te-am iubit eu, VII Cum plec dinaintea ta, i VIII Draga mea ce stai pe gnduri, care nu comport fa de textul antonpannesc nici o modificare. Restul de cinci au surse neidentificate, dar frumuseea deosebit a versului, cizelarea lui atent, presupune mcar n unele cazuri o intervenie cult. n unele piese ea se resimte direct n intonaia de tip Conachi: Pcat de a mea iubire / C-am fost n despreuire! (II), alteori n folosirea neologismului: Asta mi-e ndejdea, de-asta mai triesc / Eu crez c din fire te comptimesc (X). Indiferent c acest caiet a fost scris n Transilvania (cum nclinm s credem pentru partea I-a), sau ntr-o alt zon folcloric (creia i-ar aparine partea a II-a, posibil i ea luat din crile lui Anton Pann), el vine s confirme, nc o dat, modul n care literatura validat de scris n spe canonierul Spitalul amorului al lui Anton Pann ptrunde n masele de cititori urbani i rurali, i, n acelai timp, modul n care cntecul de lume prolifereaz i ctig noi adepi, valorificnd din plin valenele creatoare ale cntecului popular. Spre a fi mai explicii i spre a servi specialitilor drept baz de lucru, reproducem mai jos piesele cele mai de rezisten ale manuscrisului de fa: Versul al 4-lea Acela-i vrednic de jale Care are zile reale i triete-n gnduri greale, n suprri c-ale mele.

Un caiet manuscris cu versuri vechi din 1834 Jalnic mi este viaa, Nu vz soare numai ghia Acum me-am schimbat i faa, Mi-ai perit toat dulceaa. Nu-i pre lume nici un bine, S se ncreze fiecine, Toate-s visuri stricciune, Toate sunt deertciune. C cine n lume socotete C pre voia sa triete, i nimica nu-i lipsete, Acela ru s-amgete. n domnii i-n avuii n scumpii i-n bogii Tot trete i s veselete i de ru nici nu gndete Atunci lumea spre ru toat S ntoarce ca i-o roat. Trit-am i eu n lume, Avut-am i zile bune, Avut-am dezmierzciune, Cine nc mai poate spune. Acum jale i amaruri Am gnduri i multe valuri, C i cnd gndeam c s-mi petrec i din gnduri s-mi mai trec Un ceas de m-am veselit, Ziele reale mi-au venit. Aa e lumea, s m crezi, Ca i roa, cnd o vezi Dimineaa pre roazoale, Cnd s usuc de soare. C cine n lume trete Acela multe ptimete, Ca lumina s sfrete, Ca floarea s vestejete. Numai cine-i dobndete, So spre plcere i gsete, Acela nu pgubete Cu drag n lume trete. Turturea pasre vie! S-mi fii mie mrturie, Care so i-au fost ie, i m-ai perdut n pustie, n traiul tu tot l jeleti, De frunz verde te fereti, n cea uscat s-odihneti,

523

524

Mircea Popa Cu ap turbure treti. Acum zice s rsune Podoabele ce-s n lume; Mcar toate s se-adune Nu-m(i) fac mie zile bune. S-au sculat vrjmaii miei, Car au fost prietenii miei, S silesc cu toi(i) foarte Ca s m duc la moarte. Dumnezeu(l) ceriurilor, Tu le tii gndurile lor! Scoate-m, nu m lsa, S nu-i umple dumanii voia. Strig Vod din Moldova: Scrie tuturor ntocma! Ca nimini s nu s-creze, Domni(i) s nu-i vn(e)ze! C eu cte me-am vnat, Domni(i) mi s-au sculat Toate ntru aceia au umblat Pnea i viaa mi s-au scurtat! Versul al 10-lea Cel fecior de mprat Cu numele Iosafat, O prea frumoas pustie! [refren] Dumnezeu bun dar gnd i-au dat, La pustie au plecat. O prea frum[oas] pus(tie) n pustie dac au intrat La pustie s-au rugat. O prea frumoas pustie Primete-m i pre mine, ntru a ta desime! Ca pre fiul a sa maic, Cnd la l apleac! Ramule tale i pleac, Ca ruga s mi s treac i le pleac ct mai multe Ca ruga s mi s asculte. i le pleac ct de jos, Ca s dobndesc folos. C eu lumea am prsit, i la tine am venit. i m rog ie pustie, Ca la o dulce soie,

Un caiet manuscris cu versuri vechi din 1834 C la miez de miaz noapte, Nu m nfrunta cu moarte. Nici nu cu a ta ngrozire Acum m faci de jefuire. Te-am iubit ca pre o polat, Ce eti cu aur suflat, Te-am iubit ca pre o grdin, De toate florile plin. Te-am iubit ca pre o vistierie, i plin de avuie! Jelui-m-a i n-am cui, De dorirea cmpului! Jelui-m-a munilor i ierbilor, De dorul prinilor! Dar munii sunt pietri surde, i pre nimenea nu aude. Cerbul este o fiar mut, i pre nimenea nu ascult! Cnd m vede fuge tare, Eu rmn la suspinare. Jelui-m-a brazilor, De dorul frailor; Jelui-m-a florilor, De dorul surorilor; i m rog ie pustie, Ca la o dulce soie, Las-m un an de zile, S vz lumea cum s ine C voiu merge fr de veste, S vz lumea cum mai este. De acum pn n vecie, Mila Domnului s fie! Versul al 11-lea Acum ceasul mi-au sosit i eu lumea am prsit, Aceast lume strin Multe jale m ntmpin! Pn voi merge la hodihn, La viaa cea vecinic. i ngerul st naintea mea. i eu astz(i) las lumea. Venii, care m iubii! Cu mine de cltorii! C astz(i) m rnduesc i de voi m despresc!

525

526

Mircea Popa C m duc p cale lung, i n-am nimic s-m(i) ajung! i n-am p nimini soie, M duc la alt mprie. O soare, lumina mea, C de astz(i) n calea (mea) tiu c nu te-oi mai vedea Vino cu mine de-m(i) arat Ast cale neumblat, i foarte ndelungat. C nu-am umblat niciodat. Cu ce fa m voi duce, La judeul cel prea dulce, C acolo chiam Hristos La oraul cel frumos Oh, ctu-i de luminos Precum ne-au spus Hristos! Atuncea ngerul au grbit Ctr sufletul aa au zis: Vino, suflete, s mergem Din lume s ne alegem! Iar sufletul au grit, Ctr ngerul aa au zis M-a duce i mi-e ruine, C sunt gol ca vai de mine O! al meu dulce i frate. F cu mine o buntate! D-mi haina ta ca s m mbrac S scap de munca de veci! Iar ngerul au grit, Ctr suflet aa au zis: Ai avut hain p tine De ce n-ai pzit-o bine?! Vino, soule al mieu, mna s dm Amndoi s ne mpcm C ct n lume am trit Foarte multe i voi fi greit. Acuma cu jale mare M rog ie de iertare. C eu la cele din lume i m rog de ertciune. i m rog preoilor (vers adugat: Tuturor i strmoilor) S se roage pentru mine, S trec vmile cu bine. i m rog marilor i micilor i tuturor neamurilor;

Un caiet manuscris cu versuri vechi din 1834 De cte v-am suprat i am rmas neertat! De toate, premine s m ertai, Ca raiul s-l cptai! Verul al 13-lea La cine m-am jeluit Tot aa m-au sftuit: La Cmpina de voi pleca, Prea curnd m voi vindeca, La Cmpina de voi veni Lesne m voi tmdui, C Cmpina e sus la munte, Cu feluri de erburi multe. Este o iarb, dar nu poate, Scoate totu de la moarte. Frunz verde liliac, Sus n deal, la Chiriac, Este o cas i o grdin, Cu feliuri de flori e plin! Numai una este a mea, Sta dujmanii s mi-o ia, Las-o ia, las-o ia, Bage-o n ochii mni-sa! C nu o s o ie n cas nchis, Ci o s ias la porti, i s-mi dea mie guri! Verul al 14-lea Cantorilor de cntare, Venii cu nalt strigare, i altora povestii i glasuri glsuii! De-a Sibiiului dulcea Cum ne ncelue de fa, Osteneli agonisite, Prin Sibiu sunt cheltuite. Ct lucrezi n zece ani, Trudeti, lucri, s faci bani n Sibiu n ase luni De ar fi ct de muli i pui Nu poi s nu cheltueti Mcar de te i scumpeti! O, Sibiu, ora frumos, Te ari c eti mincinos,

527

528

Mircea Popa Mcar ct eti de vestit, Dar prea muli ai srcit! O, ct s de neltori, C toi sunt hsnuitori. S spunem adevrat, C i pduchi ne-au mncat. Dar i bine am trit, Cnd prilej bun am avut. Prin grdini frumoase verzi i prin nite livezi S suspini i s le vezi! Unde psrile cnt De alt parte fac muzic, Unde mese mpenate stau, Ce pofteti minte i dau, Mncare i beutur, Fietecui i d destul. Inaii m tot nfug Ce porunceti s-i aduc Iar dup ce-ai mncat Apoi s vezi ce-ai lucrat Inaii strig: pltete! C mncare nu mai este! Pltete tot ce ai mncat, Mcar c nu te-ai sturat! Pltete tot ct va cere Dac ai but i bere! Aa fug banii din pung, Ct tocma se duce rug. C de mult o sut aveam Atunci i bere beam. Iar acum n-am nici o groi N-am nimica n pungu. Scrie acas la muere, - Ia numai ct numai pere De-ar avea vreo avere S o vnd cui va cere! Vnz oi vnz boi, i s trimi aici la noi! Vnz tot ce are-n cas, Dac vrea s fie preoteas! Apoi ase luni s s plineasc i apoi s ne preoeasc. Sraci de cei din Ardeal Mult s preoesc arde-ar! C muli bag n datorie Pentru sfnta preoie

Un caiet manuscris cu versuri vechi din 1834 Cte o sut, cte dou, De- fac revereand nou Iar dac s preoesc, Muli cu moartea s pltesc! Verul al 15-lea Odat din voie bun, Doi tineri s mpreun, ntru sfnta cununie i dreapta cstorie. Iar ntr-o diminea, Dormind ei cu dulcea, Brbatul aa ofta, Ct patul se scutura! Cum voi tri noi, boreas, Nu avem nimic n cas?! Iar ea zis: - Nu te teme C vom fi gazde cu vreme! Aa au pat o cloc bun Clocete mai de o lun Am pus dousprezece oao, S ne scoat batr noao, i las puii toi s creasc, i pre toii puii s cloceasc. Iar cnd vor cloci toate, Una douzeci va scoate. i de toate dou sute, De gini vor fi n curte. i odat le voi prinde Cu pre n trg le voi vinde. Perechea dou groie Ce de zloi bag n pungu! Deci cumpr dou purcele, Cucuruz pe lng ele i cnd acelea vor crete i porcul s nmulete, Una cte apte fat Sunt patrusprezece iat! Verul al 17-lea Srac streintate! Mult ai fost fr de dreptate! Din mica copilrie, Perit-am fost n pustie, i tot prin streini am fost crescut

529

530

Mircea Popa Mil doar nu am mai vzut! i aa mi vine uneori, S-m(i) las frai, s-m(i) las surori, S m sui n muni cu flori, S m veselesc cu hori! C-m(i) vine ceasul s mori. i aa m(i) vine cte-odat S-mi las mum, s-mi las tat, S m sui n muni cu piatr, S-mi fac ochiorii roat S cuprinz lumea toat! S o cuprinz i s-o vaz, C m(i) este inima ars De dorul ce-l am de-acas De copii i de nevast. i arde inima n mine Ca ntr-un cuptori de pine. Verul al 18-lea Ia vezi lacrmile mele, Cum s vars cu durere, i s vars pe obraz, Pentru un puior cu haz. i s vars pentru-un pui, Numele nu voi s spui Numele de i-l voi spune, Dumanii viaa mi-o rpune. Am zburat puiu din a, Mi-au zburat a mea via. Au zburat puiu s-au dus, i p mine m-au rpus. Au zburat puiu zburat i p mine m-au lsat. M pedepsesc i nu tiu Arz n foc i m vz viu Venii toi hamorezai Parigorie s-m(i) dai! Mi s-au dus parigoria, Hamorul i bucuria! Verul al 19-lea Cucule cu peana sur, Ce te plimbi seara pe lun Au nu - inima bun? Sruta-l-ar leica n gur,

Un caiet manuscris cu versuri vechi din 1834 S-(i) fac inima bun. Cucule cu pean albastr, Ce bai seara la fereastr, C nu-s fat ci-s nevast i-mi este brbatu-acas?! Pn eram fat mare Avea grija dumitale Iar dac m-am mritat Am grije de-al meu brbat, Copii m-au mpresurat. De ar fi cucu un voinic, Eu l-a prinde ibovnic: Dar cucu e o pasre Nu tie ce e lumea, P tulpina nucului Cnt mama cucului. i cnt i ciripete Leica s cltorete i cnd cu glas subire S-i dea leichii de auzire Mai n jos p rmurea, m(i) cnt i-o turturea i-mi cnt i ciripete, De hamor s veselete. i-mi cnt cu glas subire, De hamor de desprire. Verul al 20-lea Zboar turtureau, zboar i coboar la ogor Ca puii s i-i hrneasc Amrta turturea! S nu s mai pedepseasc Are o zi cu urgie, Amrta turturea De pierderea de soie Cnd pre iubitul i-l perde, i cu ochii nu-l mai vede Toat ziua ciripete, Amrta turturea. Cu amar mult s trudete Singur ade mhnit Ca o muere jelit Unde vede un lemn frunzos, Nici de cum nu ade jos. De-(i) i ade cteodat

531

532

Mircea Popa Tot p ramurea uscat. Unde-i apa limpedea O turbur i-apoi bea. Unde vede vntoru(l), Acolo o duce doru(l). S mearg s o loveasc S nu s mai depepseasc. Aceeai o psrea, i tot cu inima rea Dar eu sunt om pe lume Cum s-i zic eu c e bine Oftez srmanul de mine. Partea a II-a II Am auzit puic bine, C m-ai fi uitat pe mine i dai altuia guri, Seara cnd ei la porti Ce folos dare de mine, C bat calea pentru tine! Pcat de a mea iubire, C-am fost n despreuire! Surda i-a fost jurmntul C nu i-ai inut cuvntul Cnd ziceai iad s te-nghit De-i cdea tu din credin Te rog neic neiculi Vin desear la porti i ce am greit mi spune, Vie-n mormnt nu m pune C m jur pe al tu nume, N-am iubit pe altu-n lume M-am nchinat numa ie, Fr vreo vinovie ine doamne luna-n nor, S ez cu leica-n pridvor S m satur de amor, -apoi atuncea s mor. IV Do inimi nu-mi dau pace Mie numa una-mi place; Una-mi este draga mea, -alta-mi este o belea; Le-a iubi pe amndou,

Un caiet manuscris cu versuri vechi din 1834 S fac alt lege nou Dar de-oi sta a le iubi, M tem c s-or nvrjbi Eu zisei dragii s vie, i beleaua s nu tie Dar draga mea cum sosi, i beleaua fu aci Amndou nu-mi dau pace Dar ghicii care mi place Una merit de simu, -alta merit de-nvinsu. V Dragostea mea cea dintu, Tut te duci i eu rmiu, Cum o s petrec cu dor, S tresc i s nu mor C de-acum unde gndesc, Parc-o s m prpdesc Nu poci sta nici ntr-un loc, De vpi i mare foc ntr-un ceas es, m plimb, Dorul nu poci s mi-l schimb C n loc s mi-l uurez, Eu mai ru m-nflcrez Es la cmp ca s mi-l sting, Cnturi bat i-l mai ncing Ori i ncotro m duc, Mai mari focuri m apuc Ah, nu tiu ce chip s fac, Draga mea s te mpac! C acelai foc i eu, Ptimesc n trupul meu. Dar nu poci iubita mea, Lng tine-a rmnea! Sunt silit chiar i nevrnd, S plec s te las plngnd. IX Soare, lun, stele, ger, Umilit v rog i cer, Un suflet ce l iubesc, S facei s-l dobndesc! La el ochi de cnd am pus,

533

534

Mircea Popa Sperarea n voi mi-am pus Toate dar v-mpreunai i grbii m ajutai Amor -asupra-i pornii, Dai m rog i-n sntu-i dor Inima i nfocai, -a m iubi l plecai C din ceas ce te-am coprins, i buzele mi l-atins Ah, cerule, de atunci, Cnd n necurmate munci! X Durerea-m cea mare, a-ntrecut p-orcare Cumplit durere, dar eu tot nu mor, Ah de-ai inea minte, cum dai jurminte, mi vei pstra poate o umbr d-amor. 2. Cnd mergi prin vlcele, s-aduni floricele S-acoperi cu ele faa, fruntea ta. Dac cu-ntmplare, nimereti o floare Ce poart scump nume, zic nu m uita. 3. Ah, atunci gndete c de min vorbete Asta mi-e ndejdea, d-asta mai tresc, Eu crez dc din fire te comptimesc Care inimi leag, cu lan sufletesc.

Rugciunea la romni. Cteva consideraii istorico-etnologice

Doru Radosav
Universitatea Babe-Bolyai
1. Lex orandi, lex credendi n msura n care ntreaga via cretin, sub forma ei personal sau comunitar, se ntemeiaz pe rugciune1, este firesc ca starea de rugciune s fie una din modalitile eseniale de exprimare a sentimentului religios. Rugciunea poate fi socotit o stare de pietate acut, iar, prin scopul, spiritul, atitudinile, momentul i frecvena rugciunii se poate cunoate temperatura religioas a unui suflet i a unei colectiviti2. Rugciunea este o manifestare elementar a identitii cretine, este o mrturie irecuzabil a gradului de interiorizare a cretinismului. mprtit la dimensiuni cvasiunanime de comunitatea credincioilor, rugciunea este fluviul linitit al pietii poporului cretin3, ce ncorporeaz devoiuni, nu de puine ori dramatice, dar, n majoritatea lor, anonime i cotidiene. Starea de rugciune este un exemplu pregnant de ceea ce nseamn religie trit. Ea transmite o anumit tensiune n planul pietii, pentru c rugciunea nseamn o lupt pentru pstrarea credinei, pentru ntreinerea unei viziuni spirituale i a unei sperane ncreztoare i rbdtoare pentru a constrnge pe Dumnezeu s-i realizeze promisiunile sale4. Rugciunea, ca exprimare a religiei trite, deci ca o deliberare n planul contiinei i voinei cretinului, este articulat de dou caracteristici: prima - indus de instrucia religioas sau catehizare, lex orandi, iar cea de a doua - de un sistem de norme ale exerciiului pietii, lex credendi. Rugciunea este o consecin a cunoaterii religioase, a catehizrii. Dac definim catehizarea drept o instruire n zona cuvintelor simbolice din limbajul credinei, ea presupune patru faze sau etape: cunoaterea istoriei biblice, compararea diverselor texte de istorie biblic, pentru a se putea evidenia constantele, imaginile, simbolurile, care revin n mod regulat n fiecare din istorii, descoperirea asperitilor textului, a bizareriilor narative, a semnificaiei cuvntului simbolic, ultima etap fiind reprezentat de interiorizarea cuvntului5. Aceast etap determin eclerajul vieii intime a individului, prin participarea la rugciune, la liturghii i sacramentele
1 I. Bria, Starea de rugciune, n Ortodoxia, XXXV, nr. 4, 1983, p. 528. 2 TOUSSAERT J., Le sentiment religieux en Flandre la Fin du Moyen ge, Paris, 1963, p. 347 3 F. Boulard, La religion populaire dans le dbat de la pastorale contemporaine, n La religion populaire, Ed. Beauchesne, Paris, 1976, p. 35. 4 A. Wyler, Lducateur au service de la fois - mission et visage du catchiste, Ed. Le Centurion, Paris, 1978, p. 80. 5 M. Baumann, Le didactique du catchisme des adolescentes, Neuchtel, 1993, p. 38.

536

Doru Radosav

bisericii. Rugciunea presupune, aadar, trirea religioas n i prin cuvinte, fiind un moment de maxim intimitate n dialogul cretinului cu divinitatea i, deopotriv, de mare intensitate a pietii individuale. Rugciunea produce religie, iar simul religios se roag, dup cum organul mental gndete6. Ea transmite o trire religioas intens i punctual n discursivitatea monoton a vieii cotidiene, ea este un cuvnt rnit, deoarece i are ntotdeauna originea n rana unei bucurii sau a unei mhniri, ntotdeauna o sfiere l face [pe om - n.n.] s-i deschid buzele i o face fiindc este mereu i altfel rnit7. Tipologia rugciunilor relev complexitatea atitudinilor gestuale i interioare, care pot fi sistematizate dup forma rugciunilor: orale, lectura - meditaie, rugciunea mental, dup timpul rugciunii: lungi i nentrerupte, scurte, foarte scurte i frecvente, dup intensitate: silenioase, recitate cu murmurul buzelor, declamate cu voce nalt, rugciuni spuse sau cntate.8 De-a lungul Evului Mediu, cuvintele, gesturile, modelele rugciunii se reproduc ntr-o continuitate impresionant, ntrerupt, din timp n timp, de inovaii rare, precum multiplicarea genuflexiunilor sau recitarea lui Ave9. Gramatica rugciunii vdete urmtoarele constante n discursul rugciunii: invocarea atotputerniciei lui Dumnezeu, prezentarea datoriilor cretinului fa de divinitate, expunerea nevoilor cretinului n faa lui Dumnezeu, angajamentul de a deveni mai bun pentru gloria lui Dumnezeu10. Discursul astfel articulat este cuprins n propoziii simple, expresive i nltoare11, fiind exclus verbiajul provocat dinspre impresionabilitatea excesiv12. Concentrarea verbal nu exclude, ns, impregnarea discursului cu interjecii, precum: O, Doamne, Vai, Doamne, prezente, mai ales, n rugciunile oamenilor simpli13. Rugciunea situat ntre norme i paradigme cretine prezint locuri comune n ceea ce privete varietatea confesional n cadrul cretinismului. n literatura devoional a secolului XVII din spaiul englez puritan, rugciunea se deruleaz pe cele trei momente ale zilei (diminea, prnz i sear), tot aa dup cum ele sunt prezente n fiecare zi a sptmnii, deci de luni pn duminic, i rugciuni fcute n momente liturgice sau sacramentale (liturghie, comuniune, botez, cununie etc.), rugciuni de trebuin (n timpul calamitilor naturale, rzboaielor etc.). n total, un numr de 50 de rugciuni care intr n urgenele pietii individuale i colective14. Acelai numr de rugciuni, construite, n general, pe aceleai structuri tematice sau momente exponeniale, se pot gsi n exerciiul devoional i n crile de rugciuni ortodoxe din secolul al XX-lea, de exemplu: rugciunile dimineii, rugciunile de peste zi, rugciunile de sear, rugciunile pentru plecarea la biseric, rugciuni pentru diferite trebuine (pentru prini, pentru copii, pentru cstorie, cltorie, pentru mpcarea
6 J. L. Chrtiene, M. Henri, J. L. Marion, P. Ricouer, Fenomenologie i teologie, Ed. Polirom, Iai, 1996, p. 38. 7 Ibidem, p. 74. 8 Prier au Moyen ge. Pratiques et expriences. Sous la direction de Nicole Brion, Jacques Berlioz et Jean Langre, Ed. Brepols, 1991, p. 9. 9 Ibidem, p. 14. 10 Labb Desgeorges, De loraison, Lyon, 1861, pp. 22-28. 11 I. Bria, op. cit., p. 525. 12 Labb Desgeorges, op. cit., p. 112. 13 Prier au Moyen ge, p. 201. 14 Cf. M. Sparke, The Crums of Comfort, London, 1628.

Rugciunea la romni. Cteva consideraii istorico-etnologice

537

i mblnzirea vrmailor, rugciuni pe patul de moarte), rugciunile sfintei taine a pocinei, rugciunile sfintei cuminecturi etc.15 Se poate constata c, ntr-adevr, aa cum s-a artat mai sus, rugciunile se reproduc ntr-o continuitate impresionant, extraconfesional i extratemporal, ele fiind mrturia indeniabil a constantelor religiei, a interfeei duratei lungi a religiei. n perimetrul aceleiai convergene, ilustrate de rugciune ntre medii confesionale diferite, se situeaz i opiniile teologale exprimate relativ la rugciunea inimii, a minii sau rugciunea lui Iisus. Rugciunea mental, oratio mentis, este definit n mediul catolic ca o rugciune fundamental, avnd un corp, constituit din trei pri, determinate de ipostaza lui Iisus n faa cretinului: a-l avea pe Iisus n faa ochilor, n inim i n mini16. n mediul teologal ortodox, rugciunea lui Iisus presupune simirea realitii nsi a lui Dumnezeu sau simirea realitii neatinse pe care o ncearc mintea, apoi coborrea minii n inim, prin care se realizeaz ntlnirea inimii cu Dumnezeu, astfel nct prezena lui Dumnezeu copleete totul17. Scopul unei astfel de rugciuni n viziune ortodox este mbuntirea cretinului. n cadrul teologiei catolice, acceptndu-se cea de a treia parte din corpul rugciunii minii i anume aceea n care Iisus se afl n minile cretinului, se definete abilitarea cretinului de a transpune prin intermediul minilor, organe de aciune rezoluii bune, inspirate de Iisus pentru existena sa imediat18. Dac cea de a treia parte a rugciunii, aa cum este ea prezent n teologia catolic, evideniaz n mod explicit un anumit pragmatism prin ceea ce nseamn elaborarea rezoluiilor bune, teologia ortodox doar induce acest aspect, ca prelungire subtextual: rugciunea sau, mai degrab ruga, ca lucrare nencetat, reprezint un mijloc foarte eficace pentru curirea de patimi i dobndirea iubirii, dar trebuie s fie neaprat ajutat i de virtui, care presupun poruncile Domnului Iisus19. Agenda pietii individuale, evideniat prin rugciune ca stare elementar de evlavie, este construit pe un ciclu septenar. Repertoriul de rugciuni din cuprinsul unei sptmni, destinate fiecrei zile, se poate reconstitui din coninutul Ceaslovului, care este un adevrat vademecum n exerciiul pietii individuale. Relevant este a defini modul diferit prin care, pe de o parte, este perceput divinitatea de ctre cretini i, pe de alt parte, autoproiecia cretinului n faa divinitii. Aceste dou repere formale din sintaxa rugciunii msoar tensiunea pietii, precum i expresia tririi religioase n succesiunea zilelor unei sptmni. Astfel, n ediia din 1790 a Ceaslovului de la Sibiu, extrgnd formulele de nceput ale rugciunii zilnice, se pot detaa cele dou repere ale pietii, derulate n rugciunile din cadrul zilelor sptmnii. nceputul rugciunii nseamn o invocaie a lui Dumnezeu, o apprehensio vie i atent a omniprezenei lui Dumnezeu20, prin pomenirea numelui lui Hristos, iar numele lui Hristos nseamn nsi Prezena Sa21. Invocarea lui Dumnezeu i a lui Iisus Hristos se face concomitent cu prezentarea antitetic a nimicniciei sau a strii
15 16 17 18 19 20 21 Cf. Carte de rugciuni, Timioara, 1995. H. Lemaire, Lart de faire oraison, Paris, 1903, pp. 17-33. D. Stniloae, Rugciunea lui Iisus i experiena Duhului Sfnt, Ed. Deisis, Sibiu, 1995, pp. 53-58. H. Lemaire, op. cit., p. 31-32. Teoclit Dionisiatul, Dialoguri la Athos, vol. II, Ed. Deisis, Alba Iulia, 1994, p. 22. Labb Desgeorges, op. cit., Paris, p. 65. I. Bria, op. cit., p. 529.

538

Doru Radosav

pctoase a cretinului rugtor, iar autoproiecia cretinului prin pomenirea numelui [lui Iisus Hristos - n.n.] ... are i un element de pocin i mrturisire22. O agend a pietii prin distribuirea rugciunilor dintr-un ciclu septenar cuprins n Ceaslovul mai sus menionat, evideniat prin formulele de ncepere a rugciunilor, se prezint astfel23: Rugcine 1. Rugciunea de ziua de duminic Formula de nceput Percepia divinitii Autoproiecia cretinului

2. Rugciunea de luni 3. Rugciunea de mari 4. Rugciunea de miercuri

5. Rugciunea de joi 6. Rugciunea de vineri 7. Rugciunea de smbt Formula

De vreme ce ziua duminicii mi aduce aminte preaputernicia preaputernicia mi aduce Domnului meu Domnului meu aminte cu adnc i mare smerenie a inimii mele ... o, vecinice Domnule, Iisus Hri- vecinice mrturisesc c stos, cu adnc i mare smerenie Dumnezeule, a inimii mele ... mrturisesc c Doamne, Iisuse greesc n toate zilele greesc n toate zilele Hristoase o, Doamne i Dumnezeul meu, stau osndit astzi stau osndit naintea feii Dumnezeul naintea ... feii tale cei sfinte meu tale Preaputernice i iubitul meu, Dumnezeu, mi aduc aminte, Preaputernice te-ai nscut om din Sfnta i iubitul meu, mi aduc aminte, Fecioar Dumnezeu te-ai nscut om Doamne Iisuse Hristoase, fiul i cuvntul lui Dumnezeu, Tatl, precum n ziua de astzi te-ai sculat de la cin i ai splat cu mare smerenie picioarele uce- fiul i cuvntul cu mare smerenicilor ti lui Dumnezeu nie Doamne, Iisuse Hristoase, dulcele mntuitorule sufletului meu, mrturisesc naintea ta ... cum c dulcele mntu- mrturisesc ... eu snt acela ce te-am rstignit itorule sufletului c te-am rstignit cu pcatele mele meu cu pcatele mele Doamne, Iisuse Hristoase, judectoriul meu i vecinice Dumnezeule, cunosc adevrat cum judectoriul pcatele mele nu c pcatele mele nu poate nici meu i vecinice poate nici condecondeiul s le scrie ... Dumnezeule iul s le scrie de invocare ilustreaz atributele divinitii: preaputernicie, venicie,

22 Ibidem. 23 Ceaslov, Sibiu, 1790, p. 186 et sq.

Rugciunea la romni. Cteva consideraii istorico-etnologice

539

mntuire, care traduc o gradualitate a acestora n percepia cretinului. Astfel, n ziua de smbt, sfritul sptmnii, care poate nsemna i sfritul unui ciclu de via, ipostaza lui Dumnezeu Fiul este aceea de judector, rugciunea n sine coninnd un mesaj eshatologic. Pe de alt parte, atributele divinitii sunt configurate ciclic, adic att n rugciunea de luni, ct i n cea de smbt se invoc venicia lui Dumnezeu, evideniind, astfel, o semantic a complinirii, adiacent sptmnii, privit ca segment esenial i atotcuprinztor n calendarul cretin. Autoproiecia individului traduce o alternare ntre starea de anamnez (miaduc aminte: duminic i miercuri) i trirea n prezent a strii de pcat i de pocin (stau osndit, cu mare smerenie, te-am rstignit cu pcatele mele: luni, mari, joi, vineri), culminnd cu o autoreflecie de inspiraie strict livresc (pcatele mele nici condeiul nu poate s le scrie - smbt). Admind c structura intern a rugciunii cretine corespunde structurii sufletului omenesc24, rugciunea transpune notele fundamentale ale sentimentului religios: nlare sufleteasc, comuniunea cu Dumnezeu, reprimarea sufleteasc (tulburare, deprimare), pcatul25 i, corespondent acestor caracteristici ale sentimentului religios, rugciunea exprim veneraie, admiraie, laud, mulumire, iubire, bucurie, compasiune, tristee etc.26 Rugciunile zilnice cuprinse n Ceaslov consacr, aadar, complexitatea tririi religioase i a sentimentului religios, precum i specificitile exerciiului cotidian al vieii cretine a individului. n general, rugciunile au o structur trinitar, consacrat n teologia rugciunii: laud, mulumire, cerere27. Calendarul zilnic al rugciunilor cuprinde, n principal, rugciuni de diminea, prnz i sear, norm a pietii individuale i, de asemenea, exigen minim n pedagogia cretin. Agenda pietii individuale comport o serie de particulariti. Dac norma rugciunilor zilnice este, n general, recomandat tuturor indivizilor, este evideniat, ns, i o distincie ntre rugciunea dinspre partea brbteasc i alta dinspre partea muereasc, astfel nct femeilor, asociate mai pregnant pcatului originar, le este destinat un exerciiu pios mai intens i mai riguros. ntr-o nsemnare din 1776 se arat c femeia trebuie s zic rugciunea ngerului de mai multe ori pe zi i pe noapte, cndu s direpte nti gndul la rugciune28. O alt particularitate a rugciunii este conturat de precaritatea instruciei religioase i de componenta majoritar, iletrizat a comunitilor cretine. n acest caz, enunarea rugciunii este substituit de o gestic aferent, compus, n principal, din semnul crucii, nchinare sau ngenunchere. ntr-o meniune din 1713 se arat c romnii, mici i mari, ngenuncheaz n faa icoanelor pictate, n biseric i acas ... Ei s-ar ruga la ele, dar nu tiu nici o rugciune, chiar Tatl Nostru l tiu rosti numai foarte puini n toat ara i ngenunchind n faa icoanelor, n loc de rugciune, ei fac numai semnul crucii29. ntr-o nsemnare din 1656 - 1658, gestica rugciunii este
24 Al. I. Stan, Rugciunea n cretinism i n alte mari religii, n Ortodoxia, XXXV, nr. 4, 1983, p. 527. 25 L. Bologa, Psihologia vieii religioase, Cluj, 1930, p. 29. 26 H. Lemaire, op. cit., p. 38. 27 Cf. E. Corniescu, Sensul rugciunii dup Vechiul Testament, n Ortodoxia, XXXV, nr. 3/1983. 28 Bianu, I.,Catalogul manuscriptelor romneti, tom. I, Bucureti, 1907, p. 419. 29 S. Reli, Viaa religioas i moral romneasc n sec. XVIII - XIX dup scriitori strini, Cernui, 1935, p. 5.

540

Doru Radosav

relatat ntr-o ipostaz paradigmatic, ce adnoteaz n egal msur particularitile unei pieti ortodoxe romne de la mijlocul secolului XVII: cnd intr n biseric, credincioii cad n genunchi, cnd n faa Fecioarei Maria, cnd n faa Sf. Gheorghe. Se nchin i fac cruci mari i mtnii adnci, pn la pmnt, ducnd mna dreapt nti la frunte, apoi la piept, apoi la partea dreapt i, n sfrit, la partea stng a pieptului, n form de cruce, iar pe cel care face altfel semnul crucii (s.n.) nu-l socot dreptcredincios, ci strin30. Gestica rugciunii identific, aadar, o anumit entitate etnic i confesional. Necesitatea rugciunii n viaa cretin a individului revine cu insisten exprimat n activitatea pastoral i de ndrumare bisericeasc a elitei ecleziastice. Rugciunile fundamentale sau cele de lips cretinului, Tatl Nostru, Crede - ul, sunt invocate drept urgene n pietatea individual ortodox, iar, n mediul greco - catolic, la mijlocul secolului al XVIII - lea, la aceste dou rugciuni este adugat rugciunea Bucur-te, Maria31. Dac rugciunea este unitar att din punct de vedere al coninutului ei, centrat pe invocarea raportului individului cu divinitatea, ct i din punct de vedere al normelor care stabilesc un nivel minimal al practicii devoionale prin rugciune, n aceeai msur, prin modul, contextul i timpul rugciunii, ea difereniaz socialmente comunitatea cretin. Cum se rugau Domnul, boierul, clugrul, ranul sunt tot attea particulariti sau variante ale rugciunii. Dac la nivelul elitelor, rugciunile sunt anturate de un anumit grad de ritualizare sau convenionalism, spre treptele sociale cele mai de jos ele se deruleaz firesc, ntr-un anonimat, care, aa cum am artat mai sus, a fost definit ca fluviul linitit al rugciunii poporului cretin, mrturie irecuzabil a unei spiritualiti de bun calitate i a unei cariti fraternale delicate32. a. Rugciunea Domnului se plaseaz ntr-o supraveghere permanent dinspre ritualul ceremoniilor i al preeminenei domniei. Dimensiunea religioas a domniei i, implicit, pietatea Domnului nu poate fi detaat de virtualitatea ipostazei politico - sociale a voievodului. Pietatea recognoscibil n ceremonial consacr unul din cele mai importante nsemne ale domniei. Rugciunea Domnului se instituie, odat cu ntemeierea domniei, n epoca genezei statului feudal, drept fundamentum regi sau regni. Domnia, privit ca instituie divin, Dei gratia, se afl n poziie sintagmatic cu biserica. Cetatea de scaun ncorporeaz n timp biserica ierarhiei de cel mai nalt grad, care, deopotriv, este i biseric domneasc. Raportul ntre curtea domneasc i biserica din Mitropolie, n care slujea cel mai nalt ierarh al rii, poate fi explicat numai dac l referim la raportul dintre palatul imperial bizantin i Patriarhia din Constantinopol, dou nalte foruri alturate, strns legate, dar constituind entiti separate. Tot astfel, cum biserica Patriarhiei ndeplinete i funcia de paraclis imperial, lcaul religios de la Curtea de Arge, nchinat Sf. Nicolae, ndeplinea att funcia de biseric a Mitropoliei, ct i pe aceea de capel a curii alturate33. Scaunul domnesc se afl n proximitatea bisericii arhiereti, care,
30 Cltori strini despre rile Romne, vol. V, Bucureti, 1973, p. 594 (n continuare Cltori strini ...). 31 Z. Pclianu, Vechi vizitaiuni canonice n Ardealul veacului al XVIII - lea, n Cultura Cretin, XVI, nr. 2, 1936, p. 156 et sq. 32 F. Boulard, op. cit., p. 35. 33 P. Chihaia, Din cetile de scaun ale rii Romne, Bucureti, 1974, p. 79.

Rugciunea la romni. Cteva consideraii istorico-etnologice

541

aadar, ndeplinete i funcia de paraclis de rugciune pentru domn. Astfel, cadrul rugciunii domneti se contureaz n echivalena scaun domnesc - biseric domneasc, episcopal sau mitropolitan. Trirea religioas a Domnului prin rugciune este confiscat, de la bun nceput, de ceremonie, de ritual. La sfritul secolului XVII i nceputul secolului XVIII, n epoca domniei lui Constantin Brncoveanu, rugciunea i gestica religioas a Domnului este surprins astfel: ... l-au primit la ua bisericii, cu litanii, cu axion i, dup ce au mers n biseric, srutnd icoanele, au srutat i minile arhiereilor, dnd mna i cu toi iguminii, cu toi preoii34. Rugciunea Domnului i gestica pietii sale se prezint n mai multe variante, impuse de topica ceremonialului. Rugciunea n ceremonial este evideniat cu prilejul marilor srbtori: Sfnta Nascere, Sfntul Vasile, Sfntul Botez, la nvierea Domnului, la ziua Sfntului Gheorghe etc.35 Pe lng faptul c Domnul se roag, el este i obiectul rugciunii celor muli. Astfel, de foarte multe ori, rugciunea Domnului primete valenele unei rugciuni colective sau solidare, n sensul c nevoile sau momentele de mare dificultate n care se afl Domnul atrage rugciunea ntregii colectiviti, care poteneaz sau intermediaz rugciunea individual a voievodului (la aceasta adugndu-se, firete, pomenirea i rugciunea pentru Domn, invocat n cadrul fiecrui serviciu divin). Astfel, cltoria lui Nicolae Mavrocordat, Domn al rii Romneti, la Ismail, determinat de chemarea sultanului, care l-a pus pe Domn ntr-o situaie de mare ngrijorare sau incertitudine privind domnia sau propria persoan, declaneaz o febril rugciune colectiv: La purcederea Domnului din Bucureti, au dat ... nvtur pre la toate mnstirile i pre la toate bisericile din tot oraul Bucureti, ca s fac preoii denii, liturghii i rugciuni ctre Dumnezeu n toate zilele, neprestan [necontenit - n.n.] pentru Domn (s.n.) ... care s-au i fcut i Dumnezeu, ca un milostiv, au ascultat i au bine primit acele nencetate rugciuni, pentru c au fcut mare mil, de au fost nvirtejirea (ntoarcerea - n.n.) Domnului la scaun i curnd i au venit i Domnul i ceilali toi sntoi pre la cile lor.36 Analiznd o rugciune domneasc plasat n prima jumtate a secolului XX i anume Rugciunea unei Regine (rugciunea Reginei Maria, 1938), regsim, n linii mari, aceleai caracteristici ale rugciunii domneti din perioadele precedente. Rugciunea Reginei Maria ncepe cu invocarea umilinei n spiritul cuvintelor Apostolului Luca (13, 14, 11): Cci oricine se nal va fi smerit i cine se smerete va fi nlat. Astfel, rugciunea Reginei Romniei pornete de la nlimea ipostazei exponeniale pe care o are datorit lui Dumnezeu i pe care o proiecteaz ntr-o stare de umilin, specific omului care se roag: M-ai nlat ... i ai pus n minile mele o putere ce nu e hrzit multora. n egal msur, aceast rugciune regal este un alt tip de rugciune cu valene colective, pornit, de ast dat, nu dinspre cei muli spre Rege sau Principe, ci de la Regin spre cei muli: D-mi o inim ... destul de mare ca s pot iubi i pe cei pe care nimeni nu-i iubete i ca s suport toate durerile pe care le vd i aud37. Rugciunea domneasc este, astfel, supravegheat din interior dinspre ritual, dinspre ceremonie sau colectivitate, dar, deopotriv - avnd n vedere c voievozii
34 35 36 37 Cronicari munteni, vol. II, Bucureti, 1961, p. 245. Cf. M. Koglniceanu, Cronicele Romniei, vol. III, Bucureti, 1974, p. 299 et sq. Cronicari munteni, vol. I, ..., p. 561. Rugciunea unei Regine, n Misionarul, nr. 7-8, Chiinu, 1938, p. 389-390.

542

Doru Radosav

romni cretini erau supui turcilor necretini - i dinspre exterior, n sensul c, trirea religioas, n unele momente excepionale, este dedublat, se refugiaz ntr-o intimitate n care se evideniaz adversitatea funciar a Domnului cretin fa de stpnul pgn i solidaritatea nemrturisit a voievodului cu victoriile reconquistei cretine. Astfel, Constantin Brncoveanu, aflnd de victoria cretinilor asupra turcilor la Belgrad n ziua de 8 septembrie, ziua naterii Nsctoarei de Dumnezeu i pururea Fecioarei Maria, ieind de la utrenie i nelegnd de aceast veste veselitoare de izbnda cretinilor au dat slav lui Dumnezeu i Maici Sfinii Sale (s.n.)38. Poziia preeminent a voievodului n cadrul comunitii cretine determin n percepia colectiv o configurare exemplar a rugciunii domneti. Domnul personific un adevrat model de pietate, iar, n agenda sa cotidian, rugciunea ocup primul loc. Constantin Mavrocordat, Domnul rilor Romne, i articula programul zilnic astfel: i mprea timpul cu rugciunea ... cu divanul i cu citirea crilor. Somnul cel dulce era foarte msurat: se scula dis-de-diminea, la orele 5 din noapte i sttea n biseric cu mare luare aminte i evlavie (s.n.), mpreun cu toi boierii i slugile domneti, care locuiau la curtea domneasc, care i ei se sculau cnd se crpa de ziu, dup exemplul Domnului ...39. n derularea aceleiai agende zilnice a pietii se pot aeza i lecturile Domnului din crile lui Ioan Hrisostom sau ale lui Vasile cel Mare sau ale lui Macarie Egipteanul sau ale altor sfini, nsemnnd vorbele aflate n ele ce se refer la domnitori40. Acest tip de lectur se poate circumscrie conceptului de lectio divina, ca lectur rugtoare, cuvntul rugat, rugciune meditat41, detectabil pe traiectoria lectio - meditatio - oratio. Lecturile Domnului, focalizate la ce se refer la domnitori, intr ntr-o perifraz a unei rugciuni convenionale, dar mult mai n armonie cu ansamblul vieii cotidiene i, mai ales, mult mai nemijlocit ornduit ctre ... Dumnezeu42. Lectura rugtoare consacr, n acest caz, un mod de desvrire prin rugciuni a unui credincios, dar nu un oarecare, ci un credincios - principe. b. Rugciunea boierului se afl n acelai context ritualizat sau articulat de ceremonie. Agenda rugciunii boierilor velii se derula n funcie de atribuiile pe care le aveau n divanul rii. n secolul al XVII - lea, arhidiaconului Paul de Alep, om al bisericii, i prur boierii moldoveni peste msur de religioi (s.n.). n toat dimineaa se duceau la biserica curii spre a asista la utrenie i apoi urcau la domn i rezolvau afaceri n divan. Apoi se coborau la liturghie i nu prseau biserica pn la amiaz, cnd plecau la prnz43. Documentele nregistreaz, i n cazul rugciunii boierilor, o modalitate colectiv sau coparticipativ n exerciiul pietii, care evideniaz, ns, o gestic similar cu a celorlalte categorii sociale: Pe timpul lui Matei Basarab, aflndu-se de Pati n biserica curii i Patriarhul Antiohiei, Macarie, toi boierii l rugar s li se citeasc o rugciune de iertare a pcatelor i se arun38 Cronicari munteni, vol. II, ..., p. 93. 39 D. Barbu, Timpul i privirea n civilizaia romneasc a secolului al XVIII - lea, Ed. Antet, Bucureti, 1996, pp. 59-60. 40 Ibidem, p. 20. 41 E. Bianchi, Cuvnt i rugciune, Ed. Deisis, Sibiu, 1996, p. 39. 42 J. A. Vinel, Lectio divina, n Vie consacre, nr. 54, 1982, p. 289-290; apud E. Bianchi, op. cit., p. 39. 43 S. Reli, op. cit., p. 8.

Rugciunea la romni. Cteva consideraii istorico-etnologice

543

car toi cu feele la pmnt, srutndu-i, apoi, minile (s.n.).44 Unele documente prezint i particulariti ale rugciunii individuale a boierilor, surprins mai ales n momente de acut nevoin i de trire religioas. Astfel este rugciunea din 1751 a boierului Nicolae Dudescu, biv vel vornic, care a fost persecutat i nchis de domnitorul Grigorie Ghica: ... care vznd c Dumnezeu m pedepsete pentru mulimea pcatelor meale, am epicalisit [chemat n ajutor - n.n.] i am chemat pe acest sfnt Nicolae ca s-mi ajute, s m scape din mna vrmailor. i aa, fr de zbav i n grab i-au artat mulimea milelor sale ctre mine. Eu dar, robul tu, cu ce ai dat mirie s m artu altu numai avnd fr numai am hotrt puindu gndu la Dumnezeu i la ajutoriul sfntului ca den temelie s fac aceast sfnt bisericu cu a mea cheltuial la satul Stroieti.45 Topica rugciunii, n acest caz, comport un enun complex, articulat de cele trei componente eseniale ale corpului rugciunii: consideraiile, afeciunile i rezoluiile46. Consideraiile sunt definite de acel retour sur nous - mmes, adic contientizarea strii de pctos (Dumnezeu m pedepsete pentru mulimea pcatelor mele) i care precede dialogul cu Dumnezeu sau Sfnta Fecioar i sfinii47. De la consideraii se face trecerea la afeciuni, care transpun stri sufleteti ce se reific n virtui cretine, precum credina i sperana (am epicalisit i am chemat pe acest sfnt Nicolae ca s-mi ajute ... i aa fr zbav i n grab s-au artat mulimea milelor sale ctre mine). A treia component, care sunt rezoluiile, induc, n raport cu trirea religioas, o voin sau promisiunea determinrilor generoase48. Aceste rezoluii pot fi universale (mi propun s-l iubesc pe Dumnezeu, vreau smi nfrnez mndria etc.) sau particulare, cum este cazul n rugciunea boierului Nicolae Dudescu: Eu, dar robul tu ... numai am hotrt puindu gndu la Dumnezeu i la ajutorul sfntului ca den temelie s fac aceast sfnt bisericu (s.n.). Pe de alt parte, rugciunea fixeaz i un schimb de prestaii ntre credincioi i divinitate, o echivalen ntre ajutor i ofrand: tantum proficies, quantum tibi ipsi vim intuleris. Reconstituirea sentimentului religios aferent acestei rugciuni se poate face i urmrind o traiectorie adiacent componentelor corpului rugciunii, evideniat de ipostaza n care credinciosul se plaseaz n exerciiul su de pietate fa de divinitate. Traiectoria se relev, n principal, prin alternana dintre apropiere sau deprtare fa de divinitate i care transcrie o dinamic sufleteasc concentrat n economia textului rugciunii: mrturisirea, confiteor - ul strii de pcat presupune o distanare (Dumnezeu m pedepsete), dar i o apropiere inchoactiv fa de divinitate (am epicalisit, am chemat). Apropierea se face prin intercesiune (am chemat pe acest sfnt Nicolae), rspunsul divinitii fiind evident (s-au artat mulimea milelor ctre mine). Urmeaz apoi o comuniune cu divinitatea prin intermediul gndului (puindu gndu la Dumnezeu i la ajutorul sfntu), n urma creia cretinul, dobndind o stare de graie, circumscris caritii, delibereaz ntr-un act ctitorial (am hotrt ... s fac aceast sfnt bisericu cu a mea cheltuial). Cu alte cuvinte, aceast rugciune a boierului Dudescu transpune complexitatea strii de pietate cu o
44 Ibidem. 45 N. Iorga, O prigonire politic sub fanarioi, n Analele Acad. Rom. Mem. Sect. Ist., seria III, tom IV, pp. 377 - 378. 46 Labb Desgeorges, op. cit., p. 76 et sq. 47 Ibidem, p. 82. 48 Ibidem, p. 117.

544

Doru Radosav

dinamic i o fervoare a tririi cretine, care reverbereaz n baroc. c. Rugciunea clugrului delimiteaz aa-numita matrice monastic a rugciunii49, important att prin ponderea pe care o deineau mnstirile n viaa i trirea religioas a romnilor, dar i prin faptul c rugciunea clugrului era o rugciune in extenso, n sensul c monahul era om al rugciunii pentru lume. n mnstirile de obte se svrea i se svrete i acum zilnic Sfnta Liturghie, cu cele apte laude i alte slujbe pentru credincioi. Acesta era rolul principal al mnstirilor: rugciunea pentru credincioii din toate categoriile, cum dovedesc documentele vremii. Domnitorii numesc pe clugri <<rugtorii notri ctre Dumnezeu>>.50 Mnstirea devine o adevrat instituie rugtoare prin subsumarea rugciunilor colective, dar i individuale ale clugrilor. Monahul ncearc s se roage tot timpul, nu numai n decursul orelor consacrate rugciunii. Rugciunea constant poate fi practicat, recitnd una din urmtoarele: Doamne miluiete sau Slav lui Dumnezeu pentru toate sau Doamne Iisuse Hristoase, Fiul lui Dumnezeu, miluiete-m pe mine, pctosul, ori un vers din Psalmi.51 Dimensiunea informal a rugciunii monastice nu exclude, ns, anumite normative sau structuri n acest exerciiu al pietii. Astfel, catismele din Psaltire, Imnul Acatist articulau agenda rugciunii clugreti, dup cum nelipsit era rugciunea lui Iisus, urmat de mtnii, adic de nchinciuni i metanii (de la 600 la 1000)52. Matricea monastic a rugciunii s-a diseminat n mare msur n comunitile ortodoxe romneti, ncepnd cu secolul al XVII - lea i prin aa - numitele sihstrii steti, care erau mici frii n care vduvele i btrnii, dup ce mpreau totul sracilor, se puneau n slujba bisericii din sat i, sub povaa preotului din sat, ajutau pe bolnavi, se rugau (s.n.), posteau.53 Conform mrturiei lui Marco Bandini, n secolul XVII, n jurul mnstirii Neamului, pdurile foneau de sihatri54, aspect ce configureaz marea renatere spiritual a ortodoxismului dinspre o variant romneasc i anume aceea reprezentat de paisianismul din secolul al XVIII - lea. Contactul permanent al insularitii monastice cu lumea mirean este detectabil, aadar, att prin pastoraia special a monahilor, ntruct monahii sunt, n cele din urm, n mijlocul poporului, rugciunea fiind cea dinti fapt bun pe care ei sunt datori s o mplineasc din dragoste pentru fraii lor, oamenii din lume55, ct i prin existena n secolul XVII - XVIII a acelor sihatri steti. Unei matrici monastice a rugciunii i se poate asocia transfigurarea imagistic a sensibiliti religioase ncepnd cu secolul al XVI - lea i anume iconografia exterioar de pe zidurile bisericilor mnstireti. Temele iconografice (Imnul Acatist, Asediul Constantinopolului i Arborele lui Iisus) construiesc sintaxa unei rugciuni exprimat n imagini i reprezint alegoria unei imense Rugciuni de
49 Prier au Moyen ge..., (cap. IV). 50 Dr. Irineu Pop Bistrieanul, Monahismul, chivotul neamului romnesc, Ed. Omniscop, Craiova, 1995, p. 83. 51 Ibidem, p. 81. 52 T. Spidlik, Monahismul i religiozitatea popular n Romnia, n Mitropolia Moldovei i a Bucovinei, nr. 1 - 3, 1990, p. 167. 53 S. Antohi, Utopica. Studiu asupra imaginarului social, Ed. tiinific, Bucureti, 1991, p. 118119. 54 Ibidem, p. 119. 55 Dr. Irineu Pop Bistrieanul, op. cit., p. 29.

Rugciunea la romni. Cteva consideraii istorico-etnologice

545

aprare sau o invocaie apologetic a ortodoxiei romneti n faa pericolului islamic56. Codul iconografic din interpretrile locale, folclorice, vdesc incidena religiei i sensibilitii populare cu erminia. Prin frescele exterioare, mai ales n Moldova, rugciunea monastic se obiectiveaz n imagine persuasiv i plin de concretee n discursul religios. d. Rugciunea ranului sau rugciunea oamenilor simpli57 formeaz cmpul cel mai larg al devoiunii individuale. Rugciunea individual a celor muli se petrece cu predilecie n spaiul extraeclezial i capt, cel mai adesea, forma unui cult domestic cnd capul familiei citete Biblia, apoi intoneaz Psalmi, recit cu voce tare Tatl Nostru58. Rugciunea ranului se plaseaz, pe de alt parte, ntre normele bisericii sau directiva episcopal i preoeasc i realitatea pietii individuale, compus de o lume iletrizat. Directiva rugciunii este o preocupare permanent a bisericii fa de lumea rneasc. n 1741, protopopul rii Brsei cere preoilor ortodoci s oblige lumea rneasc s nvee principalele rugciuni, Tatl Nostru i Crede - ul, i s-i fac sfnta cruce bine i drept59. n mediul greco - catolic, la 1769, episcopul Atanasie Rednic cere preoilor s nvee norodul Tatl nostru i Crede - ul60. Realitatea rugciunii n lumea iletrizat, mai ales pentru sec. XVII - XVIII, se petrece doar la nivelul unei gestici simbolice: ... se mulumesc cu plecciuni, se nseamn de vreo 20 - 30 ori cu semnul sf. cruci, cad apoi n genunchi i srut pmntul, iar n zilele de srbtoare fac mai multe nchinciuni i cruci dect n zilele de peste sptmn. Aceasta e deosebirea ntre rugciunea de toate zilele i ntre cultul divin61 (informaii ale cltorului suedez Weismantel la 1713 n Moldova). ncepnd cu a doua jumtate a secolului al XVIII - lea, o lume din ce n ce mai mult letrizat ncepe s nvee i s lectureze rugciunile obinuite sau comune, familiarizndu-se, totodat, cu o anumit tipologie a rugciunilor. Alturi de Tatl Nostru i Crede - ul, paleta rugciunilor este completat de cele adresate Maicii Domnului i lui Iisus Hristos. Astfel, un manuscris intitulat Vorbe duhovniceti, din 177462, traducere a lui Vartolomeu Mzreanu, cuprinde rugciunile eseniale, la care se adaug canoanele de pocin, fapt ce confer un grad mai nalt de trire religioas individual. ntreg manuscrisul este conceput ntr-o structur tematic, desfurat pe trei direcii: rugciuni, mrturisirea pcatelor i canoanele de pocin, structur ce traduce creterea complexitii n exerciiul pietii i care parcurge o desfurare in crescendo a tririi religioase: rugciune - mrturisire - canon. ntr-o lume rneasc letrizat din Ardealul nceputului secolului al XX - lea se poate evidenia mai exact modul n care se petrece rugciunea n contextul cultului domestic i n care oficia capul familiei. Astfel, D. Stniloae descrie exerciiul religios din propria familie, unde tatl, n fiecare diminea, murmura n surdin Psalmul 50, iar duminica dup - mas, dup ntoarcerea de la biseric, citea ntregii familii

56 Alexandru Horia, Vorbirea n oapt, Ed. Anastasia, Bucureti, 1995, p. 40. 57 Prier au Moyen ge..., p. 201. 58 Ph. Aris i G. Duby (coord.), Istoria vieii private, vol. I, Ed. Meridiane, Bucureti, 1991, p. 128. 59 D. Barbu, op. cit., p. 124. 60 Z. Pclianu, op. cit., p. 153. 61 S. Reli, op. cit., p. 5. 62 I. Bianu, op. cit., p. 349.

546

Doru Radosav

din Ceaslov63. n mediul romnesc greco - catolic s-a elaborat, la nceputul secolului al XX - lea, un model de agend a pietii individuale, care presupune zilnic urmtoarele: rugciunile de dimineaa i seara, rugciune pentru binefctor, meditaie, examenul de contiin, lectur spiritual. n contextul aceleiai lumi letrizate se poate reconstitui topica rugciunilor n ciclul sptmnal. Rugciunile aferente succesiunii zilelor sunt inspirate de temele sptmnii liturgice: luni este ziua cinstirii i rugciunii dedicate ngerilor intercesori, mari este rugciunea i cinstirea vechilor sfini i, n special, a lui Ioan Boteztorul, miercurea este dedicat Sfintei Cruci, joia se face rugciunea i cinstirea Sfinilor Apostoli, vinerea se cinstete sfnta cruce i sfintele patimi ale Mntuitorului, smbta este ziua cinstirii i rugciunii dedicate sfinilor mrturisitori i mucenici64. Succesiunea rugciunilor reconstituie un ciclu al pietii, reperat n datele eseniale ale vieii i istoriei cretine, ncorporate n Noul Testament. Ele transpun teme i motive care concentreaz, deopotriv, etape i momente ale istoriei mntuirii. Rugciunea ranului n ciclu sptmnal poate fi reconstituit i din perspectiva discursului etnologic, databil n prima jumtate a secolului al XX - lea. Articularea rugciunii la fluxul cotidian al muncii i vieii se face dinspre un orizont n care elementele de filosofie popular coabiteaz cu cele cretine, sincronizndu-se, aadar, un nivel spiritual arhaic, precretin cu unul al epocii cretine. Derularea calendarului sptmnal al rugciunii pune n eviden accente diferite ale sensibilitii religioase, care pot fi prezentate n ordine descrescnd. Duminica este, prin excelen, ziua rugciunii, a odihnei, a interzicerii descntecelor i este perceput de sensibilitatea religioas rneasc ca un personaj mitic, doamna mare, femeie sfnt, la care se nchin toate zilele sptmnii. Vinerea este a doua zi a sptmnii, ca intensitate a tririi religioase. Personificat n orizontul mitologic ca cea mai btrn sfnt dintre surorile ei, sor cu sfnta Duminic, este o zi a rugciunii, dar i a vrjii i a descntecelor, este o zi a postului, care se regsete n calendarul religios popular sub denumirile de Vinerea Seac, Vinerea Izvorului Tmduirii, Vinerea Ciumei, Vinerea Mare. Ele sunt grupate n cicluri de celebrare i de rugciune de cte trei, nou sau 12 zile, care mrturisesc sensuri religioase aparte. Miercurea este a treia a sptmnii dup gradul de intensitate religioas. Personificat ntr-o sfnt btrn, ea este o zi de reculegere i rugciune, n care erau interzise petrecerile i distraciile. Marea, n agenda pietii populare, se caracterizeaz prin comemorarea n rugciune i ritual a preexistenei, a celor ce se vor nate, spre deosebire de smbt, care este dedicat morilor. Este o zi populat de elemente malefice, este o zi rea, care a fost consacrat de religia popular sub denumirile de: Marea Dracului, Marea Strmb, Marea Trznetului etc.65 Joia este reificat n calendarul popular ca femeie sfnt sau fecioar frumoas sau joimri66 i invocat n rugciuni ca protectoare de ploi mari i grindin. Este o zi de deconcentrare n planul pietii populare, slobod pentru nuni i,
63 Cf. Printele Dumitru i ranii, n Alfa i Omega (supliment Cotidianul), IV, nr. 10 (36), 20 oct. 1995, p. 1. 64 Al. Todea, Cascada tinereii, Ed. Viaa cretin, Cluj-Napoca, 1993, p. 11. 65 I. Ghinoiu, Vrstele timpului, Ed. tiina, Chiinu, 1994, pp. 363 - 365. 66 V. Mihilescu, I. Popescu, I. Pnzaru, Paysans de lhistoire, Ed. Dar, Bucureti, 1992, p. 34.

Rugciunea la romni. Cteva consideraii istorico-etnologice

547

n general, pentru dragoste. Smbta este ziua dedicat rugciunilor pentru sufletele morilor i practicilor aflate la liziera sentimentului religios: vrji, magii etc.67 Ciclul sptmnal al rugciunii rneti evideniaz, aadar, maniera n care universul celor mici a asimilat sau adaptat la propria sensibilitate repertoriul rugciunilor cotidiene. Starea de rugciune, relevat prin intermediul analizei etnologice, deconspir un univers mitic pregnant, astfel nct sentimentul religios, la nivelul lumii rneti, este fertilizat n permanen de un strat cultural arhaic. Rugciunea presupune o stare de pietate aparte, n care individul se regsete ntr-o emoie complet68, fiind precedat de o pregtire n planul psihologiei individuale. n totalitatea ei, rugciunea transmite o semantic emoional, aferent unui vocabular n care apar frecvent noiuni precum Dumnezeu, iertarea, puterea, iubirea, cina, ajutorul etc. i care sunt supuse unei intense triri prin eliberarea gndului de neles, aa cum arta Maxim Mrturisitorul69. Toate noiunile care compun vocabularul rugciunii sunt asumate exclusiv unei gramatici sufleteti. Din acest motiv, asupra lumii celor mici, a mulimii rugtoare, se exercit o consecvent propedeutic venit dinspre autoritatea bisericeasc, pentru pregtirea individului n vederea rugciunii. Aceast propedeutic se origineaz n vechea tradiie cretin: dimineaa coboar-i mintea n inima ta i rmi toat ziua n prezena lui Dumnezeu70, pn la cele mai recente directive episcopale71. ntr-o nsemnare din 1776 se menioneaz astfel exigenele rugciunii zilnice: ... pzind evlavie ctre Maica Preciste i ctre unul nscut fiul ei, zicndu (s.n.) i rugciune ngerului de multe ori pe zi i pe noapte, cnd se ditepta nti gndu (s.n.) la rugciune i arunca72. La 1852, episcopul greco - catolic Vasile Erdelyi al Oradei cerea cunoaterea i trirea sfintelor Rugciuni73. n general, n epoca premodern, modelul devoional presupunea ca acesta s fie configurat de o rugciune spus, trit i gndit (s.n.)74, dublat de un comportament i o stare sufleteasc repliat n umilin. Astfel, ntr-un miscelaneu religios din 1814 se arat c lectura i rugciunea dedicate Vieii i minunilor Sfintei Maria se vor face cu umilina sufletului i cu zdrobirea inimii (s.n.)... 75. e. Tipurile de rugciune n cretinism evideniaz o varietate de forme i de ocazii, prin care credinciosul se adreseaz lui Dumnezeu76. n practica pietii individuale, alturi de Rugciunea Domneasc, care este Tatl Nostru, socotit drept model de rugciune n cretinism77, locul cel mai important l dein rugciunile ctre Maica Domnului. Alturi de Iisus Hristos, Maica Domnului devine interceso67 I. Ghinoiu, op. cit., p. 365. 68 Th. Ribot, La psychologie des sentiments, Librairie Flix Alcan, Paris, 1930, p. 324. 69 D. Stniloae, Rugciunea lui Iisus i experiena Duhului Sfnt, Ed. Deisis, Sibiu, 1995, p. 27. 70 P. Evdochimov, Rugciunea n biserica de Rsrit, Ed. Polirom, Iai, 1996, p. 30. 71 Prier au Moyen Age ..., p. 170. 72 I. Bianu, op. cit., p. 419. 73 Arhiva Institutului de Lingvistic Cluj, Mss. 55, p. 84. 74 Al. Duu, Pour une histoire de la dvotion sud-est europenne. Contributions rcntes, n Revue des tudes Sud-Est Europennes (n continuare R. E. S. E. E.), XXIX, nr. 3-4, 1991, p. 243. 75 G. trempel, Catalogul manuscriselor ..., vol. II, p. 21. 76 Al. I. Stan, Rugciunea n cretinism i n alte mari religii, n Ortodoxia, XXXV, nr. 4, 1983, p. 528. 77 Damaschin Severineanul, Sensul Rugciunii Domneti, n Ortodoxia, XXXV, nr. 3, 1983, p. 336.

548

Doru Radosav

rul de prim importan n rugciunea cretinilor, configurnd un tip de devoiune hyperdulia78, care se plaseaz deasupra devoiunii acordat tuturor sfinilor. Rugciunea cretin i, n special, cea ortodox se adreseaz ntotdeauna lui Dumnezeu fie direct, fie prin sfinii care au bineplcut Lui. n chip deosebit, ns, cretinii ortodoci adreseaz rugciuni lui Dumnezeu i prin mijlocirea Preasfintei Nsctoare de Dumnezeu i pururea Fecioarei Maria, Maica Domnului, ntruct Ea este, n acelai timp, i Maica bisericii ca Maica lui Hristos - capul bisericii i mntuitorul tuturor celor credincioi i virtuoi.79 Dei mesajul cretin se plaseaz n durata lung, exist, totui, o anumit dinamic intern n ceea ce privete frecvena unui anumit tip de rugciune ntr-o epoc dat. Miscelaneele sau codicele religioase concentreaz, dincolo de alte determinri sau necesiti de ritual sau de edificare cretin, mrturii asupra opiunilor privind anumite rugciuni. Astfel, textele de rugciuni adresate Maicii Domnului sunt mai frecvente la sfritul secolului al XVII - lea, pentru ca, apoi, ele s fie mai puin prezente la nceputul i mijlocul secolului al XVIII - lea, frecvena lor revenind la sfritul aceluiai secol80. Cele dou momente n care rugciunile adresate Sfintei Maria sunt mai pregnante n repertoriul de rugciuni se leag, probabil, de programele de consolidare a devoiunii, concentrate n jurul lui Antim Ivireanul i a paisianismului. Repertoriul de rugciuni adresate Maicii Domnului este de o mare varietate, fiind folosite att n activitile cultice, ct i n agenda pietii individuale. Psaltirea Maicii Domnului i Paraclisul sunt destinate pentru sntate, ajutor i sporul casei. Psaltirea se citete o dat pe lun, iar Paraclisul de patru ori pe lun. Prohodul Maicii Domnului este folosit n contextul pelerinajelor la mnstiri, cnd credincioii sunt ndemnai s guste cuvintele cele dulci prin care ... ctig mila i ajutorul Maicii Preacurate81. Epistolia Maicii Domnului, Visul Maicii Domnului, Brul Maicii Domnului, Nsctoarea de Dumnezeu sunt texte exemplare i de rugciuni, n care se invoc intercesiunea Sfintei Maria n foarte multe mprejurri din viaa credinciosului. Astfel, ntr-o nsemnare din 1782, se arat: ... i cnd se va bolnvi s fac ... i rugciune a Preasfintei Nsctori de Dumnezeu82. Apelul masiv la Sfnta Maria este explicat prin locul particular pe care ea l ocup n discursul religios la confluena dintre viaa activ i viaa contemplativ, eminent n prima ca i n celelalte ... Viaa Fecioarei se impune nu n misterul cretin, unde este recunoscut de mult vreme, ci n spiritualitatea vie i n sensibilitate.83 n egal msur, ipostaza matern a acestei sfinte ncurajeaz apelul unanim la intercesiunea Sfintei Marii. n virtutea acelorai structuri tematice ale rugciunilor, n mediul greco - catolic, alturi de rugciunile adresate Sfintei Maria, consacrate n lumea ortodox, la sfritul secolului al XIX - lea i nceputul secolului XX, n contextul diseminrii tot mai accentuate a unor paradigme romano - catolice de pietate, se particularizeaz o
78 R. N. Swanson, Religion and devotion in Europe c. 1215 - c. 1515, Cambridge University Press, 1995, p. 144. 79 Al. I. Stan, op. cit., p. 528. 80 Cf. G. trempel, Catalogul manuscriselor romneti, vol. I, 1978, vol. II, 1983, passim; N. Coma, Manuscrisele romneti din Biblioteca Central de la Blaj, Blaj, 1947, passim. 81 Prohodul Maicii Domnului, Baia Mare, 1991, p. 5. 82 M. Moraru, C. Velculescu, Bibliografia analitic a literaturii romne vechi, vol. I, Bucureti, 1976, p. 73. 83 J. Paul, Biseric i cultur n Occident, vol. II, Ed. Meridiane, Bucureti, 1996, p. 390.

Rugciunea la romni. Cteva consideraii istorico-etnologice

549

serie de rugciuni relevante prin frecvena sau audiena lor. Acest aspect evideniaz deopotriv o lrgire a repertoriului intercesorilor n panorama rugciunilor prezente n comunitile greco - catolice. Rugciunea adresat Inimii lui Iisus, cunoscut i sub denumirea de Cteva clipe n faa Preasfintei Inimi a lui Iisus, s-a constituit n jurul revelaiei avut de Sf. Margareta de Alacoque. Evlavia pentru inima lui Iisus se origineaz n perioada Renaterii84, dar rugciunea este consacrat n pietatea colectiv de Papa Leon al XIII - lea n 1899. n deceniul al patrulea al secolului XX, aceast rugciune, care a inspirat un cult al Inimii lui Iisus, a cunoscut o unanim rspndire n spaiul greco - catolic romnesc. n 1936, la Blaj, apare publicaia Inima lui Iisus, iar, n 1945, la Beiu, lucrarea Cteva clipe trite n faa Preasfintei Inimi a lui Iisus. Pentru fiecare zi a sptmnii, o traducere din limba francez, ea fiind un extras din scrierile Sfintei Margareta de Alacoque. Aceast rugciune aduce n agenda pietii individuale un repertoriu de meditaii desfurate pe parcursul zilelor sptmnii, care, la rndul lor, transpun tot attea ipostaze sau momente ale tririi religioase ale cretinului n relaia cultual cu Inima lui Iisus. Meditaia este introdus de o transfigurare metaforic a Inimii lui Iisus, dup care urmeaz rugciunea specific fiecrei zile a sptmnii. Topica meditaiei i rugciunii este articulat de un dialog ntre Iisus i sufletul credinciosului, n care serenitatea discursului lui Iisus este urmat de patetismul adoraiei i rugciunii adresate de credincios. Repertoriul metaforic al proieciei Inimii lui Iisus n ciclul su sptmnal este urmtorul: luni - nchisoare de dragoste sau locuina sufletelor credincioilor; mari - coala nelepciunii i dragostei de Dumnezeu; miercuri - crmaciul brcuei sufletului nostru; joi - locul ospului cu pinea ngereasc; vineri - iubirea care ntrece orice msur; smbt - templul sfnt; duminic - sanctuarul binecuvntat al Prea Sfintei Treimi85. Toate aceste ipostaze de meditaie i rugciune relev i n cazul de fa o anumit gradualitate a sentimentului religios, trepte ale tririi religioase, duminica sublimnd trirea prin invocarea apoteotic a Sfintei Treimi. Rugciunea ctre Sfntul Anton de Padova este o alt particularitate a pietii n mediul greco - catolic romnesc i are, de asemenea, o structur ciclic. Astfel, acestei rugciuni i este specific rugciunea de nou zile sau novena de nou zile de mari (ziua de mari fiind ziua de natere a Sfntului Anton i ziua n care i s-au mutat moatele). n repertoriul rugciunilor ctre Sfntul Anton se nscriu, de asemenea: rugciunea pentru dobndirea unui har deosebit, rugciunea de recomandare (n care Sf. Anton este invocat cu mare frecven i fervoare ca intercesor: s ajung prin tine la Dumnezeul milostivilor), rugciunea la mare necaz, rugciunea unui bolnav, asociate ntotdeauna cu Tatl Nostru i Bucur-te, Maria86. Rugciunea Rozarului a fost rspndit mai ales dup 1855, dup minunea de la Lourdes (Frana) i este o rugciune zilnic, prin care se evoc cele 15 mistere care amintesc cele mai importante momente din viaa Mntuitorului. Asemenea rugciu84 T. Morariu, Inima lui Iisus, n Deteptarea credinei, Ed. Asociaia Bisericii Romne Unite, Dej, nr. 4, 1990, p. 1. 85 Cteva clipe trite n faa Preasfintei Inimi a lui Iisus, Beiu, 1945, passim. 86 Cf. M. C. Terza, Viaa Sfntului Anton de Padua, Ed. Signata, Timioara, 1995 i P. A. Bisoc, Viaa Marelui Fctor de minuni, Sfntul Anton de Padua, Sbuani, 1931.

550

Doru Radosav

nii nchinate Inimii lui Iisus, aceste mistere sunt tot attea prilejuri de meditaie, dup care se spune cte un Tatl Nostru, zece Nsctoare de Dumnezeu i o Mrire i acum87. Misterele Sfntului Rozar au drept scop consolidarea celor trei virtui cretine fundamentale: Fides, Spes et Caritas - care s nmuleasc credina, care s ntreasc sperana, care s mreasc dragostea. Un moment de maxim intensitate a tririi religioase este determinat de Misterul de durere, citit marea i vinerea, care transpune contientizarea supliciului lui Iisus Hristos: care a asudat snge pentru noi, care a fost biciuit pentru noi, care a fost ncoronat cu spini, care a purtat crucea cea grea ..., care s-a rstignit pentru noi ...88. Rugciunile cu indulgen, adic rugciuni de iertare vremelnic, consacrate de Scaunul Papal pentru lumea greco - catolic romneasc n 1902, au intrat n rndul celor mai frecventate i mprtite rugciuni. Ele erau recomandate a se practica ntr-o frecven strict delimitat. Astfel, existau rugciuni cu indulgene de 300 de zile, care presupuneau rugciunea zilnic scurt: Sfinte Dumnezeule, Sfinte Tare, Sfinte fr de moarte, ndur-te spre noi, precum i rugciunea cu indulgen de 500 de zile.89 n cultul greco - catolic, alturi de Sfntul Anton de Padova, un loc important ca intercesor l-a avut Sfnta Tereza, n jurul creia s-a instituit Rugciunea ctre Sf. Tereza a pruncului Iisus, structurat i ea n ciclu de novene. n general, n practica pietii, alturi de rugciunile spuse, citite sau recitate, s-au adugat o serie de ilustraii, care populau crile de rugciuni, inserate ntre filele crilor, formnd o adevrat colecie imagistic de colportaj: figura Sfintei Maria cu Iisus n brae, intitulat Mater Perpetui Succursus ora pro nobis, Sfnta Maria rugndu-se cu un buchet de trandafiri, intitulat Rosa Mystica, Sacerdos et hostia, care reprezenta un preot ce se roag cu potirul n mn, iar deasupra este plasat Iisus care i pune coroane de spini pe cap. Toate aceste ilustraii erau editate n tipografii romano - catolice, fapt ce explic, nc o dat, difuziunea puternic la sfritul secolului al XIX - lea i nceputul secolului XX a modelului de pietate romano - catolic n mediul romnesc, consolidat i prin intermediul acestor ilustraii. Rugciunile ad-hoc sunt un tip de rugciuni neconvenionale, dar care se nscriu n tradiia canonic a rugciunilor de trebuin, fiind prezente att n mediul ortodox, ct i n cel greco - catolic. Se pare c ele vin dinspre o presiune a religiei populare, dinspre un sistem devoional i de pietate informal, evideniat de rugciunile bune la ... boal, rzboi etc. Acestea au avut autorizare canonic, elaborat n secolul XII de Teodor de Andida, pe temeiul mrturiilor tradiiilor apostolice i a sfinilor prini, cu condiia ca ele s pstreze coninutul schematic i forma cererilor din Rugciunea Domneasc. La nceput, aceasta a fost destinat n exclusivitate credincioilor, fiind, de altfel, cunoscut i sub denumirea de Oratio fidelium90. Din perspectiva unei anumite evoluii istorice a sistemului devoional romnesc, rugciunile de trebuin se ntlnesc i cu un program de edificare religioas i de amendare a pastoraiei din sec. XVIII, care a nceput s fie elaborat de Antim Ivireanul i
87 Cf. Mngierea cretinului, Oradea, 1905. 88 Ibidem. 89 V. Bojor, Roma i mnstirile romneti unite de la Nicula, Bicsad, Moisei i Strmbu, Gherla, 1929, p. 76. 90 N. Dur, Pravila rugciunii n lumina tradiiei liturgice i canonice a bisericii ortodoxe, n Ortodoxia, XXXV, nr. 3, 1983, p. 434.

Rugciunea la romni. Cteva consideraii istorico-etnologice

551

continuat de ierarhi precum: Neofit I Cretanul, Grigore al II - lea, Iacov Putneanul, Gavril Calimachi etc.91. Aceste rugciuni de trebuin elaborate i tiprite, pot fi asociate, dincolo de necesitile strict pastorale, nceputului literaturii teologice la romni92 i stau sub semnul unei sintagme inspirate de o lucrare a lui Antim Ivireanul, nvturi bisericeti la cele trebuincioase. Acest tip de rugciuni cu destinaie ad-hoc transmit un mesaj devoional aplicat i pragmatic, iar, pe de alt parte, ele argumenteaz un fenomen de clericalizare a pietii celor muli, ntruct ele sunt emise de autoritile bisericeti i, apoi, sunt transmise n limba vernacular i tiprite, redimensionnd astfel hotarele bisericii, care s lrgeau tot mai mult93. Din alt perspectiv, n condiiile n care n mediul religios romnesc, ntre 1780 - 1820, asistm la o proliferare a literaturii apocrife, de meditaie eshatologic94, expresie a crizei de contiin religioas tradiional, biserica oficial ofer rugciuni prescrise, punctuale, drept paleative pentru marile spaime ale sfritului (calamiti, rzboaie, boli) n contraponderea produciilor eshatologice care au populat lectura religioas a mulimii. Biserica a tiut s regseasc ntotdeauna un echilibru n faa presiunii religiei populare, venit dinspre o experien secular, centrat pe tensiunea prescris - trit. Rugciunile ad-hoc pot fi structurate n rugciuni destinate bolilor i calamitilor i rugciuni pentru vreme de rzboi. Rugciuni pentru dobitoacele bolnave, Rmnic, 1774, este o astfel de rugciune de trebuin, n care se arat c oamenii ai crora vor fi dobitoacele bolnave ntiu s se ispovideasc curatu dintru toat inima sa95. n 1817 apare la Iai Umilincioas rugciune, care este citit n vreme de primejdie a nvluirii mari i n frica de necare de cei ce cltoresc spre dnsa96, iar, n 1829, tot la Iai, este editat Adunare de rugciuni, care conine rugciuni adresate Sfintei Maria, mijlocitoare pentru orice ne vom ruga i la primejdii de boala ciumii (s.n.)97. A doua categorie de rugciuni de trebuin este destinat rzboiului. Astfel, sunt Rugciuni n vreme de rzboi, Blaj, 178098 i Ucaz de rugciuni pentru izbvirea Bisericii i a Rusiei de nvlirea galilor, Chiinu, 181499. Restituirea pietii individuale prin intermediul rugciunilor evideniaz att o sensibilitate religioas, care se nscrie n durata lung, ct i o permeabilizare a acesteia n faa unor noi modele de evlavie, n care varietatea din repertoriul rugciunilor, ct i a intercesorilor confer complexitate raportului dintre individ i divinitate. Rugciunea individual, din perspectiva cretinismului european, ncepnd cu secolul al XVI - lea100, vine n ntmpinarea nevoilor specifice ale credincioilor, determinnd, deopotriv, perfecionarea comportamentului cretin, a biografiei cretine.

91 Al. Elian, Postfa, la Sfntul Nicodim Aghioritul, Carte foarte folositoare de suflet, Timioara, 1986, p.152 92 N. Iorga, Istoria bisericii romneti i a vieii religioase a romnilor, vol. II, Vlenii de Munte, 1909, p. 167 et sq. 93 N. Iorga, op. cit., p. 172. 94 D. Barbu, op. cit., pp. 132-135. 95 B. R. V., vol. IV, p. 56. 96 Idem, vol. III, p. 190. 97 Ibidem, p. 613. 98 B. R. V., vol. III, p. 94. 99 Ibidem, p. 332. 100 Ph. Aris i G. Duby, op. cit., p. 121.

Art popular din Romos (jud. Hunedoara). Creaie i promovare

Aurel Rduiu
Cluj
Reproduc din nsemnrile luate pentru o cronic a satului cteva din cele referitoare la domeniul de excelen al civilizaiei romneti care este arta popular, n sensul ei mai larg. Fr s abunde ca informaie documentar scris, asemenea date nici nu lipsesc i nici nu puteau fi ignorate la o ntreprindere de acest fel. Ne ntmpin i n cazul de fa, Romosul, aa cum le-am putea ntlni pretutindeni n spaiul de via al ranului, n attea i attea alte sate, ct vreme acestea au pstrat sau mai pstreaz nc forme arhetipale din alctuirile lor tradiionale. O prim informaie ne este oferit de Catalogul1expoziiei de art popular organizat la Braov n iulie 1862 cu prilejul celei de a doua adunri generale a Astrei desfurate acolo. A fost, n premier, o expunere impresionant de produse de toate categoriile, de la industria casnic rneasc pn la artele plastice, o atta diversitate i profunzime de costume naionale care au strnit admiraia i entuziasmul cronicarilor vremii ntre care i relatarea, cea mai vie, a lui Alexandru Odobescu2. ntre cei scrii ca donatori expozani, alturi de muli alii din satele ardelene, din Romos au fost menionai ca atare: 1. Ioana Basarab, preoteasa, cu un chindeu 2. Ana, fiica lui Gligor tef, cu o catrin 3. Maria Vasile Munteanu, cu un ur 4. Maria Niculae Stroia, cu un merindar 5. Anica Vasilie Fleeriu, cu o traist 6. Ana Niculae Dubleiu, cu o traist 7. Ana Gheorghe Lomnar, cu un scule 8. Maria crsnicului Adam Hudi, cu trei coi de pnz 9. Opreana Vasilie Vochi, cu o pnur de ln 10. Niculae Arion, cu o nfram de peitor 11. Maria Ion Vaidean, cu un fund de perin 12. Opreana Gheorghe Vaidean, cu o fa de perin 13. Maria Vasilie Baba, cu un guler brbtesc 14. Ioana Adam Basarab, cu un guler brbtesc 15. Salomia Gheorghe tefan, cu un tergar. Nu insist asupra identitii donatorilor. n obtea de atunci erau persoane de
1 Gazeta Transilvaniei, 1862, XXV, p. 280. 2 Ion Breazu, Studii de literatur romn i comparat, vol. I, Ediie ngrijit, bibliografie i indice de nume de Mircea Curticeanu, Edit. Dacia, Cluj, 1970, p. 41.

554

Aurel Rduiu

vaz, soii sau fiice de preoi i nvtori alturi de rnci, aidoma, din familii de gospodari de frunte ai satului. De altfel, n imaginile fotografice de epoc de care dispunem (pregtite pentru o istorie n imagini a satului) att preotesele ct i soiile de nvtori purtau n srbtori costumele rneti tradiionale. Nu numai c le purtau dar aveau ndemnare s le i ese i coase, ele nsei. Din pcate, cu privire la exponate Catalogul care le menioneaz nu ne ofer detalii specifice. x x x

O alt participare de acest fel, de aceast dat n plan local, a avut loc la 16 octombrie 1892, cu prilejul sfinirii i inaugurrii noului edificiu al colii, necesar numrului tot mai mare de elevi3. Evenimentul a fost asociat, pentru a-i spori semnificaia, cu adunarea general a desprmntului IX Ortie al Astrei, programat n aceeai zi la Romos. Din relrile de pres4 aflm c o parte din banii cotizai atunci de membrii Asociaiei a fost atribuit obinuitelor premii: pentru pomrit, lui Ioan Fleeriu i Ioan Vaidean, pentru grdina de legume doamnei Rosa Bercianu i, ceea ce ne intereseaz cu deosebire, pentru esturi, doamnelor Mriua Fleeriu i Ioana Vasilcu. Au mai fost ludate pentru lucrurile [se nelege, de art popular] expuse la coal, doamnele Dubleiu, Vaideanu i Baboi. x x x

Trei ani mai trziu, n 1895 (27 octombrie), cnd adunarea general a aceluiai desprmnt al Astrei s-a inut la ibot, n raportul de activitate pe anul 1894/1895 se menioneaz un premiu de 10 florini acordat de Comitetul desprmntului lui Ioan Fleeriu i Vasilie Vaidean pentru culegerea de poezii populare din Romos, fcut de cei doi.5 Nu tiu ce soart a avut manuscrisul antologiei, probabil prima de acest fel referitoare la satul nostru, i nu putem dect s presupunem c acesta ar oferi, eventual, variante de circulaie n epoc ale unor texte cunoscute din alte colecii contemporane, culese din teritorii nvecinate, cum este cea alctuit de Alexiu Viciu.6

3 n anul colar 1892/93 au fost nscrii 115 elevi n clasele IIV (cursul primar) i 55 de elevi n clasele V VI (cursul supraprimar sau coala de repetiie), cf. Arhiva colii. Cataloage, sub anno. Cu privire la aceast baz colar de organizare vezi: Gh. Tulbure, coala steasc din Ardeal n epoca lui aguna, Edit. Revistei Satul i coala, Cluj, 1937, p. 31. 4 Transilvania, 1893, XXIV, p. 9091. 5 Transilvania, 1896, XXVII, p. 8487. 6 Alexiu Viciu, Flori de cmp. Doine, strigturi, bocete, balade. Colecie de folclor inedit, publicat, cu studiu introductiv, note, indici i glosar, de R. Todoran i I. Talo, Edit. Dacia, Cluj-Napoca, 1976, 336 p.

Art popular din Romos x x x

555

Un prilej, repetat periodic, cu recurs la tezaurul folcloric, pe lng serbrile colare la sfritul anului de nvmnt, erau i alte manifestri organizate de nvtori n beneficiul instituiei proprii, acestea avnd ca invitai pe lng cei de acas i notabiliti comunale din satele vecine, inclusiv din Ortie sau chiar din Deva, centrele administrative, cercual, respectiv de comitat, de care aparinea Romosul. O asemenea serbare a fost aceea din 12 ianuarie 1897. n programul artistic organizat de cei doi nvtori, Ioan Fleeriu i Sabin Safta, sub bagheta de dirijor a celui din urm, i-a fcut debutul cu strlucire corul alctuit din juni i june (termenii indic tineri trecui de vrsta colar), care a interpretat cinci piese corale pe versuri populare. Dup concert a urmat o suit de dansuri populare, frumoasele jocuri naionale: Clueriul, Btuta, Srba, Ardeleanca i Haegana, jucate de o echip de nou dansatori.7 Relatnd evenimentele de acest fel presa din Ortie (ndeosebi Revista Ortiei) semnaleaz prezena la Romos n ultimii ani ai secolului al XIX-lea a unor participani la spectacolele folclorice venii din Vaidei, Romosel, Cstu, ibot, Balomir, Geoagiu, Hru, chiar din mai ndeprtatul sat Vaca .a. n acelai an, 1897, formaia cluerilor din Romos a fost invitat s participe n spectacol la nedeia care urma s se in n ziua de 14 iunie, a doua zi de Rusalii, n Pdurea Oraului (= Ortie) la Valea lui Gligor, manifestare organizat de Societatea pentru fond de teatru romn din Ortie8, indiciu c aceast formaie dobndise o anumit faim n lumea cunosctorilor. x x x

Un moment cu totul deosebit n afirmarea capacitilor creatoare de art ale celor din Romos i n srguina de a face cunoscute valorile sale a fost oferit de adunarea general a Astrei inut la Ortie n anul 1913. Pe lng prezena cluerilor, n conductul poporal (cortegiul formaiunilor artistice) srbtoresc al evenimentului, condui de primar i cei doi preoi ai celor dou confesiuni romneti, n expoziia organizat atunci i inaugurat la 14 septembrie, de la Romos au fost selecionate i expuse multe din lucrrile personale create de: Ana tefan, Maria Dubleiu, Vua Basarab, Ana Cstian, Salomia Fleer, Nica Dragolea, Cornelia Basarab i Sofica Rentea. Remarcnd contribuia lor la reuita expoziiei, Comitetul organizator le felicit i le mulumete, iar Sofici Rentea i acord o Diplom de recunotin, pentru srguina n mestria de esut i cusut.9 Din esturile expuse de Sofica Rentea a impresionat n mod special covorul n apte culori, lsat amintire duioas fiului su Ioan, aa cum mrturisete acesta n istoria familiei, unde continu: inea mori s-mi aranjez o camer romneasc, nelegnd o camer naional, pentru care mi-a lsat o mulime de lucruri, mai ales covoare, desagi, strii, crpe de strai,
7 Revista Ortiei, 1897, III, 30 ianuarie. 8 Ibid., nr. din 5 iunie. 9 Libertatea, 1913, XII, 19 sept./2 oct.

556

Aurel Rduiu

cnceie, blide, culmea, i alte mruniuri.10 L-a urmrit o via gndul de a vedea realizat proiectul unui muzeu al satului pentru a le drui publicului, adpostite astfel, fr a avea bucuria mplinirii unui asemenea fapt. x x x

Mai rare sunt informaiile scrise despre creaia liric popular (cntec i poezie), cea care se nate i se consum n intimitatea individual a subiectului, fr a beneficia de vizibilitatea colectiv a spectacolului folcloric de ceremonial sau de privilegiul expunerii la vedere a obiectelor (mobilier, ceramic, icoane, esturi, mbrcminte etc.). Risipit disparat, acest fel de informaie este mai greu de reperat, e necesar o cercetare sistematic ntr-o imens mas documentar. Semnalm, totui, o doin de jale, exprimnd singurtatea i dorul, obida frustrrilor, de inadecvare la o lume ostil, reproul adresat ursitoarei care te predestineaz nefericirii. Iat-o desprins din pagini uitate de veche i modest publicaie (din anul 1922), mai puin frecventat de cercettori: Foaie verde de pe rt Cte rele-s pe pmnt Bate-le, Doamne, pe rnd Foaie verde de pe vie Nici unul s nu rmie Bate, Doamne, relele C-mi mnnc zilele i-mi gat puterile Foaie verde de cicoare Ursitoare, ursitoare Nu i-o fost fric de stele S-mi urzeti tot zile rele C de ct ncaz duc eu Plng pietrele de pe ru i locu p-unde trec eu. Ru-i, Doamne, dac n-ai Dragostea cui s i-o dai Ru-i, Doamne, dac nu-i Dragostea cui s i-o spui A spune-o sara la stele N-o spun c-s cam guriele A spune-o noaptea la lun Dar nici ea n-o fi mai bun La lume s nu te spun. Lume, lume i iar lume, Nu-mi pare ru dup tine
10 Ioan Rentea, Familia Filip Rentea (1790 1860) Mic istorie, ms, 1978, p. 35 (aflat n pstrarea noastr, A.R.).

Art popular din Romos C puin am trit bine, Nu-mi pare ru nici un ceas C prea multe-n tine-am tras. De-ai fi, lume,de hrtie Te-a aprinde-ntr-o mnie i cnd te-a vedea arznd N-a sri ca s te stng Fr mai tare s te-aprind. Scris-am acest vers frumos Ion Baba din Romos11 x x x

557

Ca urmare a iniiativei Centrului studenesc Timioara de a culege tradiiile populare, n spe obiceiul cluerilor, unde obiceiul se mai pstra n forme originale, Ioan Rentea12 din Romos, pe atunci student la Politehnic, nregistreeaz n scris aceast manifestare aa cum s-a desfurat n perioada srbtorilor de iarn din anii 1929 1930 (sfrit i nceput la an) n satul natal. Manuscrisul lucrrii, intitulat Uspul cluerilor cuprinde o descriere detaliat a ntregului ceremonial, nsoit de textele care secondeaz momentele desfurrii sale: urarea i colinda gazdei, colinda domnului sau a gospodarului, colinda junelui, colinda fiicei, colinda Rsai Soare, urarea de mulumire (pentru darurile primite n urma jocului), n final, cntarea mesei (intonat de fete), cntul de nmormntare a bradului, cntarea de rmas bun Voinice, voinice. Druit de ctre autor pentru Arhiva de Folclor a Academiei Romne i pstrat sub cota nr. 1482, datorit valorii sale documentare a fost prezentat i analizat cu competen de Emil Petruiu13. x x x

n condiii speciale ara se gsea n plin rzboi autoritile organizeaz totui o Expoziie judeean (hunedorean) de art popular, inaugurat la 15 august 1943 la Deva14 unde Romosul este i de aceast dat prezent. Costumul tradiional, varianta veche, de secol XIX, este prezentat pe viu de o delegaie n frunte cu primarul Ioan Stncioiu, notarul Traian Dubleiu i grupul de femei din care au fcut parte: Cornelia Dubleiu, Anua tef, Saveta Dragolea, Sofica tefan, Ana tef, Mrioara tefan, Eugenia tefan, Ana Iordan, Saveta Heiu i Lina Munteanu.

11 Foaia Interesant (Ortie), 1922, 12 octombrie. 12 Fiul Sofici i al lui Vasilie nscut la Romos, la 11 iulie 1908, cf. I. Rentea, op. cit., p. 4. 13 Ceata cluerilor din Romos Hunedoara, n Anuarul Muzeului de Etnografie al Transilvaniei, 1978, X, p. 345 354. Din aceeai localitate, Arhiva de Folclor din Cluj mai deine un manuscris, cu un coninut apropiat, datorat nvtorului Gheorghe Basarab, donat n 1968 i pstrat sub cota mss. 1482. 14 nsemnare pe verso-ul imaginii fotografice a participanilor din Romos la eveniment.

558

Aurel Rduiu

Dup al doilea rzboi mondial, n anii cotelor agricole obligatorii, ai colectivizrii forate, ai altor reglementri socialiste, impuse de noul regim politic, cu consecine, unele, irecuperabile n planul vieii tradiionale a satului, disponibilitile creatoare ale lumii sale sufer modificri adnci. Evidena procesului de disoluie a lumii rneti impunea acum cu necesitate mai mult ca oricnd n prim plan protejarea i recuperarea a ceea ce numim generic motenirea din btrni15. La Romos aceast priveghere a fost contientizat i asumat din iniiativa, cu precdere, a medicului cardilog Niculae Stncioiu (1939 1995), fiu al satului, al crui nume, ca ctitor, l poart astzi Institutul Inimii din Cluj-Napoca. La insistenele i demersul lui a fost constituit n anul 1968 Asociaia cultural din Romos, avnd ca scop n primul rnd promovarea valorilor tradiionale locale. Contextul potrivit unei asemenea promovri s-a stabilit a fi ntlnirile periodice ale fiilor satului a cror revenire la curile prinilor, bunicilor i strbunilor lor, la curile dorului s stimuleze o dat mai mult necesitatea vital pentru neam, aceea de regsire a rdcinilor viguroase i autentice ale existenei sale n lume. Acest gen de ntlniri au avut i continu s aib loc la Romos. La unele au participat, ca invitai, personaliti de notorietate ca Ion Dodu Blan, Hadrian Daicoviciu, Adrian Punescu, confereniind pe teme adecvate. Din oamenii locului, avnd concursul autoritilor locale, s-a implicat cu devoiune acestor preocupri Estera Drgan (1934 1998), nvtoare, fost preedinte a Asociaiei culturale, ca dirijor de mare vocaie. i datorm, deasemenea, o frumoas culegere de folclor literar, nsumnd 40 de creaii populare (colinde, balade, doine, chiuituri), nregistrate n anii 70 ai secolului trecut i publicat post mortem: Culegeri de folclor din satul Romos, Edit. Astra, f.l., 1999, 42 p. x x x

La captul acestei desfurri secveniale, ntreprinse cronicrete, din imboldul profesiei de istoric, dar i de dragul satului copilriei, in s adaug o dedicaie de sfioas consideraie celor care au fcut i fac din studiul satului romnesc i al valorilor sale universale raiunea de a onora o tiin fundamental a culturii naionale.

Not: Reproducerile foto care urmeaz le datorez lui Tudor Stncioiu.

15 E. Bernea, Civilizaia romn steasc. Ediie ngrijit de Rodica Pandele, Edit. Vremea, Bucureti, 2006, p. 160165.

Art popular din Romos

559

1. Cluerii din Romos la serbrile Astrei din anul 1913 de la Ortie. n fruntea formaiei, purtnd pancarta cu numele satului, primarul Vasile Cstian i preoii Adam Basarab i Ioan Vaidean (Cosinzeana, 1913, III, p. 630).

2. Clueri din Romos la 1913 (Foaia Interesant, 1913, VII, nr. 45).

560

Aurel Rduiu

3. Sofica Rentea (18901953), fotografie n colecie particular.

4. Diploma acordat Sofici Rentea la Expoziia romn de esturi, Ortie, 1913 (I. Iliescu, T. Istrate, Ortie. 750 de ani, Deva, 1974, ilustraii, p. 176177.

Art popular din Romos

561

5. Cunun de seceri pe covor rnesc (n locuina lui Vasilie Jula, 18761959).

6. Capete de pern (n locuina lui Ioan tefan Onoiu), 19021985).

562

Aurel Rduiu

7. Ceata din 1929/30 a cluerilor din Romos. Gazda: Ioan tefan (Onoiu); vtaf: Ion Muntean (Neu), fotografie n colecie particular.

8. Romosani la Expoziia judeean din Deva, din anul 1943. n centrul imaginii, jos: Traian Dubleiu (18991987), n rndul de sus, Ioan Stncioiu (19011973), fotografie n colecie particular.

Art popular din Romos

563

9. Corul Asociaiei culturale, cu prilejul ntlnirii fiilor satului din anul 1974. n rndul 1. stnga, jos: Estera Drgan, n rndul 4 stnga: Niculae Stncioiu.

10. Tinere n costume tradiionale, romnesc i ssesc, purtate la ntlnirea fiilor satului din anul 2006. (Romos, 800 de ani, Album editat de Consiliul local al Primriei, Edit. Transilvania Interpres, Deva, p. 8)

564

Aurel Rduiu

11. Tnr n costum de cluer purtat la ntlnirea fiilor satului din anul 2006 (Romos. Album..., p. 6)

Ion Pop Reteganul an Archive Fund of Current Interest

Rodica Raliade
Institutul de Etnografie i Folclor C. Briloiu, Bucureti
The last decade has witnessed a remarkable cultural tendency towards republishing almost forgotten works or towards printing some unpublished and interesting new documents. Sabina Ispas, Mihaela erbnescu and Otilia Pop Miculi, Alexandru Dobre, Nicolae Constantinescu, Iordan Datcu, Virgiliu Florea, Ilie Moise, Mihai Canciovici, Teofil Teaha, Constantin Mohanu are only a few of the researchers who reintroduced in the scientific circuit some folkloristic work, studies and collections, thus filling in the blank pages of the national ethnology1. The present work belongs to this restitution trend and intends to offer the researchers a scientific edition of some manuscripts belonging to Ion Pop Reteganul. This archive fund is sheltered by several institutions: the Romanian Academy Library in Bucharest, the National Archives in Sibiu, ASTRA Library in Sibiu and the Museum House in Reteag. Ion Mulea considers that I.P. Reteganuls manuscripts stored in the Romanian Academy Library represent one of the five folkloristic funds unpublished yet, the other four being the answers to B.P. Hasdeus questionnaire; the answers to N. Densuianus questionnaire, part II, 1895; the documents in the Archive of the Institute of Folklore in Bucharest and the documents of the Folklore Archive Institute of the Romanian Academy in Cluj2.
1 Constantin Briloiu, Sabina Ispas, Sub aripa cerului. Comentariu etnologic asupra colindei i colindatului de Sabina Ispas (Under the Skys Wing. Ethnological Comment on Carols and Caroling by ...); Constantin Briloiu, Colinde i cntece de stea (Carols and Songs to the Star). Antologie de Sabina Ispas, Mihaela erbnescu i Otilia Pop-Miculi, Bucureti, Editura Enciclopedic, 1998, 304 p; Mihail Canianu, Studii i culegeri de folclor romnesc (Romanian Folklore Studies and Collections). Ediie ngrijit de Al. Dobre i Mihail M. Robea, Bucureti, Editura Minerva, 1999; Tudor Pamfile, Mitologie romneasc (Romanian Mythology). Ediia a doua ngrijit, studiu introductiv de Mihai M. Canciovici, Bucureti, Editura ALFA, 1997; Elena Niculi-Voronca, Datinile i credinele poporului romn... (Romanian Peoples Customs and Beliefs), Ediia a II-a ngrijit i introducere de Iordan Datcu, Bucureti, Editura Saeculum, 1998; S.Fl. Marian, Legende despre flori, insecte i psri (Legends about Flowers, Insects and Birds). Ediie ngrijit i prefa de Ilie Moise, Sibiu, S.C. Transpres, 1996; Mihai Pop, Folclor romnesc (Romanian Folklore). Ediie ngrijit de N. Constantinescu i Al. Dobre, Bucureti, Editura Grai i Suflet Cultura naional, 1998; Poezii poporale din cmpie (Folkloric Poems from the Plane Area).Publicate dup un manuscris inedit, de Virgiliu Florea, Bistria, editura Cadran, 1993; Tudor Pamfile, Dragostea n datina tineretului romn (Love in the Romanian Young Peoples Customs). Text stabilit de Petre Florea, Bucureti, Editura Saeculum, 1998; [manuscrise inedite]; Ion I. Ionic, Dealu Mohului ceremonia agrar a cununii n ara Oltului (Dealu Mohului the Agrarian Ceremony of the Wreath in Olt County). Ediia a II-a, ediie ngriit de C-tin Mohanu, Bucureti, Editura Minerva, 1996, etc. 2 Ion Mulea, Ovidiu Brlea, Tipologia folclorului. Din rspunsurile la chestionarele lui B.P. Hasdeu (The Typology of Folklore. From the Answers to B.P. Hasdeus Questionnaire), Bucureti, Editura

566

Rodica Raliade

The last part of Ion Muleas study Ion Pop Reteganul, the Folklorist published on the 50th commemoration of Reteganuls death is dedicated to stating the researchers responsibility towards the folklorists memory and his whole work: Collector from his early years as a teacher when he was barely 19 and to his death; regular contributor with folkloristic articles to almost all Transylvanian periodicals, for almost 30 years; author of a folkloric songs collection as early as 1884; organizing the activity of using questionnaires for collecting folkloric items in Transylvania and planning a folkloric archive; having ready for print thousands of pages dedicated to traditional poems, customs and beliefs of the Romanians in Ardeal, and also having published three bulky collections of fairy tales, Ion Pop Reteganul can be justly considered the greatest and most representative folklorist of Transylvania. After acknowledging the special situation, certain obligations follow: The humble house museum in Reteag should be repaired, preserved and prepared for educational visits; The manuscripts and correspondence in Reteag should be brought to the library in Cluj, for a thorough analysis; The Romanian Academy particularly, the Institute of Literary History and Folklore in Bucharest, which has already started to use Reteganuls documents in the recent volume Antologia literaturii populare (Folkloric Literature Anthology) should organize the manuscripts sheltered by the Academy Library and publish the most important and valuable documents together with a study dedicated to Reteganuls work. The unpublished materials should have a thorough repertoire and it is necessary to start a critical edition of his fairy tales (those published in the periodicals together with those in the manuscripts); All the folkloristic materials published by Reteganul (more than one thousand) in the Transylvanian periodicals should be classified and organized alphabetically. Only after reaching all these objectives we can say that we have fulfilled our duty even if after half a century to the person who has given us the greatest and most representative image of the Romanian folklore in Transylvania.3 We do not raise the topic of what has and what hasnt been done so far to fulfill our obligations towards I.P. Reteganul or the topic of the reasons why many of the folklorists wishes have not been reached yet, after more than one hundred years after his death. Therefore, the present study is meant to draw attention to Reteganuls manuscripts and open the road towards publishing a part of them. These ethnological manuscripts represent the first part of the volume Cntece btrnesci. Cntece voiniceti (Old Songs. Brave Songs) no. 4524 -, the first of the 21 volumes in I.P.Reteganul fund sheltered by the Romanian Academy Library. As the title shows, this part contains poetry collected by Reteganul and his correspondents. In 1890, I. Pop Reteganul - urged by Iosif Vulcan - sent the Romanian Academy a collection of 5022 folkloric poems and one of customs and beliefs, one year later. The folklorists intention was to participate in the contest of folklore collections
Minerva, 1970, p.71. 3 Ion Mulea, Ion Pop Reteganul folclorist (Ion Pop Reteganul, the Folklorist), in Studii i cercetri tiinifice, seria III, tiine sociale, an VI, 1955, no. 3-4, p. 56-57.

Ion Pop Reteganul an Archive Fund of Current Interest

567

launched by the high scientific authority4. During the meeting on March 20th 1891, the commission composed of Ioan Bianu, Ioan Slavici and G. Ionescu-Gion considered Reteganuls collection as being very heterogeneous. The Academy was to make a thorough selection of his material and to publish the most valuable ones. Yet, this selection did never take place, most of the collection remaining unknown. One should notice that Ion Mulea recommended its publication but only after a selection of the most representative texts. First, we had the same approach towards Reteganuls manuscripts but we have changed our point of view realizing that they have gathered different other meanings one century after they were elaborated. These materials represent a comprising document for the methodology applied in approaching the folkloric items and in creating a scientific collection. The process of rediscovering and saving the folklore because of national reasons led the contemporary researchers to conclude that, in the 19th century the intellectuals invented it5. The verb to invent means on the one hand to find, to create, to imagine something new, to discover but also to make up stories, to tell lies6. Folklore was simultaneously found and created by the intellectuals in the 19th century who often became the authors of some imaginary texts. Because of technical reasons, the folkloric collections of that time could not be a faithful image of the original items. In the 1970s situations similar to those in the 19th century were brought up to discussions. According to the American researcher Richard M. Dorson, the documents which do not record authentic products of the traditional folkloric process are considered fakelore7. Another contemporary folklorist, Alan Dundes considered art on a folkloric pattern any product with artistic values which started from the traditional creation but did not fully respect the original8. Thus, the collectors of the 19th century unintentionally manipulated the readers as they were not able to faithfully record folkloric items. However, when they willingly took upon themselves a political, esthetic or financial purpose of reintroducing folklore in use, they deliberately became manipulators. Ion Pop Reteganul never intended to rewrite folklore, never belonging to the group of folklore inventors. As a cultural animator he created folklore-based art through his fairy tales. Unlike his contemporaries, I.P.Reteganul would not publish a folklore volume unless he had only collected materials and the texts he wrote were published under his own signature. We will consider two examples. In 1885, the magazine Gazeta Transilvaniei published two of his tales: Mama cea rea. Poveste de Ion Pop Reteganul (The Evil Mother. A Tale by Ion Pop Reteganul) (G.T., nr. 216) and Criasa znelor. Poveste
4 Ibid. 5 Marianne Mesnil, Etnologul ntre arpe i balaur (The Ethnologist between Snake and Dragon). Marianne Mesnil and Asia Popova, Eseuri de mitologie balcanic (Essays of Balkan Mythology). Cuvnt nainte de Paul H. Stahl. Traducere n limba romn de Ioana Bot i Ana Mihilescu, Bucureti, Editura Paideia, 1997, p. 31. 6 Florin Marcu, Constant Maneca, Dicionarul de neologisme (Dictionary of Neologisms), Ediia a II-a revzut i adugit, Bucureti, Editura tiinific, 1966, p. 399. 7 Cf. Alan Dundes, Analytic essays in folklore, The Hague Paris, Mouton, 1975, p.8 (Studies in Folklore, edited by Richard M. Dorson). 8 Ibid, p. 8.

568

Rodica Raliade

de Ion Pop Reteganul (The Fairies Queen. A Tale by Ion Pop Reteganul) (G.T., nr. 205-208). In both cases he signed the tales just like he always did in the case of the narratives inspired by folklore9. In 1886, I.P. Reteganul published in Foioara the tale entitled Din fat-fecior (Poveste de pe Slagiu scris ntocmai dup cum a eit din gura povestitorului) The Girl who Became a Boy (A story from Slagiu written exactly how it was told). The explanation given between the brackets is meant to emphasize the folklorists intention to offer a version very close to the original text. One can notice that I.P. Reteganuls prose includes both texts written or re-made by him and texts collected by the folklorist himself, authentic within the boundaries set by the technical devices of that time. Unlike the tales meant to be a reading book for everybody, the manuscripts we are analyzing are not for the general public but for specialists. This folklore collection has the same characteristics as all such works in the 19th century. They are all eclectic (the lyrics are either collected by the folklorist himself or sent by his correspondents or cut out of newspapers) and inconsistent with the information about the piece, with the place of collection, with mentioning the variants, etc. Consequently, one can say that the author does not intend to manipulate the reader, the act of inventing folklore being an unwilling result of the technical situation. The texts are transcribed as faithfully as possible, according to a scientific trend which was gaining ground at that time especially after 1870, when Miron Pompilius ballads collection appeared. As regards poetry, I.P. Reteganul considered that the original text should be kept unaltered: The material which gets out of the peoples mouth in rhymes: songs, charms, carols, etc should be written the way people express it, without anything added or left aside.10 The folklorist considered that the prose should have been shorthanded and typed. As this procedure was not at all familiar to the intellectuals who collected folklore, I.P. Reteganul asked them to write down the texts at least using the ideas and words more often used11. His ambition to identically reproduce the texts was a difficult task not only because of technical reasons, but also because of intermediary factors, especially the correspondents, informative links which lacked the precision while transcribing the oral literature. The willing intervention in the folkloric text led to a certain cultural trend initiated by Vasile Alecsandri. Recently, the researcher dr. Alexandru Dobre starts from a very pertinent comment of Mihail Canianus (1867-1933) and distinguishes between two methods: one of adjusting the text used by V. Alecsandri and the other one of reconstructing, inventing a standard variant or even a national epic, used in a useless and illusory effort by At. M. Marienescu. (We cannot say whether he was influenced by the Finish School, very fashionable in Europe, or only by the national HistoricalMythological School.) In the preface to his collection Poezii populare. Doine. Culese i publicate
9 Adrian Fochi, Bibliografia general a etnografiei i folclorului romnesc (1800-1891) (General Bibliography of the Romanian Ethnography and Folklore), Bucureti, Editura pentru Literatur, 1974, titles 2979 and 2991. 10 Ion Pop Reteganul, Despre modul de a aduna materialul literaturii poporale (On the manner of gathering traditional literature materials), in Tribuna, VII (1890), no. 120, p. 478. 11 Ibid.

Ion Pop Reteganul an Archive Fund of Current Interest

569

ntocmai cum se zic (1888) Traditional poems. Doinas. Gathered and published exactly as they are told, the folklorist remarked: Some people considered that the centuries old language is spoiled by foreign influences and felt like adjusting it, replacing it according to their preconceived ideas. In the same time, they considered proper to put together and to blend the many variants of one piece, making only one out of several texts. This was how dr. Atanasie Marienescu produced his ballads and carols which can be everything but real folkloric poetry. The replacing of many words used by the Romanians with neologisms and the creation of harsh lines with distorted language have condemned this collection from the very beginning.12 Ion Bianu considered Canianus collection to be almost perfect, its only fault being the lack of musical transcripts. In the same respect, Ovidiu Brlea wrote: towards the end of the century, the authentic form was more and more precisely transcribed as the diacritical signs were introduced. The first folklorist to use them was M. Canianu in his collection of Doine, published in 1888.13 We do not know if I.P. Reteganul was familiar with Canianus collection, but one thing is sure, the formers folkloric manuscripts do not belong to either Alecsandris or Atanasie Marian Marienescus trend because the folklorist we are dedicating this article to did more than pleading for observing the authenticity of the texts, he also tried to apply the philological theoretical concepts of reproducing the pieces as close to the original as possible. Generally, the materials sent by his correspondents did not observe the collection and transcribing rules which were so important for the folklorist. Besides this inconsistency, there is another one, that of introducing among the anonymous folkloric creations some authors texts - most of them taken from some fashionable magazines - such as Drgescus Nopile carpatine (Carpathian Nights) or love songs signed with initials. These manuscripts show the mutual influences between oral and written literature, on the one hand, and on the other hand, reflect the mentality of the period which considered popular creations those texts belonging to a certain author yet widely spread and transmitted orally. Therefore, the value of these manuscripts can not be reduced only to the criterion of observing the authenticity of the texts. Nowadays, after more than a century judging this document only within the boundaries set by this only criterion would be unilateral and would neglect the multiple values of the manuscript. In the 19th century some folkloric facts were often spread in a written form. Consequently, we are to consider the theory of intervening in the texts either involuntarily or willingly. The intellectuals of the above mentioned century not only talked but also wrote on behalf of the peasants. They managed to turn folklore from oral transmission to historic transmission by copying and thus spreading these texts14. I.P. Reteganuls manuscripts are complex ethnological documents as the poems are accompanied by glossaries and ethnographic notes, and also by the folklorists comments written next to the texts, in a correct orthography according to the norms existing at the end of the 19th century and on different types of paper which can add
12 Mihail Canianu, Studii i culegeri de folclor romnesc (Romanian Folklore Studies and Collections), Ediie ngrijit de Al. Dobre i Mihail M. Robea, Bucureti, Editura Minerva, 1998, p. XIX. 13 Ovidiu Brlea, Metoda de cercetare a folclorului (The Method of Folkloric Research), Bucureti, Editura pentru Literatur, 1969, p.20. 14 Marianne Mesnil, op. cit., p. 31.

570

Rodica Raliade

some other information about that epoch. The sheets of paper used for writing down folkloric texts were in fact white pages of old documents no longer used, which Reteganul bought by kilogram15. These manuscripts are not only folkloristic documents but also ontological files which should be studied by different disciplines: folklore, linguistics, history, sociology, etc. The ethnological manuscripts belonging to Reteganuls archive fund are written social documents16 because they offer not only folkloric and ethnographic information but also direct or indirect traces of social facts which can be the starting points for a theoretical reconstruction of the inter-human relationships and of socio-cultural processes. To publish the poems apart from the documents themselves means to detach the text from its context. More than this, the need to publish the whole manuscripts is also imposed by the 19th century perspective on the folkloric facts which were considered together with the ethnographic ones. The historical, social and cultural approach offers the documents new meanings. The context and the circumstances seen as a whole bestow the complete meaning upon the manuscripts which also gain a virtual significance meant to allow the reader to decipher new contextual values. Extrapolating, one can say that although these documents do not belong to a certain author they need an interpretative collaboration as any critical reading is both a representation and an interpretation of the very interpretative procedures17. Some of the texts in these manuscripts are published before sending them all to the Romanian Academy, I.P. Reteganul also including the lyrics from two of his volumes (Trandafiri i violete Roses and violets, Gherla, 1884 and Chiuituri18, Gherla, 1887) in order to create a collection as complete and vast as possible. Because of the scientific authority of the Romanian Academy, the folklorist wanted his volume to be published under the auspices of this important institution as a national recognition of his work. Because of its eclectic character, the Academy was hesitating in publishing the collection. However, the cultural animator managed to disseminate some of these materials in different brochures which enjoyed great popularity. These booklets had a special role in spreading certain folkloric species among the villagers who used them to learn or find inspiration for further folkloric texts. We must mention here the case of the famous colcar19, Casian from Branitea on Some who after learning many poems from the volume Starostele sau Datini de la nunile romnilor ardeleni (Customs at the weddings of the Romanians in Transylvania) (Gherla, 1891) created himself other such verses. Other booklets published by Reteganul managed to spread different folkloric species, such as lyrics shouted during dances (125 chiuituri de cari strig ficiorii n
15 Sebastian Stanca, Un mare idealist (A Great Idealist), p. 12, cf. Ion Apostol Popescu, Ion Pop Reteganul Viaa i activitatea (Ion Pop Reteganul Life and Activity), Bucureti, Editura Didactic i Pedagogic, 1965, p.28. 16 XXX, Dicionar de sociologie (Dictionary of Sociology), urmat de indicatori demografici, economici, sociali i sociologici. Coordonatori Ctlin Zamfir i Lazr Vlsceanu, Bucureti, Editura Babel, 1993, p. 183. 17 Umberto Ecco, Lector in Fabula. Cooperarea interpretativ n textele narative. n romnete de Marina Spalas. Prefa de Cornel Mihai Ionescu, Bucureti, Editura Univers, 1991, p. 7. 18 Traditional verses shouted especially during the wedding ceremony. 19 The man who is the master of ceremony during the wedding and has the role of shouting the traditional wedding verses.

Ion Pop Reteganul an Archive Fund of Current Interest

571

joc Gherla, 1891), verses sung during funerals (Bocete, adec cntri la mori Gherla, 1897), epic poems (Poezii poporale, cntece btrnesci Sibiu, 1900 and Pintea Viteazul Braov, 1900). The fragmentary publishing of this collection matches the view of his time, namely the need to give back the folkloric materials to the people who created them, meaning to spread these texts among that category which produced them. Among Reteganuls contemporaries, S.Fl. Marian, Elena Niculi Voronca and Elena Sevastos quoted his manuscripts in their monographs dedicated to the Romanian wedding. Victor Onior also transcribes in his anthology Doine i strigturi din Ardeal (1894) some lyrics from Reteganuls collection because of both the common collection area and of the credible variants found in the manuscripts we are dealing with in this article. It is worth mentioning that Victor Onior stated that he followed Canianus model in elaborating the collection, this meaning that he tried to observe the original form of the texts. I have found Mr Canianus collection and his method urged me to try to publish such folkloric poems gathered from my birth place Zagra Nsud county, the north-eastern part of Transylvania.20 After the folklorists death some of his materials from ara Haegului are included in Ovid Densusianus monograph Graiul din ara Haegului (The Idiom in ara Haegului) (1915) as an annex under the title Material folkloric din manuscrisele lui I. Pop Reteganul (Folkloric materials from I. Pop Reteganuls manuscripts). Here he included life cycle texts, Christmas customs, the village feast, charms, superstitions, 8 ballads and 6 doinas21 from Pnciuneti, and one ballad from Lunca Cernei22. Another folklorist who starts from Reteganuls manuscripts when mentioning the customs in ara Haegului is D. Caracostea in Poezia tradiional romneasc, volume I (Romanian Traditional Poetry)23. In 1953, a group of researchers from the Institute of Literary History and Folklore published an anthology in which they include some texts from the manuscripts24. Reteganuls manuscripts have been mentioned and shortly described by other researchers and folklorists such as: Vasile Netea, Ion Mulea, Ovidiu Brlea, Ion Apostol Popescu and Iordan Datcu and Liviu Piu, more recently. As the time of the manuscripts has passed away, because of the use of computers in writing and editing texts, it is compulsory to reconsider the so-called primary documents, among which the manuscript presented above has an important place.

20 Victor Onior, Doine i strigturi din Ardeal. Culese i publicate ntocmai cum le zice poporul (Doinas and shouted verse in Ardeal. Collected and published as they are told by the people). Partea I, Iai, Editura Librriei coalelor Fraii araga, 1894, p. VII-VIII. 21 Romanian traditional lyrical songs. 22 Ovid Densusianu, Graiul din ara Haegului, Bucureti, Atelierele grafice Socec&Co., Societate Anonim, MCMXV (1915), 350 p. + 1 hart (Institutul de Filologie i Folklor); Apendice p. 231304. 23 D. Caracostea, Poezia tradiional romn (Romanian Traditional Poetry), vol I, Bucureti, Editura pentru Literatur, 1969, p. 86. (see Ov. Densusianu, op. cit., p 293-294). 24 XXX, Institutul de Istorie Literar i Folklor, Antologie de literatur romn (Romanian Literature Anthology), Vol. I Poezia (Poetry), (Buc.), Editura Academiei Romne, 1953.

572

Rodica Raliade

The next part of our article is dedicated to Ion Pop Reteganuls theoretical approach regarding collecting and anthologizing the folkloric texts presented in his article and studies and we will try to determine to what extent he applied them in his collection, especially in the first volume. a) First, we will consider one important study of his, namely Despre modul de a aduna materialul literaturii populare (About the manner of gathering the traditional literature material) (Tribuna, 1890) where I.P. Reteganul states the importance of recording the language of his time in order for the next generations to be able to tell what its evolution means. For this purpose he recommends his contemporaries to gather all the materials of the traditional literature of their time (like in a huge shop) which he considers to be a continuation of the process started by Magnum Etimologicum25. The idea of creating a corpus of national folklore, started by Al. Odobescu and the encyclopedic works launched by Hasdeu, shaped the model for the collections created by those folklorists with scientific ambitions. They did not draw any borders between folkloristic and ethnographic research. The mixture between these two fields will last until the beginning of the 20th century, and it also characterizes the manuscripts we are discussing about where one can find poetical texts followed by ethnographic notes. Consequently, the folkloric facts were approached from a perspective both philological and historical, some glossaries containing complex ethno-historical information. The archive fund sheltered by the Romanian Academy Library is created not only like a huge shop of traditional literature but also like a huge shop of ethnofolkloric documents, especially from northern Transylvania. The collection Reteganul sent to the Romanian Academy is designed according to his purposes (to gather all our traditional literature) being the richest collection dedicated to Transylvanian folklore, together with the mentioned ethnographic notes. The manuscript in the Academy Library has 21 volumes, of about 6,000 pages. They can be found under the library numbers from 4524 to 4544. The first 16 volumes contain folkloric poetry and ethnographic notes. Starting from volume 17 to the last one, this collection has both poetry and prose. I.P. Reteganul organized the volumes on a thematic criterion: Volume I Cntece btrnesci. Cntece voiniceti (Old songs. Brave songs); Volume II Cntece osteti, de dragoste .a. (Soldiers songs, love songs); Volume III Versuri de dragoste (Love lyrics); Volume IV and V Versuri de jale (Sorrow lyrics); Volume VI Versuri de dor (Longing lyrics); Volume VII and VIII Versuri de urt, mnie, necaz (Sadness, anger, sorrow lyrics); Volume IX Versuri satirice (Satirical lyrics); Volume X-XIII Versuri i strigturi (Lyrics and shouted verses); Volume XIV-XVI [Versuri populare diverse] (Miscellany); Volume XVII Datini, credine, obiceiuri, descntece, bocete (Customs, beliefs, charms, funeral texts); Volume XVIII Obiceiuri de nunt (Wedding customs); Volume XIX Obiceiuri la srbtori (Feast customs); Volume XX Suveniri din copilrie (Childhood souvenirs) and some Christmas customs and carols; Volume XXI Credine, obiceiuri, descntece, duhuri rele, datini (Customs, charms, evil spirits).
25 I. Pop Reteganul, Despre modul de a aduna materialul literaturii populare, in Tribuna, Sibiu, VII (1890), no 120, p 477.

Ion Pop Reteganul an Archive Fund of Current Interest

573

In the above mentioned study the folklorist recommended writing the place and the county of each collection at the end of each piece, on a separate sheet of paper, for the philologists use. I.P. Reteganul sometimes writes the place where he collected a certain piece, the name of the informant or of the correspondent who sent it. Below some epic songs the folkloric information is completed with the description of the villages of origin. Sncel, the village where he collected the ballad Alamor (sheet 4, B.A.R. / page 3 I.P.R. vol. I), is more often mentioned in the manuscript because the folklorist spent about 2 years working there, from 1884 to 1886. One can also find a complex presentation of this village where the folklorist gathered both poetry and prose. His birth place, Reteag village, is also present in his work with information concerning demography, vocabulary, etc (sheet 20-28, B.A.R. / page 57-61 I.P.R. vol. I). The transcription of some texts without writing the place they were collected from is explained by the fact that these were sent by his correspondents who did not observe Reteganuls methodological rules. The eclectic character of the collection is given by including some authors texts cut out of newspapers. For example, the last volume (XXI) gathers poetry and prose creations,- such as toponymic legends about the cave in Almo, the Girls Mountain (Muntele Fata) or the Girls Peak (Piscul Fata) in Apuseni Mountains, about the Devils Cliff (Piatra Dracului) near Sebe, about Gurghiu and Crengare Castles as well as Reteganuls travelling impressions from Strmbul, Lpu, Mnpstirea Nicula, etc where he was searching for folklore or archive documents. The heterogeneity of this work is also given by the ethnographic glossaries. One should mention the thorough study on the catrina26 published in Cntece osteti (Soldiers songs) (vol. II, p 168-169). I.P. Reteganul describes the characteristics of this item belonging to the traditional costume (also known as zadie, opreg) in Ardeal and Banat, mentioning who makes it and who wears it in the villages on Some, around Nsud, in the valley of Brgu, around Reghin, in Oa County, in Scdate, Avrig, in Sighet, Banat and even in some villages in the far western part of Bucovina. The first volume also contains a description of the sheepfold buildings (strung) in Reteag in comparison with the ones in Haeg Valley (text no. 17, Voinea, sheet 31-33 B.A.R./p 67-71 I.P.R.). In the volume mentioned before, one can find another ethnographic material, namely the description of a wedding in Giurgeti, a village near Reteag (text no. 7, Sora Todosie Sister Todosie, sheet 14 B.A.R./p 23-38 I.P.R., vol. I). b) I. P. Reteganul considered that folklore collections represent historical, linguistic and ethno-psychological documents. He believed that: in our traditional literature, although not in all of it, we can see a faithful copy of todays spoken language because the prose we have such as, stories, fairy tales, jokes, traditions, superstitions mirrors the tellers and writers talent. One tale can be said by 10 different people in 10 different ways and can be written by 10 different writers in 10 different manners, meaning 10 different variants27.
26 A rectangular apron or skirt worn by Romanian peasant women. 27 Ibid.

574

Rodica Raliade

This fragment quoted is essential for understanding Reteganuls experience: he is aware of the existence of variants for each piece. This is the reason why he includes variants (that he discovered or received from his correspondents) for some texts, writing the letters var in such cases. (8, Sora Anisie Sister Anisie var. for Todosie; text 9, Variant Variant sheet 18 B.A.R./p 41 I.P.R., vol. I; text 10, Alt variant Other variant sheet 20 B.A.R./p 45-46 I.P.R., vol. I). The problems faced by a researcher are the fluctuation of the folkloric text (namely, the variants) and the inconsistency of the transcriptions caused by the lack of a unitary notation system. In other words, oral variants lead to written variants. Thus, Reteganul believes that the variable character of oral literature asks for recording it in complex and rich collections in order to immortalize aspects of the spoken language. The essential thing is to observe the credibility and veracity of the texts with their language particularities. If you think that a certain word is not understood by all Romanian, explain it; if you think a certain word is not characteristic for people in that place, use any signs you want to explain it but never replace it with a different one.28 The lexical value of the folkloric texts gathered in this collection is given by the folklorists endeavour to be as faithful as possible to the original and by the above mentioned glossaries which sometimes are real ethnographic notes. The glossaries. I.P. Reteganul sometimes explains some regional or rare words. Some glossaries explain one or two words, others are detailed linguistic historical ethnographic works. For example, in the text Alamor - sheet 4 B.A.R./p 3 I.P.R., vol. I there is one word explained, similarly, only one word is explained in the text Petrea Branului - sheet 10 B.A.R./p 23-38 I.P.R., vol. I -, but in the ballad Sora Todosie29 - vol. I, sheet 14 instead of a synonym, the folklorist offers an ethnographic comment. In the last ballad mentioned Reteganul presents all the participants in a wedding, mentioning their role and place. The variant transcribed was collected in Giurgeti, a village nearby Reteag. The explanation offered for the word sheepfold, in a footnote of the ballad Voinea (vol.I, sheet 31 B.A.R./p 67-68 I.P.R) collected in Bouari describes its building manner and its structure. The folklorist is also interested in dialectological topics as he mentions some regional orthoepic and morphological forms. Starting from one of the lines of this ballad, I.P. Reteganul exemplifies the idiom spoken in Banat starting from the conjugation of the verb To Be30. Historical elements. The variant of ballad no. 7, Sora Todosie (sheet 14 B.A.R./p. 23-38 I.P.R., vol. I) includes a short presentation of the history of the castle in Ciceiu, near Giurgeti, the place where the piece was collected. Some variants are included in the collection out of respect for the event presented. The text no. 54, Todoran (sheet 237-238 B.A.R., I.P.R. part 2, vol. I) offers a few words about the hero of the ballad (led by an 120-year-old man, Teodor Todoran din Bichigiu who served as a soldier under the rule of Carol VI) adding that he is not sure whether the ballad is an anonymous creation or not, yet the historical information it conveys being the reason for writing it down31. Thus, the historical information is more important than
28 Ibid, p. 478. 29 A variant of the ballad The Sun and the Moon. 30 Ms. B.A.R. entrance no. 4524. 31 Ibid, p. 238.

Ion Pop Reteganul an Archive Fund of Current Interest

575

the authenticity of the text. The classification of the materials followed the thematic criterion which was also used by Reteganul to determine the percentages of each poetic species. Thus, he intended to offer the portrait of the Romanian people. More than this, this statistics was meant to emphasize the ethno-psychological value of folklore, considered as the synthesis of a peoples personality. Popular literature can be a proof of Romanian spirituality: We see that there are spiteful and ignorant enemies who describe us as a barbaric people, without a cultivated language, without a brain developed enough to be able to receive the western culture, without a heart able to receive the European education, in short: they describe us as a stupid, primitive, lazy, ignorant, barbaric people. Of course we cannot easily close the mouths of these enemies. Anyhow, if we show them our traditional literature created by the people who never attended the western schools but studied only in the school of life, they will change their opinion about us. If they study our traditional literature, then they will understand that out of 100% of our spirit, 25% represent the moral and religious spirit, 3% the ancestors spirit, 5% the brave spirit, 24% the grieving spirit, 1% the merry spirit, 11% the love spirit, 14% the sorrow spirit, 7% the longing spirit and 9% the satiric spirit.32 These figures were calculated starting from his collection sent to the Romanian Academy: These calculations have been taken out from my collection of traditional poems which is yet unpublished the Romanian Academy considering it now and consists of 5,122 worldly poems without carols, charms, etc the spirit and the heart of a people is best mirrored by its traditional poetry.33 The statistics in this article was transcribed from his manuscript collection. On the first page of the first volume he calculated the percentages shown above starting from the thematic classification of the 4,808 texts. Thus, I.P. Reteganul shapes an ethno-psychological image of the areas where he collected the folkloric items. This statistics appears under the heading Motto (sheet 1 B.A.R.): I. Cntece btrnesci II. voiniceti III. Cntece ostesci IV. de bucurie V. de iubire VI. de jale VII. dor VIII. urt-mni-necaz IX. satirice X. nuniale [ters] XX. Chiuituri XI. Diverse 100 (3%) 156 (5%) 250 (4%) 33 (1%) 370 (11%) 430 (13%) 242 (8%) 585 (19%) 325 (9%) pe 336 p. 464 p. pe 465 pag. 65 663 945 497 1243 705

1757 [scris peste 1657] 4198 610 pe 128 4808

32 Ibid, p. 477. 33 I.P. Reteganul, Despre modul, p. 477.

576

Rodica Raliade

Ordinea lui Maiu 1888 i finii n Rodna Veche la 24 septembrie 1889 I. Popu Reteganul Dascl34 One year later when his collection becomes richer, he will rethink the classification of the traditional versified species. In the next few years, I. P. Reteganul will send to the Romanian Academy new collections thus creating one of the biggest archive funds.

34 The parts difficult to read are written in square brackets.

Stilistica e retorica
Lorenzo Renzi
Universit di Padova, Italia

1. Stilistica e retorica Dopo che se ne tanto parlato, soprattutto tra gli anni Cinquanta e Ottanta del Novecento, esiste ancora oggi una stilistica? Direi di no. Il suo status teorico sembra, a dire la verit, oggi come oggi, inesistente, anche se esistono, paradossalmente, molte analisi stilistiche brillanti di testi letterari. Ma queste applicazioni non possiedono pi, almeno per quello che so, un retroterra teorico, come hanno invece le altre discipline linguistiche, e naturalmente non linguistiche, nessuna delle quali si abbandona alla pura empiria. Per trovare formulazioni forti della stilistica bisogna ritornare al Trait de Stylistique di Charles Bally di quasi un secolo fa (1.a ed. 1909). Si potrebbe pensare che si tratti di un puro problema terminologico. Si potrebbe pensare che, se non esistono delle formulazioni teoriche della stilistica, perch al suo posto si imposta dagli anni dello Strutturalismo il termine di poetica. Ma se cerchiamo delle trattazioni teoriche della poetica la situazione pi o meno la stessa: troviamo ottime ricerche su questo e su quellaspetto della lingua letteraria, brillanti analisi poetologiche di testi e di generi letterari, ma nessuna veduta generale della poetica che sia aggiornata non dico al Duemila, ma nemmeno ai decenni precedenti. La verit , a nostro parere, che lo studio generale della stilistica si fa oggi il pi delle volte nellambito della retorica. E quello che succede, direi, a partire dai due trattati di Heinrich Lausberg (Handbuch der literarischen Rhetorik, 1960; Elemente der literarischen Rhetorik 1967, tradotto in molte lingue) e dal Dictionnaire de potique et de rhtorique di Henri Morier (1961), poi dalla Rhtorique gnrale del gruppo di Liegi (1970). In queste opere lo studio della lingua letteraria e dei suoi registri stata delegata a unaltra disciplina, la retorica. Quanto alla stilistica linguistica di Bally, la sua tematica stata ripresa, ma anche ridotta (e quanto ridotta!), a quella delle lingue specialistiche o microlingue. Retorica e stilistica? Alla lunga questa contaminazione di domini cos diversi come la stilistica e la retorica non pu finire, a nostro parere, che per nuocere a tutti e due i campi. Dobbiamo ricordare infatti che la retorica si ricostituita, grazie a opportuni adattamenti e revisioni, come disciplina filosofica: sulla base in particolare dellopera di Cham Perelman e Lucie Olbrechts-Tyteca e a quella di Stephen Toulmin diventata la moderna teoria dellargomentazione. Ma si parla anche spesso di Neoretorica. Ma i termini retorica e, perfino, neoretorica, continuano a designare anche la stilistica. E ora, per mio conto, che linguisti e teorici della letteratura, per favorire la chiarezza, dissipino lequivoco evitando la coabitazione di due campi di

578

Lorenzo Renzi

studio sotto lo stesso nome, e chiamino il loro dominio con il nome che gi stato glorioso di stilistica (o, con richiamo aristotelico, poetica). Ma, come c stato un rinnovamento della retorica, cos ce ne deve essere uno della stilistica. Il primo passo di questo rinnovamento mi pare labbandono dellinvolucro della retorica, che anche il presupposto per la ricerca di un fondamento teorico della disciplina. Non per questo cesseranno di esserci elementi in comune tra la stilistica (linguistica e letteraria) e la retorica (o neo-retorica o teoria dellargomentazione). Cos la figura (o, come diremo, il procedimento di stile) continuer ad apparire nella stilistica, ma dovr essere ben distinta da quella che appartiene allargomentazione. La vera e propria figura retorica, distinta dalla figura di stile, quella che, come giustamente scrive Perelman, collabora allargomentazione (cfr. Perelman e OlbrechtsTyteca (1966), 171-194) Porto due esempi miei. La derivatio (o adnominatio o come ancora la si voglia chiamare) sar un figura dellargomentazione quando due termini come povert e poveri entreranno in unespressione come la seguente, che chiaramente funzionale al discorso persuasivo (campo per eccellenza della teoria dellargomentazione) C chi trasforma la lotta contro la povert in una lotta contro i poveri - una formulazione di questo tipo si trovava in un articolo di Umberto Curi sul Mattino di Padova qualche mese a proposito delle discriminazioni del governo nei riguardi degli immigrati, particolarmente senza permesso di soggiorno. La dittologia paronomastica scienza e coscienza stata utilizzata dal Cardinale Tettamanzi, arcivescovo di Milano, per dire che la conoscenza (scientifica) non (o non deve essere) separata dallatteggiamento etico. La dittologia stata ripresa spesso in Italia nel 2009 sempre in rapporto alla questione delle decisioni da prendere nel caso di persone in coma irreversibile. Ma lespressione ha certamente anche una storia predente, anche se difficile da ripercorrere. La differenza di significato tra alcuni aggettivi anteposti al nome e la loro posposizione rende possibile una figura dordine come per es. quella rappresentata da casi come le coppie nuovo partito/partito nuovo, vecchio amico e amico vecchio buonuomo e uomo buono ecc. Cos un giornalista ricorda che, al momento della fondazione di un nuovo partito, il Partito Democratico, si diceva che stava per nascere non un nuovo partito, ma un partito nuovo (Paolo Franchi, Corriere della sera 21/11/08). E Arturo Labriola allinizio del Novecento rimproverava al padronato di preferire degli operai buoni (cumini) a dei buoni operai. Nei casi appena riportati, che si potrebbero moltiplicare, come in quelli citati in Perelman e Olbrechts-Tyteca, le figure collaborano allargomentazione, o almeno ne offrono la mossa iniziale. In molti casi largomentazione in favore o contro una certa tesi prende la forma di un commento al contenuto della figura. Ma le stesse figure possono non avere questa funzione, e saranno perci figure di stile, ulteriormente precisabili nella loro funzione specifica, come vedremo. Per favorire la distinzione del piano retorico (argomentativo) si potrebbe pensare di abbandonare il termine figura. Ma, in realt, se la funzione, lo scopo, sono diversi, la forma delle figure pu essere la stessa, per cui preferiamo non cancellare

Stilistica e retorica

579

la parola figura, che affiancheremo a quella di procedimento (di stile) e di stilema di tradizione strutturalista. Limportante non confondere figure con funzione argomentativa e figure di stile che hanno altre funzioni. Non bisogna nemmeno dimenticare che stato probabilmente per un caso che lelocutio , che descrive i fatti di stile, sia pi sviluppata nella Retorica di Aristotele che nella sua Poetica. Questo fatto allorigine della fatale circostanza che per secoli quanti hanno voluto occuparsi dello stile letterario si sono rivolti alla Retorica e non alla Poetica di Aristotele, introducendo spesso nella trattazione dello stile letterario elementi tipici della tematica non della linguistica e della letteratura, ma dellargomentazione, che erano in realt attinenti al campo del diritto, della politica ecc. ecc., come fa invece ancora Lausberg nelle sue opere peraltro benemerite, e come fanno i numerosi manuali di retorica per letterati che lo hanno seguito. Inoltre la conoscenza del quadro retorico di Aristotele, tramite la pseudo-ciceroniana Rhetorica ad Herennium, nota durante tutto il Medioevo, mentre la Poetica di Aristotele, ancora oggi frammentaria, era scomparsa per secoli dalle letture degli eruditi occidentali. 2. Cos lo stile. Procedimenti di stile Le figure o procedimenti di stile (o stilemi, come per es. in Gldi 1971) sono fenomeni della lingua, che per essere capiti nella loro natura non devono essere esaminati in1 s, come nella linguistica, ma in quanto contribuiscono allarchitettura della lingua , cio alla sua costituzione in registri diversi. Tra i mezzi che la lingua gli mette a disposizione, il parlante ne possiede di quelli che elevano il tono del discorso (+) e di quelli che lo abbassano (-): i primi possono servire nelle occasioni di solennit, ufficialit, distanza; i secondi, non meno importanti dei primi, connotano familiarit, scherzo, rilassamento, ma anche semplicemente cordialit. La complessa architettura della lingua appartiene alla sua sincronia, consiste cio nella compresenza di elementi in un certo momento storico. Il riferimento alla diacronia occasionale, per es. nelluso di arcaismi e nel procedimento stilistico delletimologia2 (ma sono forse le uniche due eccezioni, e molto relative, al dominio della sincronia ). Parole, morfemi, costruzioni che derivano dalla lingua antica innalzano lo stile, ma lo fanno per la connotazione che portano allinterno del sistema attuale della lingua. La ragione che quello che antico, o anche solo lo sembra (una parola, una costruzione, come in altri ambiti un mobile, un quadro antico) appare pi raro, pi distinto, pi nobile di quello che moderno e corrente. Un modo particolare di elevare il livello stilistico consiste nellinserzione di termini appartenenti a lingue speciali (o microlingue). Si tratta della presenza di termini delle scienze e delle professioni. Un discorso contenente i termini epatite o rinite (lessico speciale della medicina) a livello alto rispetto al sinonimo mal di pancia e raffreddore, basso. Lo stile di una lingua speciale non si limita al lessico, ma, come ha mostrato per es. Bice Mortara Garavelli nel suo libro dedicato al linguaggio giuridico italiano (2001), coinvolge tutti i livelli della lingua.
1 O dimensione diafasica della lingua, sempre secondo le definizioni di Eugenio Coseriu. Per questo concetto e gli altri vicini, v. Koch e Oesterreicher (2001, par. 4). 2 Letimologia potrebbe riportarsi alla paranomasia nella misura in cui il riferimento storico (diacronico) proprio della etimologia linguistica viene a mancare.

580

Lorenzo Renzi

Parlando con termini della sua lingua speciale, il medico, lavvocato (o un altro professionista) innalzano lo stile e allontanano da s linterlocutore (nella fattispecie paziente o cliente) facendolo sentire cosciente della sua inferiorit. Una lingua speciale di livello basso il gergo. In fr. appartengono a questo livello le parole di argot come vioques, pioter, bouquin rispetto a parents, se coucher e livre (cio genitori, andare a dormire, libro), e, come ricordava Coseriu, causer per parler (parlare). In it., dove non esiste un uso corrente del gergo, esempi simili si trovano seppure in modo sporadico nel linguaggio dei giovani o negli elementi gergali della vita militare, (per es. vecchi per genitori nel primo caso, microbi o zanzare per reclute nel secondo ); un effetto simile possono avere oggi gli in italiano gli inserti dialettali, nella misura in cui il dialetto sentito generalmente come qualcosa che sta a un registro pi basso della lingua. Tutti questi usi tuttavia sono dovuti sostanzialmente a un impiego ludico del linguaggio; la parola gergale o dialettale produce piacere in chi la usa; inoltre lo conferma partecipe di un gruppo sociale (per es. quello dei giovani, o di un loro sottogruppo). In ambienti elevati lo stesso effetto pu essere raggiunto dalluso ironico di parole rare, o dallimpiego di anglismi, francesismi ecc., destinati a creare complicit in quelli che conoscono queste lingue a ad intimidire chi non le conosce. Un certo uso della lingua, come quello che abbiamo evocato adesso (e che rappresentato magistralmente in alcune pagine della Recherche du temps perdu di Marcel Proust) uno degli elementi costitutivi dello snobismo (inteso come ricerca di alcune persone di distaccarsi e differenziarsi dal proprio ambiente sociale per entrare a far parte di una cerchia superiore costituita da circoli chiusi, squisiti). 3. Stile e lingua letteraria. Non esistono, in linea di principio, stilemi esclusivi della lingua letteraria: la lingua letteraria adotta ora stilemi alti, ora bassi. In qualche caso la lingua letteraria porta allestremo le possibilit del linguaggio comune, soprattutto, ma non esclusivamente, nella direzione dellalto. E questo fatto che pu dare la sensazione che ci siano stilemi intrinsecamente letterari, o almeno che la stilistica trovi il suo campo di applicazione ideale nella letteratura. Aderire a questa convinzione, tuttavia, vorrebbe dire non solo diminuire indebitamente il ruolo dello stile nella lingua in tutti i suoi usi non letterari (che sono di gran lunga predominanti su quelli letterari), ma anche ignorare il fatto che la stessa letteratura fatta coi mezzi normali della lingua, seppure in qualche caso portati allestremo. Intendiamo con questo non che ogni occorrenza di uno stilema che si trova nella lingua letteraria sia possibile anche nella lingua non letteraria, ma che qualsiasi stilema che si possa trovare nella lingua letteraria rappresentato da esempi anche nella lingua comune. Per es. ossimori come obscure clart (Racine) soleil noir de la mlancholie (Nerval) sono certo esclusivi della lingua letteraria, ma, nonostante quella che pu sembrare a prima vista, esistono numerosissimi ossimori anche nella lingua di ogni giorno. Per es. frasi come s e no (come risposta per es. a una domanda come: -sei rimasto soddisfatto?), o qui lo dico e qui lo nego sono ossimori di uso quotidiano nella lingua italiana (il primo del tutto corrente, il secondo piuttosto ricercato). Nello stesso modo, con arguto ossimoro, i francesi dicono: le plus urgent est dattendre. Siccome consideriamo fondamentale il fatto della comunanza degli stilemi nel-

Stilistica e retorica

581

la lingua comune e in quella letteraria, nel corso della trattazione, della stilistica di una certa lingua, esemplificheremmo ogni procedimento con esempi dalla lingua 3 delluso (a), e della lingua letteraria (b) . Dalla massa di questa esemplificazione si dovrebbe vedere analiticamente se ci sono oppure: che non ci sono casi di stilemi letterari che non riposino sulluso comune della lingua. Lascio per il momento aperta la questione, ma non nascondo che preferirei la seconda soluzione, che dovr essere, tuttavia, empiricamente provata. 4. La scelta Il meccanismo fondamentale del fatto di stile la possibilit di scelta a tutti i livelli della lingua, pragmatico, semantico, sintattico, morfologico, fonologico, lessicale. Abbiamo un fatto di stile quando chi parla ha la scelta in uno di questi livelli e se ne serve coscientemente per caratterizzare il suo discorso in una direzione o in unaltra. Il caso pi chiaro quello sintattico, cio il livello delle frasi. Diciamo che c scelta tra due costruzioni quando il loro valore di verit non cambia, per es., date le frasi non c nessun assente e non manca nessuno non pu essere che una sia vera e laltra falsa. Le due frasi sono allora in rapporto di sinonimia (Lyons1971, cap. 10), ma stilisticamente sono una pi alta, la prima, e una pi bassa, la seconda. Corpo minore
Per attuare la prova di sinonimia, si devono ridurre le farsi non assertive a assertive cambiando la natura dellatto linguistico e mantenendo solo il contenuto. In questo modo possibile sottoporle alla prova della verit, che possibile solo in frasi assertive. Se la frase in I o II pers. deve essere passata alla III pers. Per es..ci si pu chiedere se gli ess. Mi mesceresti una coppa del liquore di Bacco? e Mi versi un bicchiere di vino?, siano
3 I due reparti in cui suddivido le stesse figure sono in rapporto, mi sembra, con la celebre dicotomia stabilita dal maestro della stilistica del Novecento, Leo Spitzer (1962, 2.a ed.): Sprachstile/ Stilsprachen. I termini, tutti e due al plurale, si potrebbe parafrasare cos: Sprachstile, fatti di stile nella lingua, o nella definizione dellautore impronte stilistiche in certi particolari della lingua dovute a certi atteggiamenti mentali; Stilsprachen : sistemi espressivi che grandi personalit hanno creato nella loro lingua individuale Per lingua letteraria (categoria b) dobbiamo intendere non solo la lingua della poesia e della prosa di finzione, ma anche quella delloratoria politica (come nel caso degli esempi dai discorsi di De Gaulle, riportati in Reboul 1996, che riportiamo a nostra volta qualche volta), della storiografia, della storia letteraria e scientifica, ecc. Non basta: dobbiamo considerare nella categoria b), con le dovute precisazioni, anche gli esempi che documentano i registri caratteristici delle lingue speciali, giuridica, scientifica e tecnica (dominio per dominio). Nella categoria a) sta sostanzialmente lespressione linguistica spontanea, pronunciata (o immaginata pronunciata) in occasioni quotidiane, su argomenti comuni. Si aggiungono quello che Paolo Valesio (1967) chiama folklore verbale (espressioni idiomatiche, proverbi, ecc. ecc.) e forse anche certe forme del parlare ricercato. Credo comunque che la distinzione tra i due gruppi a) e b) sia pi netta di quello che si potrebbe credere. La lingua letteraria non esclude luso di esempi della categoria a). La lingua degli scrittori, infatti, contiene anche espressioni del tutto comuni, come per es. Per molto tempo sono andato a dormire presto (Proust, inizio della Recherche, in traduzione italiana letterale), che non presenta nessun particolare procedimento. Si tratta della dipendenza della lingua e dello stile letterari da quelli comune, sulla cui importanza abbiamo gi insistito.

582

Lorenzo Renzi

sinonimici e se la scelta tra uno e laltro sia di natura stilistica. Intuitivamente diciamo di s. Ma si pu anche provare lassunto formalmente. Bisogna prima ridurre le due frasi rispettivamente a: ti chiedo di mescermi una coppa del liquore di Bacco e ti chiedo di versarmi un bicchiere di vino; poi, passando alla III pers. X chiede a Y di mescergli una coppa del liquore di Bacco e X chiede a Y di versargli un bicchiere di vino. Possiamo chiederci poi: pu essere vero che X chieda a Y di mescergli una coppa ecc. e contemporaneamente sia falso che gli chieda di versargli un bicchiere? No, si deve constatare che le due frasi sono o tutte e due vere o tutte e due false, e cio che sono sinonimiche, e cos pure le frasi da cui le abbiamo ricavate. La loro differenza allora non semantica (nella fattispecie non riguarda il valore di verit), ma stilistica. Per constatare la sinonimia e il valore stilistico di due sintagmi, o di parole, bisogna inserirle in un contesto frasale: dati gli aggettivi patavino e padovano, una volta che li si inseriti in un contesto del tipo: lAteneo patavino ha i conti in regola e lAteneo padovano ha i conti in regola, evidente che il valore di verit lo stesso, cio che le due frasi, sinonime, sono o tutte e due vere o tutte e due false, e che patavino e padovano sono sinonimi. Il primo latinismo, una forma stilisticamente pi alta di padovano. Ci possono essere casi pi complessi. Prendiamo gli aggettivi italiano e italico. Gli stranieri ammiravano il valore italico e gli stranieri ammiravano il valore degli italiani sono due frasi o sempre vere o sempre false, delle quali la prima stilisticamente pi alta (se si volte, inutilmente alta) della seconda. Ma Studiamo lantica lingua italica e studiamo lantica lingua italiana possono essere una vera e una falsa, in quanto italico non sempre rinomino alto di italiano (anzi in questo contesto non c sicuramente sinonimia). In Vedono un soldato correre rapidamente e Vedono un fante correre rapidamente non c differenza stilistica, ma di contenuto: un fante un soldato, ma un soldato non necessariamente un fante (pu essere un artigliere, un geniere, ecc.). Soldato, pi generico di fante, geniere ecc. iperonimo (o sovraordinato) di queste parole (Lyons), come animale iperonimo di gatto, cane, scimmia ecc. Liperonimia una categoria logica e linguistica, non stilistica.

5. Assenza di stile? Dove non c scelta non c la dimensione dello stile. Ci pu essere allora un uso della lingua senza stile, o, diciamo pi chiaramente, ci pu essere una porzione 4 di lingua, un testo , senza stile? Con ogni probabilit no. Ma c certamente una polarit verso il grado 0 (zero) dello stile, nel caso in cui in un testo ci sia una grande quantit di forme non marcate stilisticamente. Ci si avvicina al grado zero dello stile, per es., in una certa prosa giornalistica, particolarmente nella cronaca. Ma, sempre nella lingua giornalistica, i cosiddetti pezzi di colore stanno al polo opposto, cio sono stilisticamente marcati, qualche volta molto marcati. Scelta c sempre, si dir. Ma ricordiamo che parliamo non di scelte tra contenuti diversi, ma solo tra forme e costruzioni diverse ma sinonimiche. In molti casi la scelta sar illusoria: nella narrativa, per es., luso del preterito (passato remoto) per narrare i fatti avvenuti nel passato un fatto automatico, non di scelta. In francese, dove il preterito (pass simple) non pi usato nella lingua parlata, il suo uso nella prosa narrativa e nella saggistica convenzionale, un rituel des belles lettres, come scriveva Roland Barthes, e lo stesso vale per il romeno. In italiano, invece, questo
4 Per testo si intende un enunciato (scritto) autonomo, anche se passibile di essere inserito in un testo maggiore (macrotesto) (v. Diz. di linguistica, s.v [Cesare Segre]). Cfr. Dressler 1974, Beaugrand e Dressler 1994.

Stilistica e retorica

583

tempo esiste almeno per i parlanti toscani e centro-meridionali, contrariamente al francese, dov appunto, solo letterario. Un inizio romanzesco come: La marquise sortit cinq heures (la marchesa usc alle cinque), esempio di incipit romanzesco banale per Paul Valry, non marcato stilisticamente. Tuttavia non impossibile che un romanzo prenda come base un altro tempo verbale. In romeno, dove pure prevale il preterito, alcuni preferiscono il passato composto, che suona pi naturale, e che, bench sia il tempo della narrazione spontanea, in letteratura stilisticamente. Ma possiamo pensare anche a casi pi straordinari. Si pu pensare per es. a un romanzo scritto interamente al futuro. 6. Universalit e specificit I principi della stilistica, come quelli della linguistica, sono di natura universale. Chiaramente universali, cio comuni a tutte le lingue, sono gli stilemi di natura pragmatica, che si riportano allo schema generale della comunicazione, per cui nellatto linguistico ci sono un mittente, un ricevente, un codice, un messaggio, un referente (vedi avanti 1.1.). In tutte le lingue poi, si possono fare domande e richieste, si possono dare ordini e chiedere scusa, fare affermazioni, ecc. ecc. Gli atti linguistici sono universali. Tuttavia la forma concreta che prendono gli stilemi della pragmatica pu essere diversa da lingua a lingua, pu essere specifica di questa o quella lingua (language specific). La diversit tra le lingue, non nelle loro risorse generali, ma nel materiale che impiegano, pi accentuata a certi livelli, per es. nel lessico, visto che ogni lingua ha il suo vocabolario diverso da ogni altra lingua, o nella morfologia, minore nella pragmatica, ridotta nella sintassi. Lordine delle parole, che riflette le regolarit ammesse nella costruzione della frase e dei sintagmi, un aspetto fondamentale della sintassi. Ora, lordine delle parole non pu essere trasferito meccanicamente da una lingua a unaltra. Tuttavia, molte lingue hanno modi simili di costruire i sintagmi e le frasi, ma altre usano ordini diversi e speculari, come hanno mostrato gli studi condotti nellambito della cosiddetta tipologia dellordine delle parole, da Greenberg (1966) in poi. Proprio nel nostro caso, lordine delle parole dellitaliano (e in realt quello di tutte le lingue romanze) diverso e spesso speculare rispetto a quello del latino. Ora, la gran parte degli stilemi basati sullordine delle parole (come lanastrofe, liperbato, lepifrasi, la sinchisi, ecc., vedi Mortara Garavelli 1998, pp. 27-233) sono presenti in molte lingue, ma lanastrofe si realizza in italiano in modo speculare rispetto al latino classico: delle Parche il canto (Foscolo) e di Nizza il marinaro (si tratta di Garibaldi, in Carducci) sono anastrofi in italiano in quanto antepongono il modificatore al modificato (cio il sintagma introdotto da di alla testa del sintagma: il canto delle Parche, il marinaro di Nizza). Ma nel latino classico lordine normale sarebbe il primo, e quello marcato il secondo. Quando Catullo scrive Sirmio, peninsularum insolarumque ocelle (letteralm.: Sirmione, delle penisole e delle isole occhietto) non fa unanastrofe, ma usa lordine pi comune. E possibile assumere la terminologia retorica da una lingua e applicarla a unaltra, e questo quello che avvenuto storicamente prima con il passaggio dal greco al latino, poi con quello dal latino allitaliano e a molte altre lingue. Ma non ci si pu assolutamente attendere che questo resti senza conseguenze. Per es., la derivatio (o polyptoton o adnominatio) si poteva realizzare in latino, come in greco, per

584

Lorenzo Renzi

mezzo dei casi (per es. quantum nomen eius fuerit, quantae opes, quanta gloria, quanti honores, Cic. Deiot. 4, 12; cfr. Arbusow p.41 ss; Faral, Arts potiques, p. 93 ss. ; Ernst Robert Curtius e Patrick Boyde su Dante), ma non realizzabile nello stesso modo in italiano e nelle altre numerose lingue senza casi. La derivazione pu consistere per in altre variazioni morfologiche della radice (Amor che a nullo amato amar perdona, Dante, Divina Commedia, Inf., Canto V,v. 103). E gi in lat. sub eo et cum eo et secundum eum (Meinhard von Bamberg, cit. in Arbusow, p. 41). Ma anche facile, al contrario, che molti procedimenti siano non solo comuni ma anche appaiano in forma uguale o simile in lingue diverse. Questo succede soprattutto in lingue apparentate geneticamente. Per es. anastrofi simili allitaliano si trovano in francese, lingua apparentata strettamente allitaliano e affine tipologicamente per molti aspetti (es.: Lune, en notre mmoire, De tes belles amours lhistoire tembellira toujours, lett. luna, nella nostra memoria, dei tuoi begli amori la storia, ti abbellir sempre, Alfred de Musset), ma anche in tedesco, pi lontano geneticamente e tipologicamente dallitaliano: Des Meeres und der Liebe Wellen (lett. Dellamore e del mare onde, titolo di un lavoro teatrale di Franz Grillparzer). Anche nel lessico si possono avere gli stessi procedimenti, anche se formati in ogni lingua con materiali diversi. Per es. tra le figure di suono, come lallitterazione si basa sul ritorno di suoni uguali nelle parole, come per es. in ingl. spick and span nuovo fiammante. E difficile trovare un corrispondente in italiano con lo stesso significato e lo stesso procedimento (da cui la difficolt di una traduzione fedele e contemporaneamente altrettanto colorita), ma facile trovare centinaia di coppie allitteranti che rappresentano lo stesso procedimento: puro e duro, sano e salvo, ecc. ecc. Tuttavia non escluso che gli stessi stilemi appaiano in lingue vicine formate da materiale lessicale della stessa origine, come per es. succede nelle coppie allitteranti appena citate puro e duro e sano e salvo, che hanno dei corrispondenti in fr. in pur et dur e sain et sauf (nel secondo caso il gioco fonico meno ricco in francese che in italiano, ma la coppia sinonimica usata nelle due lingue con lo stesso significato e nelle stesse circostanze). Viva voce un sintagma ablativo latino ma anche dellitaliano (senza caso morfologico, questa volta), in tutti e due i casi allitterante. I procedimenti basati sulla semantica (nella retorica figure di senso), tra cui la metafora, ritenuta spesso, a ragione o a torto, la figura (il procedimento) per eccellenza, hanno carattere universale in s, anche se, di nuovo, si realizzano in modo diverso lingua per lingua. Lespressione di Dante lago del cuor (Inf. I, v.20), in cui il cuore visto come uno spazio liquido e delimitato, traducibile in tutte le lingue 5 e costituisce sempre una metafora . Ci non toglie che alcune metafore siano pi abituali in una lingua che in unaltra, e che in una lingua diversa da quella originaria possano essere poco comprensibili. Il fatto che in milanese, o nellitaliano di Milano, un bambino piccolo sia apostrofato affettuosamente con lespressione metaforica antifrastica scimmia!, pu colpire, e anche offendere, chi non milanese. Cos risulta poco comprensibile a chi non francese che nelle stesse circostanze si
5 Prendendo a caso una traduzione romena e una tedesca della Commedia, vedo tuttavia che i traduttori hanno preferito tralasciare la metafora. Beninteso il traduttore padrone di rendere le metafore come metafore o di preferire il senso proprio. Forse ai traduttori limmagine sembrata troppo ardita per essere tradotta felicemente nella loro lingua. Ma in realt abbastanza ardita anche in italiano.

Stilistica e retorica

585

dica: mon chou! mio cavolo (supponendo che si tratti di una metafora e non di un 6 caso di omonimia ). Questo fatto riguarda in particolare la catacresi, cio la metafora consunta, spenta, che comprensibile solo allinterno del sistema linguistico rispettivo. Lespressione mortalit studentesca nel senso del numero degli studenti che abbandonano gli studi (o era) comprensibile solo agli italiani, anzi solo a quelli che si occupano di problemi della scuola, e se usata allinterno di un discorso specifico che riguarda gli studenti che abbandonano gli studi. Avendo usato una volta questa espressione, tradotta in francese, con un collega di Parigi, questo era apparso molto stupito, cosicch mi ero affrettato a spiegargli la metafora: non si trattava, gli avevo spiegato di veri morti, ma di studenti che lasciavano lUniversit. Sollevato, il collega aveva esclamato: ah, vous maviez effray! mi aveva spaventato!. In effetti, nelle riprese moderne della retorica (pi precisamente della elocutio, cio dell ornato), era stato possibile illustrare i concetti generali dello stile e le figure esemplificandoli in lingue diverse. Cos per es. Heinrich Lausberg (1969) aveva documentato le figure retoriche con esempi letterari provenienti dal greco, dal latino, dal francese, dallinglese e, in misura minore, dallo spagnolo e dallitaliano. E si pu osservare che storicamente la retorica, come la grammatica, ma con molte minori difficolt di questa, stata trasferita in modo naturale dal greco al latino e poi 7 in altre lingue. Questo vale anche per la stilistica in generale, e per i singoli procedimenti di stile. I procedimenti di stile sono, in conclusione, in gran parte universali, anche se la loro realizzazione specifica, lingua per lingua. Ma le realizzazioni simili o uguali sono piuttosto leccezione che la regola. Nonostante la cornice sia universalistica, il corpus della stilistica deve essere costituito lingua per lingua, anche se ritengo qui utile in molti casi dare anche alcuni esempi da lingue diverse accanto alla lingua che costituisce il mio oggetto prioritario, litaliano. Questo fatto mi sembra opportuno, e lo pratico largamente, visto che la grandissima parte degli stilemi certamente presente in molte lingue, o forse anche in tutte le lingue del mondo (alcune migliaia, forse 6000 o di pi). Sarebbe un errore grave indurre, per eccessiva prudenza, lidea che ogni lingua abbia la sua stilistica.

6 Il Petit Robert, dizionario classico del francese, tratta i due significati come diverse accezioni dello stesso lemma, non suppone quindi omonimia, altrimenti avrebbe dato due lemmi, come fa per es. per bande striscia e bande gruppo di persone. 7 Per secoli la retorica ha dato esempi in latino, anche quando questa lingua era morta come lingua naturale (ma ben viva come lingua dei dotti, della religione, della scienza, ecc. ecc.). Lultimo dei grandi teorici dellelocutio, Pierre Fontanier (che oggi leggiamo in Fontanier 1968), nei suoi due volumi dedicati alle figure, pubblicati nel 1822 e nel 1827, ha tutti gli esempi in francese.

586 Bibliografia

Lorenzo Renzi

Arbusow Leonid (1963), Colores rhetorici. Eine Auswahl rhetorischer Figuren und Gemeinpltze als Hilfmittel fr bungen an mittelalterlichen Texten, Gttingen, Vandenhoek & Ruprecht. Bally Charles (1909), Trait de stylistique franaise, Genve-Paris, Georg / Kincksieck, 2 voll. Beccaria Gianluigi (1994), Dizionario di linguistica e di filologia, metrica, retorica, diretto da G.L.Beccaria, Torino, Einaudi. Dressler Wolfgang (1974), Introduzione alla linguistica del testo, trad. it., Roma, Officina, ed. orig. 1972. Beaugrande Robert-Alain de, Dressler Wolfgang (1994), Introduzione alla linguistica testuale, Bologna, Il Mulino, ed. orig. in ted. 1981. Fontanier Pierre (1968), Les figures du discours. Introduction par Gerard Genette, Paris, Flammarion Gldi Ladislao (1971), Introduzione alla stilistica italiana, Bologna, Ptron Groupe (1970), Rhtorique gnrale, par J. Dubois etc., Paris, Larousse. Koch Peter e Oesterreicher Wulf (2001), Langage parl et langage crit, in G. Holtus, M. Metzeltin e Chr. Schmitt (a cura di), Lexikon der romanistischen Linguistik, 1,2, 584-627. Lyons John (1971), Introduzione alla linguistica teorica, Bari, Laterza, ed. orig. ingl. 1968. Morier Henri (1961), Dictionnaire de poetique et de rhtorique, Paris, PUF. Perelman Cham e Olbrechts-Tyteca Lucie (1966), Trattato dellargomentazione. La nuova retorica, prefazione di Norberto Bobbio, Torino, Einaudi, 1966; ed. orig. fr. 1958. Reboul Olivier (1996), Introduzione alla retorica [riveduta e ampliata da Gabriella Alfieri], Bologna, Il Mulino, 1996, ed. fr. 1994 2.a ed. Mortara Garavelli, Bice (2001), Le parole e la giustizia. Divagazioni grammaticali e retoriche su testi giuridici italiani, Torino, Einaudi. Garavelli Bice (1988), Manuale di retorica, Milano, Bompiani. Spitzer Leo (1961), Stilstudien. Erster Teil. Sprachstile, Mnchen, Max Hueber, 2.a ed. Toulmin Stephan (1975), Gli usi dellargomentazione, Torino, Rosenberg & Sellier, 1975, ed. orig. 1958 Valesio Paolo ( 1967), Strutture dellallitterazione. Grammatica, retorica e folklore verbale, Bologna, Zanichelli.

Aspects de la magie despousailles dans la rgion slagienne1 de Some

Viorel Rogoz
Universit de Nord, Baia Mare
La vie folklorique de la valle de Some, tonnamment vivante dans la rgion de Slaj, a t sommairement tudie. Les principales contributions sont dues aux enseignants attachs au peuple et la cration populaire, mais dpourvus de toute mthode scientifique pour la collecte et pour linterprtation du matriel. Dans le cadre de ces fragiles proccupations, le phnomne magique a t dautant plus marginalis. Lhomme de Slaj a vcu, pendant des sicles, son destin historique loin de la lumire des critures, des bienfaisances de la civilisation2, et la prsence si massive du magique dans sa vie trouve une des explications dans cet tat de privations. La disparition des croyances et des rites magiques de la vie sociale au sein de la collectivit rurale pendant les dernires dcennies, constitue un argument qui justifie notre affirmation: les racines gnratrices disparues, le phnomne magique annonce aussi son dclin, dont la recherche suppose ce jour un effort de comprhension du ressort social, de la vie de toute la communaut, la dtection des facteurs qui ont engendr les formes et les contenus du phnomne. Le mariage, vnement au cours duquel lon va aborder les implications magiques, occupe une place centrale dans la vie de la collectivit, constituant un moment dcisif pour lindividu. Une personne clibataire, un vieux garon ou une vieille fille, sintgre toujours avec difficult dans la vie du village, reprsentent mme un danger potentiel. Les vieux garons endurcis ou les vieilles filles deviennent objet des ironies de la collectivit. Les ironies prennent, en fait, dans beaucoup de situations, la forme de certaines traditions inflexibles. Ainsi loccasion de lEpiphanie, ceux qui narrivent pas se marier on met des marieurs, des masques de paille et de chiffons,( en roum. peitori, du lat.,,petitores), poss sur le toit de la maison, de la
1 Slaj - dpartement du nord ouest de la Roumanie, en Transylvanie, travers par la rivire Some. 2 Il est bien possible que ce soit justement ce retard historique de la modernisation qui ait conduit la prservation presque inaltre dun fond archaque, dans ce site isol, o les occupations principales taient, pendant longtemps, lagriculture primitive, reste inchange jusqu nos jours, lorsque l on peut regarder encore avec tonnement, les groupes de gens fouillant la terre les mains scelles aux mancherons de la mme charrue primitive tire par les vaches ou les buffles, lapiculture qui, on doit le reconnaitre, a pass des vieux paniers fabriqus en verges de sarment colls la bouse de vache ou des creux darbres, abattus par terre par les intempries de lt, une fois le bois vieilli, aux lgantes ruches fabriques en srie, la sylviculture, dans les lieux isols et soumis timidement llment anthropique, qui se fait remarquer pourtant, finalement, par des dboisements et dsintgrations des vieilles forts sculaires, visibles aujourdhui de loin, par lapparition des versants dserts, comme dans un paysage slnique, responsable pour de nombreuses inondations et boulements de terrain.

588

Viorel Rogoz

grange ou sur le chadouf de la fontaine. La poupe est accompagne dune inscription qui mentionne le nom dun dbile mental, dune personne mal vue, ou, suivant un tmoignage de Grbou, de quelquun dont on connat quil a des relations sexuelles caches avec la personne vise.3 Pour viter une telle situation et pour pallier une condition infrieure dans la mentalit primitive, dtermine par un prjug gnralement rpandu concernant la fille pauvret4, les filles commenaient trs tt sintresser leur ornda5, en essayant, partir de simples pratiques caractre ludique, caractristiques lge plus jeune et jusqu linvocation des pouvoirs du diable, de pratiquer la magie noire. Les pratiques des pousailles sont conditionnes par de nombreux facteurs, tous dune importance majeure. Lune des conditions essentielles pour la russite de la dmarche magique est reprsente par le temps. Tout dabord on peut observer une corrlation troite entre le moment de la pratique intensive de la magie des pousailles et certaines phases du cycle du calendrier. Dans lordre stricte qui rgissait toute la vie du village, certaines priodes de temps avaient, selon la mentalit archaque, des qualits spciales, une sensibilit particulire. Il sagit du temps rituel ou sacr o llment magique trouve toujours loccasion propice pour se manifester. Cest un temps rversible, en ractualisant dune manire mythique des situations primordiales: celle de la Gense, de la naissance ou la mort dun saint, celle o lon a vaincu un monstre etc.6 Un milieu fcond pour la pratique de la magie est reprsent par les ftes qui se droulent tout au long de lanne. Situes dans des saisons diffrentes, ces ruptures dans la dure profane du temps ont offert lhomme loccasion des dmarches magiques pour amliorer sa vie, assurer sa prosprit et porter bonheur dans le foyer. Ainsi, le dbut de la nouvelle anne apporte un temps favorable, par excellence la magie, parmi dautres, la pratique de nombreuses sorcelleries en vue du mariage. Toute une srie de rites et pratiques plus simples comme structure sont voues donner la fille une rponse au trouble de son me qui la possde pendant la priode de clegi.7 Un procd magique trs rpandu (on a des tmoignages de Cheud, Chelina, Ciocmani8 et Ciumrna9) dvoile aux filles lordre o elles vont se marier.10
3 v. Archives de Folklore, ClujNapoca, mss 815. 4 v. Archives de Folklore, ClujNapoca, FA 07733. 5 La personne voue devenir lpoux/ lpouse de quelquun. Terme dorigine slave, v. en paloslave: urenditi ou ukrainien orenda. 6 Cf. Mircea Eliade, Comentarii la legenda Mesterului Manole( La legende de Maitre Manole-commentaires), Bucuresti, [1943], pag. 82, v. aussi Le sacr et le profane ,Paris,[1956], pag. 60-61. 7 Intervalle de temps( entre deux priodes dabstinence o il est interdit de faire gras) quand les chrtiens mangent volont. du.lat. caseum ligat. ( jours gras). 8 Trois localits situes juste au bord de la rivire Some. 9 Une localit situe en bas de Mese, reprsentant la configuration dun village dispers, de montagne. Pendant un stage de formation des tudiants, organis par lancien assistant, aujourdhui le renomm professeur Ion euleanu, jai constat que les gens dici manifestaient, avec ironie, leur mcontentement pour les distances apprciables entre les foyers entours par les dpendances affrentes: Tuie Dracu-n tine sat/ i-n cine te-o botezat!/ Uite-o cas colo-n tufe, / Gndeti c-o fugit de hulpe! / Uite-o cas colo-n stini,/ Gnesti c-o fugit de cni! (texte not en 1971) Que Diable temporte, toi le village/ Et celui qui ta baptis!/ Voil une maison l-haut dans la broussaille, / On dirait quelle sest enfuie du renard!/ Voil une maison l-haut dans les ronces, / On dirait quelle sest enfuie des chiens! 10 Archives de Folklore, Cluj-Napoca, mss. 815.

Aspects de la magie despousailles

589

Le long des sicles, cette pratique, tout comme beaucoup dautres, ont perdu leurs significations initiales. Aujourdhui elle a un fort caractre divertissant, preuve dune plus faible croyance dans le pouvoir incontestable du magique. En remarquant cette volution de la pense positive, Lucian Blaga disait il y a quelques dcennies La mentalit du paysan roumain persvre encore avec assez dinsistance dans la perspective magique sur le monde, mais son attitude nest plus aussi rfractaire envers lexprience tout comme si ctait il y a quelques centaines dannes. On remarque ainsi une tape de rivalit pour hgmonie de perspective entre lide du magique et lexprience.11 Favorise par le pouvoir magique du jour de Nouvel An et en cumulant, peuttre, des lments dun ancestral culte de leau, la coutume nomme potrubul prend naissance.12 A laide dune saucisse enchante potrub et donne au prtendant pour la manger, la fille sassure ainsi de son mariage. Linvocation de lincantation fait rfrence Vasile cel Mare (Basile le Grand), le patron de la fte du Nouvel An. Le fait que la Divinit apparaisse teinte13 pourrait sexpliquer par lexistence, lors des jeux de masques dautrefois, dun personnage reprsentant Sn Vsi (Basile le Grand, ft le 2 janvier selon le calendrier catholique et orthodoxe). Mme une observation superficielle, on remarque, dans lexpression directe de lincantation, une forte croyance dans lefficacit de la parole, anime par le dsir ardent de la fille, de sintgrer dans la vie de la communaut, quelles quen soient les qualits de celui qui lui est destin:
San Vsi trcat, Dmi, Doamne, brbat; C de mnic i die ciudat Numa s hie brbat Hie i cu clop die paie, Numa mnie mni-s-mpaie; Hie i orbu i tiopu, Numa s hie cu clopu Sn Vsi teint, Donnemoi, Seigneur, un mari; Si petit et trange quil soit A moins quil soit moi Quil soit avec chapeau de paille, Quil ne ravisse que moi; Quil soit aveugle et boiteux, A moins quil porte chapeau

Le texte a t collect Ciumrna.14 On a aussi une variante rduite Ciocmani, mais dans celle-ci, llment de magie aquatique a t substitu par celui de lespace magique: lincantation est prononce minuit, le jour du Nouvel An, dans un croisement de chemins.15 Certaines des pratiques qui se droulent le jour du Nouvel An sont ritres aussi pendant dautres jours de lanne (surtout loccasion des veilles, la quenouille etc. celles au caractre divertissant qui ne supposent pas ncessairement un certain temps rituel). Dans leur cas, le processus dinvolution dans le temps est en11 v. Despre gndirea magic (Sur la pense magique) , Cluj, 1941, page 154. 12 v. rg. Trou la surface glace de leau, travers lequel lon peut pcher ou prendre de leau; troue;/ du vieux slave: produhu. 13 trcat/teint adj., signifie bigarr, tach de deux couleurs, de hongrois tarka, drivation en roumain trctur. 14 avril, 1971. 15 informations, Archives de Folklore, Cluj, Fonds Mulea.

590

Viorel Rogoz

core plus prgnant. LEpiphanie (en roumain Boboteaza, leau qui bnit) suit dune semaine le Nouvel An. Les filles ont de nouveau une occasion propice pour le rituel magique en ce qui concerne la divination de lavenir. La frquence maximale est reprsente par la dmarche en vue de la dcouverte de lornda (le conjoint prdestin, n.t.). Pour cela, la fille utilise, lors dun rituel avec de nombreuses interdictions, le pain avec du sel.16 De Ciocmani17 et Grbou18 on a, de mme, des tmoignages concernant le pouvoir miraculeux de leau bnite utilise loccasion de lEpiphanie (Boboteaza). Dans le contexte des ftes du cycle vernal, les filles utilisent toute une srie de rites et pratiques dembellissement, de richesse, dapplication au travail. Les proccupations pour le mariage diminuent en ampleur le long de lt. Elles reviennent en force, lors des manifestations folkloriques, seulement tard dans lautomne, loccasion de la fte dIndreiu Ftilor (Saint Andr), le 30 novembre. Cest le moment ou lon recommence les veilles, les gens se runissent pour apprendre des chansons de Nol (le 15 novembre a commenc la priode de lAvent). Les filles ont de nouveau la perspective des ftes dhiver, des futures clegi jours de gras (intervalle de temps entre deux priodes dabstinence orthodoxes o les gens peuvent manger volont; des jours gras, n.t.). Et la seule pratique qui se droule avec une frquence, loccasion de la fte dIndrei, semble une interrogation lointaine de lavenir. On essaye une rencontre dans le rve avec ornda (informations Turean Rosalia et Trifan Maria, Grbou,).19 Une chose remarquable cest le fait que le sel et le pain qui cuit lors de cette dmarche magique ont besoin dun feu spcial allum avec 9 fagots vols de la haie du prtre ou du maire. Le surplus defficacit apport par lutilisation du bois vol semble tre conu suite un processus de magie par analogie: le prtre et le bdirul (le maire, n.t.) taient des personnes prestigieuses, un symbole du pouvoir dans le village. Par consquent, leurs biens aussi comportent un statut spcial. Le risque dtre saisis en volant du bois de leur haie est beaucoup plus grand. A partir de ces considrations, on peut soutenir que le rituel a eu aussi des lments de nature initiatique. De mme, lors de la magie des pousailles une place importante a t occupe par les pratiques droules pendant la veille: avec les palis, le tamis, la bague, laiguille et le pain, etc. Dans le village il y a eu plusieurs veilles, et les jeunes hommes (en roum.feciori ou flci) ont eu la possibilit de choisir lune ou lautre. Cest pour cela quon a tabli des relations de rivalit et concurrence. Une srie de pratiques et rites magiques ont comme but de faire venir les jeunes hommes la veille, les empcher daller aux autres. Ce ne ft qu Grbou quon connat environ quatre modalits, toutes appartenant au principe de la magie par analogie. Les filles viennent la haie, prennent un palis et lui font des incantations:
Nu prind paru, C-l prind p Iun, S nu aib stare,
16 17 18 19 informations, Archives de Folklore, Cluj, Fonds Mulea informations, Archives de Folklore, Cluj, Fonds Mulea informations, Archives de Folklore, Cluj, Fonds Mulea v. Archives de Folklore, Cluj, 07733

Je ne saisis le palis, Je tiens Jean, Quil nait de paix,

Aspects de la magie despousailles

Nici aezare, Pn la noi n eztoare; i la noi, dac-a vini, Mna cu mine u-a da in gur m-a sruta.20 Ni tranquillit, Jusqu notre veille; Et quand il viendra, On se saluera Et lon sembrassera.20

591

Une pratique intressante est celle du transport de leau de la valle mise sur le feu pour bouillir. Leau bouillante donne limpression de mouvement, signifiant la rapidit et ltat de tension o les jeunes hommes sont apports. En prenant en considration le manuscrit 815 des Archives de Folklore Cluj, une pratique des pousailles est aussi celle atteste Ciumrna et Chelina, qui implique de faire venir le prdestin en perant le pain ou le feu du four avec deux bouts de bois de la haie. La fonction de ce rituel est de faciliter lagent magique de manipuler le pouvoir numineux.21 Dans un cadre propice, la fille entre en communion avec le prdestin / ornda qui, grce aux valences magiques du mot, se substitue symboliquement un objet composant de la dmarche rituelle: le pain
Eu nu-mpung pinea asta, Da-mpung data m i uornda m, Prin vna c lung, La inim sl mpung. Je ne perce pas ce pain, Je perce mon promis Et mon destin, Par la grande veine, Jusquau fond du cur.

Mais le mariage et les pratiques quil gnre, des plus simples jusquaux plus complexes, sont stimuls, en subsidiaire, par lide de beaut de la fille. Pour arriver bonnes fins, la fille doit tre tout dabord belle, rjouir dune attention spciale loccasion de certains vnements sociaux, parmi lesquels, dune grande importance tait la dance ou la ronde du village. La prsence en soi des pratiques dembellissement dans le contexte de la veille22 a comme point de dpart le fait que cette vertu est considre ncessaire par la collectivit rurale, avec beaucoup de filles et plusieurs veilles, que lon retrouve les unes et les autres dans une permanente rivalit. Seulement ainsi on pourrait expliquer la frquence si grande des incantations dembellissement et danse Slaj. Dans la mentalit populaire, la dfiguration ou lenlaidissement dune fille est d laction malfique des mauvais esprits: des revenants ou revenantes, des fes malfaisantes/gnies malfaisants. Le salut est apport par la Sainte Vierge (en roumain: Maica Precista) divinit transfre lincantation des crits chrtiens, mais, qui a le pouvoir de gurison tout en utilisant des objets et des procds qui appartiennent de toute vidence aux rituels paens lointains: la fille est assise une table en or, la Vierge labreuve dun calice en or.23
20 v. Archives de Folklore, Cluj, Fonds Mulea, collectionne par Ion Cuceu, Grbou, 10 aug., 1969, v. FA 07737. 21 Terme invent par Rudolf Otto, pour dsigner la notion de saint, do lon a limin la dimension morale.V. Jean Cazeneuve Riturile i condiia uman, dans Sociologie francez contemporan, Buc. [1971], p. 718 sqq. 22 v. Nicolae Bot, La veille dans la rgion de Nsud, dans LAnnuaire du Muse Ethnographique de Transylvanie pour la priode 1965 1967, Cluj, 1969. 23 v. Dumitru Pop, Le calice dor dans le folklore roumain dans Studia Universitatis BabesBolyai,

592

Viorel Rogoz

Parfois, la bienfaisance survient par le truchement de leau leuroas, tire, laube, loccasion de grandes ftes, et seulement de certaines fontaines. On a dmontr dautres occasions que lexpression ap leuroas inexistante dans tout dictionnaire, provient du latin aqua laevulosa, cest--dire eau porteuse de bonheur. Pour soutenir cette tymologie, vient aussi le moment de linvocation de leau. Les filles timides, maladroites pour la dance et vites par les jeunes hommes pour ce fait, ont une bonne occasion dinfluencer favorablement leur sort, d au grand pouvoir du jour de Nouvel An. Ce jour-ci, avant le lever du soleil, elles vont la fontaine et prononcent les mots de lincantation (voir Fonds Mulea, mss. 1232):
- Bun dimineaa, ap leuroas! Sntate bun fat frumoas! Eu am venit, ap leuroas, S m spl, s hiu frumoas, C m aflai De ochi orbit, De mini legat, De toi feciorii uitat; M plnsei, m vitai, Nime-n lume nu maude Numa Maica Sfnt din Poarta Cerului: - Ce te plngi? Ce te vae? C m aflai de ochi orbit, De gur amuit, De mini s legat, De picioare mpedicat, De toi feciorii lsat. Nu te plnge, nu te vieta, C de ochi deschide-toi, De mna dreapt apucatoi! In mijlocul jocului aruncatoi! - Bonjour, eau enchante! - Bonjour ma beaut! - Me voil, eau enchante, Pour me laver, menjoliver, Car je me retrouvai Les yeux aveugls, Les mains attaches, Par les jeunes garons oublie; Je pleurai, je me lamentai, Personne au monde ne mentendait Que la Sainte Vierge de la Porte du Ciel: - Pourquoi pleures-tu? Pourquoi te lamen tes-tu? - Car je me retrouvai les yeux aveu gls, La bouche scelle, Les mains lies, Les jambes entraves, Par tous les garons quitte. - Ne te plains pas, ne te lamente pas, Car tes yeux, je les ouvrirai, Ta main droite je tiendrai! Au milieu du jeu je te jetterai!

Une ralisation artistique hors du commun, cest aussi lincantation prononce par les filles de Ciocmani pour tre aimes et belles, selon les dires de lenqute de terrain faite par Mara Avram, le matin de Nol, dehors, au pied de la fontaine.
- Bun dimineaa, fntna lui Iordan! - Sntate bun, feti mndr i frumoas, La ti feciorii drgstoas, Vidr mndr de pe balt, Tt n oti in fa-mni cat; C de mine sor atinge, Ca i de mnire, sor linge, C n fa m-or cta, - Bonjour du matin, fontaine de Iordan! - Bien le bonjour, belle fille resplendissante, Courtise par tous les jeunes garons, Belle loutre du lac, Regarde moi bien dans les yeux; Tous ceux qui vont me toucher, Comme du miel, vont se lcher, Tous ceux qui mon visage vont regarder,

sries Philologia, fasc. 2, Cluj, 1970, p. 1929.

Aspects de la magie despousailles

Ca de vin, sor mbta24 Comme du vin, vont senivrer.24

593

Une incantation intressante pour la dance a t publie en 192425 par linstituteur Gh. Pop de Buciumi. Etant reproduite en mme temps quune incantation pour le soleil brlant(en roum.soare sec), issue aussi de sa collecte, de Cheud, on est tent de croire que lincantation aurait pour origine la mme localit. On la cite entirement:
Plop stins, Plop aprins, Plop prjolit, Plop ciungrit, Bat vntu-n tine, Focul nu- aline! S nu tii de bine! S- ias schinti-afar! S vie din ar-n ar, La feciorii cei frumoi, Dnui i cei drcoi! S-i frig la talp! S joace ca i cnd i calc! S-i frig la clchie! Danu s mni-l die mnie! i-i sucete! i-i zmcete! i-i ntoarce! i-i destoarce! i-i strin Di la blidu cel cu cin, Di la patu cu hodin, Di la mam, Di la tat, Di la foc, i di la vatr! Da-i smucete, i-i ntoarce, C numa p mine s m joace! i-i ntoarce! i-i destoarce! i-i strin Di la blidu cel cu cin, Di la patu cu hodin, Peuplier sans vie, Peuplier flamboyant, Peuplier brl, Peuplier branch, Que le vent te courbe, Que ton feu ne sapaise pas! Que le bien, tu le connaisse pas! Que letincelle sorte au dehors! Quelle voyage dun pays lautre, Chez les jeunes beaux garons, Danseurs Et enjleurs! Quelle leur brle la plante des pieds! Comme sils taient endiabls! Quelle leur brle les talons! Que la danse ils me donnent! Et tu les renverses! Et toi, tu les disperses! Que toi, tu les tournes! Et les retournes! Que toi, tu les loignes Du plat du soir, Du lit de repos, De leur mre, De leur pre, Du feu, Et du foyer! Que tu les renverses, Et tu les disperses, Quils ne fassent quavec moi la danse Que toi, tu les tournes! Et toi, tu les retournes! Que tu les loignes Du plat du soir, Du lit de repos,

24 Pour lhypothse ap leuroas - aqua laevulosa voir online notre livre: La Famille: croyances, rites et traditions. Institut Europen des Itinraires Culturels, Luxembourg, 2007, series Documents, p. 81.Voir aussi lincantation cite en mss. dans Les Archives de Folklore Cluj, Fonds Mulea , mss. 1232. 25 Dans le journal Slajul, 1924, an V, nr. 12, 13 aug., distribu autrefois Zalu, chef-lieu de Slaj (voir supra.)

594

Viorel Rogoz
Di la mam, Di la tat, Di la foc, i di la vatr! Da-i smucete, i-i ntoarce, Ca numa p mine s m joace! De leur mre, De leur pre, Du feu, Et du foyer! Que tu les renverses, Et tu les disperses, Quils ne fassent quavec moi la danse

Il y a aussi des incantations que lon trouve aussi dans les Fonds Mulea de lAcadmie et que lon prononait ds lentre de la fille dans la grange o lon organisait la dance. Lune dentre elles, collecte par Pompeiu Hossu-Longin de Tmeti sonne ainsi:
Fugii ciute buite, Conie sparte , Peste gard aruncate, De feciorii satului uitate, C vinie Un viin nviinit, De la munte-arduit, In fruntea danului gtit, Cu feciorii satului, In fruntea danului. Courrez, vous, les biches pares, Vieilles ruches perces, Jetes au-del de la haie, Oublies par les jeunes du village, Car il arrive Un griottier de cerises-griottes charg, Venu de la montagne, Par en tte de la danse, Avec les jeunes garons du village, En tte de la danse.

Lincantation semble une variante incomplte du clbre sortilge roumaine dembellissement, devant lequel senthousiasmait le philosophe Lucian Blaga, en parlant de la fonction potique du magique:
Sfinte Soare, Sfinte Domn Mare, Eu nu rdic vnt de la pmnt, Ci cercul tu, n capul meu i razele tale, n genele mele ! Sfinte Soare, Sfinte Domn Mare i 44 de rzioare; Patru ine-le ie, Patru d-mi-le mie; Dou s mi le pun n sprncene i dou n umerii obrajilor, La toi feciorii s le par Cire de munte nflorit, Cu mrgritar ngrdit.26 Saint Soleil, Saint Grand Seigneur, Je ne lve pas de vent de la terre, Mais ton cercle, dans ma tte Et tes rayons, Dans mes cils! Saint Soleil, Saint Grand Seigneur Et 44 petits rayons; Quatre pour toi, Quatre pour moi; Deux pour me les mettre sur les surcils Et deux sur les pommettes, Que japparaisse aux yeux des jeunes Dtre un cerisier de montagne fleuri, Par des perles embelli25

Blaga nindique pas le recueil o elle fut trouve, mais les quelques variantes slagiennes, que lon connat, nous autorisent croire que le texte appartient la
26 Voir Lucian Blaga, Despre gndirea magic (Sur la pense magique), 1941, p. 165.

Aspects de la magie despousailles

595

mme souche rgionale. On a prsent quelques aspects de la magie des pousailles, consigns, en grande majorit, il y a plus dun demi-sicle, dans la Rgion de Slaj de Some. Ce sont des pratiques qui concernent directement ou indirectement le mariage, en labordant comme une ncessit ou comme une simple projection sur lavenir. Beaucoup dentre elles sont issues du dsir ardent de contrecarrer un certain tat dinfriorit: celui du vieux garon ou de vieille fille/ catherinette. Il faut mentionner pourtant que les pratiques folkloriques lies au mariage sont beaucoup plus riches. On a plutt essay dclaircir les aspects extrieurs et les implications dordre social de la magie des pousailles, cela tant lunique cl pour comprendre en profondeur la structure et les fonctions du phnomne analys dans cette tude.
Version franaise:Viorel Rogoz, Universit de Nord, Baia Mare, Roumanie Mirela Ferraiuolo, Universit de Bourgogne, Dijon, France

Ritos de ascensin y de paso en la fiesta del columpio

Mara Jess Ruiz
Universidad de Cdiz - Espaa
El corpus lrico que ilustra este trabajo es una pequea muestra del amplsimo repertorio de coplas que diversos recolectores hemos podido recoger en los ltimos aos a los transmisores andaluces que conocieron y gozaron de la fiesta del columpio1. Hasta por lo menos la guerra civil espaola, y desde que sepamos- el siglo XVI, columpios, bambas y mecedores (los tres trminos se utilizaron) aglutinaron la diversin tradicional en Andaluca en dos perodos muy significativos del ciclo anual: el Carnaval2 y la primavera. En uno y otro caso, la fiesta del columpio convocaba la celebracin de los sentidos en las fronteras de la Cuaresma, significndose as como un ritual de inversin, como una exaltacin del deleite terrenal y, ms en concreto, como el ceremonial por excelencia del cortejo y el galanteo. Los columpios fueron campesinos y urbanos. Los primeros comnmente adscritos al perodo primaveral- se improvisaban colgando sogas o maromas de encinas, pinos alcornoques, robles, olivos o nogales. El da de fiesta acudan al campo gentes de todas las edades, pero eran los ms jvenes los que participaban en el juego: hombres y mujeres en edad de mocearse que se servan de la ocasin de libertad y esparcimiento para comunicarse con estas coplas su amor, sus desdenes, sus requiebros y sus esperanzas sentimentales. Los columpios urbanos se montaban unas veces en los patios vecinales -atando las sogas a unas argollas de hierro clavadas en las vigas del techo- y otras en la calle, en cuyo caso se requera un sistema ms complejo por el cual los hombres construan un trapecio de troncos que clavaban en el suelo y del que sujetaban las cuerdas que haban de mecer a sus pretendidas. Coplas y documentos hay que aluden a los momentos ms propicios para el columpio, as como a los diferentes modos de hacerlo; he aqu algunas muestras:
El columpio de esta casa no se ha hecho pa jugar, se ha hecho pa columpiarse los das de carnaval.3
1 Acabamos de editar un panorama completo (libro + cd) de esta parte de la tradicin en: Mara Jess Ruiz, Jos Manuel Fraile y Susana Weich-Shahak, Al vaivn del columpio. Fiesta, coplas y ceremonial, Cdiz, Universidad de Cdiz y Diputacin de Cdiz, 2008. 2 Julio Caro Baroja, El Carnaval (Anlisis histrico-cultural), Madrid, Taurus, 1965. Vid. El captulo dedicado al columpio en pp. 51-53. 3 Muestra de Arcos de la Frontera (Cdiz), cantada por Antonia Salvador Muoz, Josefa Oliva, Remedios Perdigones, (nacida en 1920), Amalia Sena, Nieves Gamaza y Nieves La Pipona. Recogidas el da 15 de febrero de 1973 por Arcadio Larrea Palacn. Archivo sonoro de Radio Nacional de

598

Mara Jess Ruiz

A los olivares fui a echar el columpio un da, del columpio me ca y me he hecho una jera.4 Cogiendo yeros5 gan las argollas del columpio, por si me trompiezo y caigo Dios perdone a los difuntos.6 La bamba se hace en la calle o en cualquier encrucij: dos palos con una soga pa poderse columpiar.7

Si bien el cortejo amoroso ha sido el sentido ritual que con ms vitalidad ha pervivido en la geografa panhispnica del columpio8, la antigedad documentada de la fiesta y ciertos indicios evidentes en su repertorio potico-musical nos hablan de que, a lo largo de los siglos, fue un ceremonial de significados polivalentes. En las lneas que siguen dejaremos a un lado el ms evidente perfil de galanteo para analizar la ritualidad del columpio en dos vertientes distintas: la de ascensin y la de paso o transicin (de la edad impber a la adulta)9. El Tesoro de Covarrubias10 da fe temprana de la popularidad de la fiesta en Andaluca, y remonta la costumbre a la antigua Grecia, atribuyendo al columpio, por primera vez, un significado religioso:

Espaa. 4 Muestra de Ubrique (Cdiz), cantada por Estrella Maza Martn, de 69 aos. Recogida por Victoria Macas Garca y Cristina Gil Snchez en mayo de 2000. Publicada por Miguel A. Pea Daz en El vaivn de la copla de columpio en la Sierra de Cdiz: la fiesta de Ubrique, Revista Digital WebLitoral: www.weblitoral.com 5 Yero: variedad de leguminosa usada para alimentar a los animales. 6 Muestra de Arcos de la Frontera (Cdiz), cantada por Antonia Salvador Muoz, Josefa Oliva, Remedios Perdigones (nacida en 1920), Amalia Sena, Nieves Gamaza y Nieves La Pipona. Recogida el da 15 de febrero de 1973 por Arcadio Larrea Palacn. Archivo sonoro de Radio Nacional de Espaa. 7 Muestra de Aznalczar (Sevilla), cantada por Modesta Balosa, de 57 aos, en febrero de 1998. Recogida por Jos Pedro Lpez Snchez, quien la publica en Las coplas de bamba. Fiesta y cancin, Sevilla, Sociedad de Desarrollo Local de Bollullos de la Mitacin, 2003, pg. 95. 8 Especialmente en Andaluca y en las comunidades sefardes de Marruecos, donde la matexa fue rito imprescindible para empezar el noviazgo. Vase respectivamente Mara Jess Ruiz, El columpio en Andaluca: una potica del galanteo, en Al vaivn del columpio (ob. cit.), pgs. 13-70; y Susana Weich-Shahak, La boda sefard. Msica texto y contexto, Madrid, Editorial Alpuerto, 2007, pgs. 53-55. 9 Tengo en cuenta la clasificacin de los ritos tradicionales en distintas categoras propuesta por Arnold van Gennep, Los ritos de paso, Madrid, Taurus, 1969. 10 Sebastin de Covarrubias, Tesoro de la lengua castellana o espaola (1611). Utilizo la edicin preparada por Felipe C.R. Maldonado, y revisada por Manuel Camarero. Madrid, Castalia. Col. Nueva biblioteca de erudicin y crtica. N 7. Voz columpio: pg. 335.

Ritos de ascensin y de paso en la fiesta del Columpio

Latine oscillum, oscillatio, pensilis motio; es una soga fuerte, y doblada, que se echa sobre alguna viga del techo, y subindose en ella una persona, las dems la bambolean de una a otra parte, y en el Andaluca es juego comn de las mozas. 2. y la que se columpia est taendo un pandero y cantando. Es un juego muy antiguo, del cual hacen mencin algunos autores, y en especial Julio Plux, lib. 4. En griego llama ip suspendiculum, a verbo ip attollo, suspendo, etc. Djose columpio a colo, porque parece estar colgada la persona que se columpia del cuello. Tambin hacan ciertas figuras y las vestan como hombres y mujeres, y, colgndolas de los rboles, las columpiaban y mecan de una parte a otra en las fiestas de algunos dioses, especialmente del dios Baco; Virgilio, lib. 2, Georgicarum: Et te Bacche vocant per carmina laeta, tibique Oscilla ex altra supendunt mollia quercu. Vase a Servio sobre aquel lugar, adonde da a entender haber inventado los columpios con cierta manera de religin; mas como muchos peligrasen cayendo de los columpios, hicieron figuras que poner en su lugar, y dice as Sed cum inde pleriue caderent, inventum est, ut formas vel personas ad oris sui similitudinem facerent et eas pro se suspenderent, et moverent, unde et oscilla dictae sunt, ab eo quod in illis oscillerentur, id est, monerentur ora.

599

Muy poco tiempo despus, Rodrigo Caro se muestra ms prolijo en detalles (y quizs ms fantasioso) en el extenso captulo que en sus Dias geniales o ldicros dedica al columpio11. Lo interesante aqu para nuestros propsitos es apreciar cmo el ceremonial queda asociado a la ocupacin contra natura del mundo areo, desde el que el sujeto humano desprendido de sus limitaciones terrestres- tiene opcin de comunicarse con las divinidades y, en cualquier caso, con el mundo sobrenatural de las almas, de los difuntos:
Lo que nosotros llamamos en Espaa columpios, tiene en la lengua griega su nombre, que es aiora y en latn oscillum. () De su origen y principio hay varias opiniones entre los msticos y telogos de la gentilidad. Dicen que habiendo el Dios Baco enseado a caro, ateniense, padre de la doncella Ergone, el uso e invencin del vino, caro, incautamente, no estimando tan divino don como era justo, lo profan ensendolo a ciertos hombres rsticos. stos, permitindolo Baco airado, despus de haber bebido mucho y perdido el uso de la razn, pensaron de s, segn los disparates que hacan, que caro les haba dado veneno, por lo cual lo mataron. Cuando esta ltima desgracia le sucedi, acaso iba su perro con l, que viendo a su amo muerto, como si el instinto natural de su amor y fidelidad fuera racionalidad, volvi a casa de su amo. Ergone,
11 Rodrigo Caro, Das geniales o ldicros, h.1626. Utilizo la edicin de. Jean Pierre Etienvre publicada por Espasa Calpe: Das geniales o ldicros (Madrid, Espasa-Calpe, 1978). Vol. II, Dilogo VI, II (Columpios y otras fiestas de mujeres), pgs. 189-197.

600

Mara Jess Ruiz

que de no venir con el perro su padre tom mala sospecha de algn infelice suceso, sali de su casa, guindole el amigo perro por los caminos que ella no saba, hasta que le puso con el cuerpo de caro, su padre, muerto. Viendo tamaa desdicha, aconsejle su atrevido dolor que tomase un lazo y se colgase de un rbol. Pero los dioses soberanos, que desde su estrellado alczar vieron que el aire meneaba aquel desdichado columpio, compadecidos de ella, volvieron a la doncella Ergone en estrella, que hoy es el signo Virgo. No qued sin su debido galardn el bendito perro, que tambin lo volvieron en otra estrella, que es el Can menor. Vala entonces muy barata la inmortalidad, pues la echaban a los perros. No par la ira del dios Baco en el virginal suspendio de Ergone y muerte de su padre; antes sucedi que, viendo las doncellas atenienses el buen despacho suyo, dieron todas en ahorcarse. Ni era de tan poca consideracin, que no solicitase mucho a los sabios y celosos atenienses a consultar el orculo. Respondi que aquella pestilencia virginal cesara si buscasen los cuerpos de caro y su hija. Mas como buscados no pareciesen por la tierra, por mostrarse obedientes observadores de los mandatos divinos, colgaron de altos rboles sogas, y mecanse arrojndose reciamente de arriba abajo, para que con esta diligencia echasen de ver los dioses que buscaban aquellos cuerpos, no slo por la tierra, sino tambin por el aire; con que los dioses aplacados suspendieron la pestilencia de aquellas doncellas, y ces, pero no el uso de los columpios que ya, por cosa agradable a los dioses, prosegua. () Otros autores, ms recatados en dar crdito a semejantes narraciones, dijeron que se inventaron los columpios para expiarse y limpiarse de los pecados, porque habiendo purgacin de ellos por agua y fuego, era justo que hubiese tambin por el elemento del aire.

En la extensa geografa folklrica del rito, la conciencia de que el mecerse permite el acceso al mundo celestial, se ha mantenido en el Noroeste de Argentina; all existe la creencia de que columpindose, cercana la fiesta de los muertos, se logra rescatar almas del purgatorio, es decir, reencontrar, revivir, llegar por este rito al umbral de la vida y la muerte.12 Aunque ciertamente desritualizada, la prctica ha sobrevivido excepcionalmente en la Sierra de Cdiz, en el extremo sur de Andaluca. En ciertos pueblos de la zona las personas de ms edad recuerdan como una fecha emblemtica del columpio el llamado Da de los tostones, que no era otro que el segundo de noviembre, Da de los difuntos, cuando chicos y grandes pasaban en el campo asando, en una hoguera, castaas y bellotas, y en los que la diversin se coronaba echando los columpios.13 En Ubrique, localidad de la misma comarca, los transmisores son an ms explcitos al referirse a la misma fecha como Da de los paseos:
El Da de los paseos las gentes salan al campo con sus canastos de varetas14 en los que llevaban boniatos, castaas, nueces, granadas y pan. Se iba al Salto de la Mora, a las Cumbres; suban por la Calzada hasta Santa

12 Ana Pelegrn, Cada cual atienda su juego, Madrid, Anaya, 2008, pgs. 66-67. 13 Informes dictados por Francisca Snchez Chacn (63 aos), Isabel Calvillo Romn (64 aos) y Fermina Romn Rodrguez (83 aos), naturales de Benamahoma (Cdiz). Recogidos en esta misma localidad por Mara Jess Ruiz el 16 de agosto de 2007. 14 Canasto de vareta es un cesto construido con varas de junco o esparto.

Ritos de ascensin y de paso en la fiesta del Columpio

Luca; o a la Venta Martn. Era un da de campo en el que se hacan tambin columpios, cantaban y jugaban, y a la vuelta solan entrar en el cementerio para recoger el farol que haban dejado all el da anterior.15

601

El desvado recuerdo sobre la vinculacin del rito al mundo de los muertos que estas evocaciones traen a colacin apenas si permanece en las coplas, que slo muy ocasionalmente hacen alguna mencin. As en sta ya citada ms arriba:
Cogiendo yeros gan las argollas del columpio, por si me trompiezo y caigo Dios perdone a los difuntos.

Sin embargo, el repertorio andaluz se muestra muy prolijo en textos que vinculan el juego de las mecidas con lo celestial y, simblicamente, con el aire y el viento. Todo en ellos habla de un entendimiento primordial (no consciente) del columpio como rito de ascensin. La escenografa area aparece en coplas propicias al cortejo. Se trata de una actualizacin constante del viejo motivo del aire-viento16, vinculado aqu como en toda la lrica popular- al poder del amor, la libertad amorosa y el gozo que sta implica:
Esta es la calle del viento, la calle del remolino donde se remolinean tus amores con los mos.17 A los olivaritos voy esta tarde a ver cmo menea la hoja el aire.18

Ms explcitos se muestran una serie de textos que sitan directamente en el cielo a la mujer que se mece, transmutando a veces su condicin humana en la de paloma, o hacindola compartir escenario con los astros o con la mismsima Virgen Mara:
Arremonta los cordeles, arremntalos bien altos,
15 Miguel A. Pea Daz, El vaivn de la copla de columpio en la Sierra de Cdiz: la fiesta de Ubrique, Revista Digital WebLitoral: www.weblitoral.com 16 Vase para esto Margit Frenk, Smbolos naturales en las viejas canciones populares hispnicas, Lrica popular / lrica tradicional. Lecciones en homenaje a don Emilio Garca Gmez (ed. de Pedro Piero), Universidad de de Sevilla, Fundacin Machado, 1998, pgs. 159-182. 17 Remerinos de Ugjar (Granada) recogidos por Sixto Moreno Rebollo, y publicados en el cuaderno que acompala al CD Lombarda, Diputacin Provincial de Granada, 2000. 18 Muestra cantada por un grupo de mujeres de la Escuela de Adultos de Cllar-Vega (Granada). Recogida por Sixto Moreno Rebollo.

602

Mara Jess Ruiz

que parece una paloma la nia que est en lo alto.19 La nia que est en la bamba quiere subir hasta el cielo para coger una estrella y ponrsela en el pelo.20 Quin estuviera tan alta como la estrella del norte para saber con quin anda mi morenito de noche.21 La nia que est en la bamba del cielo le caigan rosas; diga usted, moza de gracia, si se le ofrece otra cosa.22 La nia que est en la bamba vio de brillar una estrella y era la Virgen Mara que estaba cerquita de ella.23 Este columpio est abierto, nunca lo veo cerrado; pas la Virgen Mara vestida de azul y blanco.24

19 Muestra de Arcos de la Frontera (Cdiz), cantada por Antonia Salvador Muoz, Josefa Oliva, Remedios Perdigones (nacida en 1920), Amalia Sena, Nieves Gamaza y Nieves La Pipona. Recogida el da 15 de febrero de 1973 por Arcadio Larrea Palacn. Archivo sonoro de Radio Nacional de Espaa. Hemos recogido versiones idnticas en todas las encuestas realizadas en la Sierra de Cdiz. 20 Muestra de Aznlcazar (Sevilla), recogida por Carmen Durn Medina, quien la publica en su trabajo El cancionerillo de Aznalczar: aproximacin a la bamba, Romances y canciones en la tradicin andaluza (ed. de P. Piero, E. Baltans y A. Prez Castellano), Sevilla, Fundacin Machado, 1999, pgs. 169-190; el texto en pg. 169. 21 Muestra de Ubrique (Cdiz), cantada por Ana Snchez Rodrguez, de 61 aos. Recogida en mayo de 2000 por Jessica Gonzlez Campn y Beln Gonzlez Fernndez. Publicada por Miguel A. Pea Daz en El vaivn de la copla de columpio en la Sierra de Cdiz: la fiesta de Ubrique, Revista Digital WebLitoral: www.weblitoral.com 22 Muestra de Mlaga, publicada por Rodolfo Halffter, Cancionero musical popular espaol. Canciones amorosas buclicas de ronda, pastoriles, infantiles, humorsticas, de marineros, de trilla, bailables, serranas, de Navidad, de columpio de siega de cuna y religiosas, Mxico, Editorial Nuestro Pueblo, 1939, pg. 52. 23 Muestra de Aznlcazar (Sevilla), cantada por alumnos del Centro de Educacin de Adultos de Aznalczar. Recogida por Jos Pedro Lpez Snchez en febrero de 1998 y publicada en su libro Las coplas de bamba: fiesta y cancin, ob. cit., pg. 101. 24 Muestra de Cdiz, cantada por M ngeles Robles Morales, de 41 aos de edad, el da 9 de diciembre de 2006; recogida por M Jess Ruiz Fernndez. Jos Manuel Fraile apunta la interesante vinculacin de esta pequea copla con el viejo romancero tradicional y, en concreto, con uno de los romances picos pertenecientes al ciclo del cerco y toma de Zamora, el titulado Romance de Fernandarias fijo de Arias Gonzalo, que as principia: Por aquel postigo viejo / que nunca fuera cerrado // vi. venir pendn bermejo / con trezientos de cauallo. Vase para esto su trabajo El columpio infantil: al vaivn de la retahla, en Al vaivn del columpio (ob. cit.), pgs.71-109.

Ritos de ascensin y de paso en la fiesta del Columpio

603

En cualquier caso, es la privilegiada ubicacin celestial la que proporciona ms indicios sobre el sentido religioso que pudo tener el rito. Muchas son las coplas referidas a acciones que se realizan en un espacio mtico-mgico situado en lo ms alto, expresado ste con versos formularios como All arribita, arribita o Por las cumbres del amor:
All arribica, arribica, hay una fuente de oro donde lavan las mocitas los pauelos de los novios.25 Por las cumbres del amor van mis suspiros volando, arrecgelos, bien mo, que por ti van suspirando.26

Y muchas ms las que directamente expresan cmo la mujer divisa desde su trono areo al hombre que elige, al que seala entre los otros, al que dirige su mensaje:
Mralo por dnde viene el que tiene que ser mo, el que tiene que juntar su corazn con el mo.27 Mralo por dnde viene el que ayer me despreci, el mundo da tantas vueltas que ahora lo desprecio yo.28 Mralo por dnde viene, qu plido y qu mortal, ojitos de pillo tiene pero no me engaar.29

Este interesante grupo de textos despliega una iconografa ante la que vale la pena detenerse un momento: la escena se traduce en una voz, la que canta, que ocupa
25 Muestra de Jorairtar (Granada) cantada por Manuel Martnez Rodrguez, de 73 aos. Recogida el 15 de Octubre de 2004 por Jos Manuel Fraile Gil, Eliseo Parra Garca, Susana Weich-Shahak y Sixto Moreno Rebollo. 26 Muestra de Ubrique (Cdiz), cantada por Mara Mancilla, de 80 aos. Recogida por Ana Lpez Atienza el 5 de mayo de 2000. Publicada por Miguel A. Pea Daz en El vaivn de la copla de columpio en la Sierra de Cdiz: la fiesta de Ubrique, Revista Digital WebLitoral: www.weblitoral. com 27 Muestra de Benamahoma (Cdiz), cantada por Juana Ramos Prez, de 76 aos, y por Fermina Romn Rodrguez, de 83 aos. Recogida el 16 de agosto de 2007 por Mara Jess Ruiz y Mercedes Palma Ruiz. 28 Muestra de Benamahoma (Cdiz), cantada por Fermina Romn Rodrguez, de 83 aos. Recogida el 16 de agosto de 2007 por Mara Jess Ruiz y Mercedes Palma Ruiz. 29 Muestra de Ubrique (Cdiz), recogida en por Eva Mara Rincn Carrasco y Mara Blanco Torralba en 1996. Publicada por Lourdes Snchez Vera en Motivos lricos en las coplas de columpio, ELO, 4 (1998), pgs. 183-198

604

Mara Jess Ruiz

una atalaya, una posicin privilegiada desde la que mirar y ver antes que nadie, y en una presencia, la del que se acerca, de la que el canto quiere advertir. El esquema potico no es exclusivo del rito del columpio, sino que se vincula llamativamente a otro corpus lrico de carcter religioso, el de la saeta, en el que pueden encontrarse estrofas como sta:
Mralo por donde viene El mejor de los nacidos, Llenas de espinas sus sienes Y el rostro descolorido Que ya figura no tiene.30

dejando entrever el tino y el buen gusto de la tradicin oral para seleccionar un material literario similar en ceremoniales tan aparentemente distintos. Porque la saeta y la copla al amigo, por encima de sus opciones de actualizacin (devota y profana), reproducen una situacin idntica, una voluntad de comunicacin de la voz potica con el destinatario, un reclamo de atencin. Hasta las primeras dcadas del siglo XX, pues, me atrevera a decir que convivieron en el ritual del columpio la fiesta galante y el ceremonial religioso, o por lo menos la confianza entre quienes lo practicaron de que, al mecerse, estando muy cerca del cielo, era posible ser parte de la dimensin sobrenatural de la naturaleza. La evocacin que del rito hace Gerald Brenan en su crnica del ao aldeano de Yegen -el pueblo de la Alpujarra granadina en el que vivi durante los aos veinte del pasado siglo- as parece expresarlo:
Por la tarde [del Domingo de Resurreccin], los jvenes de la aldea se reunan alrededor de los columpios. Los muchachos haban dedicado la noche anterior a erigirlos, frente a las casas de sus chicas, en la calle () El balanceo continuaba por las tardes durante dos semanas o ms, al son de una cancin especial, y slo la gente en edad de casarse estaba autorizada a tomar parte en la ceremonia, ya que sta era un ritual para que las cosechas, que acaban de ser renovadas por la muerte y resurreccin del Dios, se fortalecieran y crecieran.31

Sentirse parte de la naturaleza (y reconocer, por tanto, en la propia vida, en el propio cuerpo, el ciclo anual de nacimiento, crecimiento, reproduccin y muerte) es un pensamiento mtico, propio de las sociedades rurales, hoy extinto en el mundo occidental. Hasta no hace mucho, sin embargo, este pensamiento sostuvo la celebracin de algunos hitos trascendentales de la vida humana, que en cada ritual de paso o transicin conmemoraba un nuevo estado de cosas. En tal contexto, la fiesta del columpio sirvi -antes que para cortejo entre hombres y mujeres- para entronizar la feminidad, para teatralizar el relevo generacional entre adultas y jvenes: stas ocu30 Saeta recogida de la tradicin oral de Marchena (Sevilla) por Agustn de Aguilar y Tejera, y editada en 1916. Seguimos la edicin facsmil de la recoleccin publicada por el Consejo General de Hermandades y Cofradas, Marchena, 1997. Debo la informacin al folklorista Manuel Naranjo Loreto. 31 Gerald Brenan, Al sur de Granada, Madrid, Siglo XXI, 1974.

Ritos de ascensin y de paso en la fiesta del Columpio

605

paban el asiento areo vistoso y privilegiado, avisando as de una nueva ocasin de renovar el ciclo de la vida. Situadas en lo ms alto, a las muchachas que ocupaban el columpio se les cantaba para exaltar su naciente belleza, y se las identificaba con las flores emergentes de la primavera, y hasta con santas, reinas y vrgenes:
Capullito, capullito, ya te ests volviendo rosa, ya se va acercando el tiempo de decirte alguna cosa.32 La madre de esta muchacha la quisiera conocer por ver la linda maceta que ha criao este clavel.33 El columpio es un rosal, la que se mece una rosa, las dos que estn estirando, vaya una cosa preciosa!34 Cantadle, que no es viuda, que no es viuda, cantadle, que es una amiguita ma que la quiero ms que a nadie.35 La nia que est en la bamba se parece a Santa Rita, y la que la est meciendo a Santa gueda bendita.36 Sabes a quin te pareces?, sabes a quin te das aire? A la Madre Dolorosa y a la Dolorosa madre.37 Dicen que la reina ha muerto, ser la de Portugal,
32 Muestra de Benaocaz (Cdiz), cantada por Beln Mangana del Castillo (de 76 aos) y Francisca Piero Gago (de 87 aos). Recogida por Mara Jess Ruiz, Manuel Naranjo y Elena Moreno el 5 de abril de 2008. 33 Muestra de Adra (Almera), cantada por Loreto Antiguera Rodrguez, de 66 aos, y recogida por Miguel Ruiz Pea en mayo de 2008. 34 Muestra de Alcal del Ro (Sevilla), cantada por Dolores Bravo Bravo, de 60 aos. Recogida el 10 de septiembre de 1990 por Jos Manuel Fraile y Eliseo Parra. 35 Muestra de Vega del Genil (Granada), llamada aqu cancin de las meriendicas; cantada por Mara Santos, y recogida por Sixto Moreno Rebollo. 36 Muestra de Bormujos (Sevilla), cantada por Ana Gmez, de 76 aos. Recogida por Jos Pedro Lpez Snchez en enero de 1998 y publicada en su libro Las coplas de bamba: fiesta y cancin, ob. cit., pg. 117. 37 Muestra de Ro Chico (Almera), cantada por Angustias Garca Torres, de 73 aos, y recogida en mayo de 2008 por Miguel Ruiz Pea.

606

Mara Jess Ruiz

porque la reina de Espaa mira! en el columpio est.38

A la nia entronizada del columpio primaveral es inevitable relacionarla con las mayas, que durante siglos encarnaron la divinizacin de la primavera y de lo femenino en pueblos y aldeas de Espaa. A propsito de ello, recoge Jos Manuel Fraile un testimonio decimonnico que, por otra parte, habla del acompaamiento en la escena de la vieja o mojigona, representante de esa feminidad caduca que la maya debe destronar:
En lo que a la maya toca, sabemos por un texto de Don Basilio Sebastin de Castellanos (1807-1891), que recrea la fiesta que nos ocupa en los ltimos aos del siglo XVIII y primeros del XIX, que en el cortejo de la maya iba tambin: ...la mojigona, que era una mujer vieja alquilada para el caso, vestida de maya y coronada de ristras de ajos y otras cosas extravagantes que deba mover a risa por sus muecas y gestos... Los mozos, que apenas intervenan en esta festividad femenina organizaban a su vez una rplica burlesca eligiendo a la mojigona como maya, como maya suya, vestida de trajes arcaicos guarnecidos de cscaras de huevos, con guindillas por pendientes y ajos y cebollas por collares, era entronizada en un lugar prximo.39

Una imagen muy similar relata Manuel Garrido Palacios en esta escena contemplada en la fiesta del columpio de El Gastor (Cdiz):
Las viejas desdentadas empujan la bamba y gritan lo que ofrecen: Arremntala bien alta. / tira bien de los cordeles, / que parece una paloma / la nia que va en la bamba.40

Y an ms detalles dan las propias coplas recogidas en Andaluca y, en concreto, esa parte del repertorio en la que se le puede tomar el pulso al proceso de carnavalizacin que en algn momento pudo producirse en el rito. Los textos aqu llegan incluso a recoger el ornamento burlesco de la mojigona antigua (los ajos) y se desenvuelven en una potica diferenciada, componiendo imgenes relacionadas con el fesmo de la esttica carnavalesca, y trocando la idlica belleza femenina en representaciones grotescas, escatolgicas, repulsivas, e incluso demonacas:
Mara, pescuezo largo, no te pongas gargantilla, ponte una ristra de ajos
38 Muestra de Aznlcazar (Sevilla), cantada por alumnos del Centro de Educacin de Adultos de Aznalczar. Recogida por Jos Pedro Lpez Snchez en febrero de 1998 y publicada en su libro Las coplas de bamba: fiesta y cancin, ob. cit., pg. 125. 39 Jos Manuel Fraile Gil, El mayo y sus fiestas en tierras madrileas, Madrid, Comunidad de Madrid, 1995, pgs. 41-42. El texto citado corresponde a: Basilio Sebastin de Castellanos, De la galante festividad floral llamada mayo o de la hermosa maya, Madrid, Museo de las familias, tomo V, 1847, pg. 90. 40 Manuel Garrido Palacios, La bamba del Gastor, Revista de Folklore, tomo 4, n 39 (1984), pg. 91.

Ritos de ascensin y de paso en la fiesta del Columpio

y en ella una cencerrilla.41 La nia que est en la bamba se parece a San Antonio y la que la est meciendo al mismsimo demonio.42 Arremonta los cordeles, arremntalo al tejao, que se la coman los gatos que parece un bacalao.43 La nia qu est en la bamba Parese una candileja, Y las dos que estn mesiendo Son dos arcusiyas viejas.44 La nia que est en la bamba, cara de limn podro, que se parece a mi gato cuando est descoloro.45 La que est en er columpio Tiene unos pies, Que paresen escobas De montas. Tiene unos ojos, que paresen ochabos Yenos de mojo.46 Eres ms chica que un huevo, ms derecha que un jocino, ms blanca que una sartn harta de frer tocino y no fregarla en un mes.47

607

41 Muestra de Benaocaz (Cdiz), cantada por Francisca Piero Gago, de 87 aos. Recogida el 5 de abril de 2008 por Mara Jess Ruiz, Manuel Naranjo y Elena Moreno. 42 Muestra de Mlaga, publicada por Rodolfo Halffter en su Cancionero musical popular espaol. Canciones amorosas buclicas de ronda, pastoriles, infantiles, humorsticas, de marineros, de trilla, bailables, serranas, de Navidad, de columpio de siega de cuna y religiosas, Mxico, Editorial Nuestro Pueblo, 1939, pg. 52. Una versin idntica recoge Rodrguez Marn en sus Cantos populares espaoles, Madrid, Atlas, 1981, tomo IV, pg. 278. 43 Muestra de Jerez de la Frontera (Cdiz), cantada por Josefa Garca Hinojo, de 87 aos. Recogida por Jos Manuel Fraile y Manuel Naranjo el 5 de mayo de 2000. 44 Muestra publicada por Francisco Rodrguez Marn en su obra Cantos populares espaoles, Madrid, Atlas, 1981, tomo IV, pg. 278. 45 Muestra de Aznlcazar (Sevilla), cantada por alumnos del Centro de Adultos de Aznalczar. Recogida por Jos Pedro Lpez Snchez en febrero de 1998 y publicada en su libro Las coplas de bamba: fiesta y cancin, ob. cit., pg. 178. 46 Muestra publicada por Francisco Rodrguez Marn en Cantos populares espaoles, Madrid, Atlas, 1981, tomo IV, pgs. 278-279. 47 Muestra de Benaocaz (Cdiz), cantada por Beln Mangana del Castillo, de 76 aos, el 5 de abril de

608

Mara Jess Ruiz

Este juego nada galante que en ciertos casos fue el columpio sita la fiesta en el umbral de su desintegracin en el mundo adulto y de su acogida en la tradicin infantil, que como se sabe- conserva en la dimensin del disparate y el sinsentido lo que en otro tiempo pudo pertenecer a la lgica de los mayores.48 Apeado el columpio de su primitiva ritualidad, a la nia-maya que se mece no la piropearon en las ltimas dcadas encendidos pretendientes, sino que la maldijeron y amenazaron otras nias que competan por ocupar el trono del juego, y cuyos labios entonaron cancioncillas que, por ltima vez, traan el eco de antiguos ensalmos y oraciones, y que nos devuelven a la religiosidad esencial del primer columpio de Ergone:
La chica, la grande, la de mi to Juan Fernndez que fue a mi corral por una hojita de nogal, zumba la zumbaera, cruz de palo, cruz de hierro, en la puerta del infierno hay un cuerno lleno de aceite. Quien no se baje se le caen los dientes. A la una, a las dos y a las tres.49

2008, y recogida por Mara Jess Ruiz, Manuel Naranjo y Elena Moreno. 48 Para la potica de la tradicin oral infantil, vase Ana Pelegrn, La flor de la maravilla. Juegos, recreos, retahlas, Madrid, Fundacin Germn Snchez Ruiprez, 2006. 49 Muestra de Benaocaz (Cdiz), recitada por Francisca Piero Gago, de 87 aos de edad. Recogida el 5 de abril de 2008 por Mara Jess Ruiz, Manuel Naranjo y Elena Moreno. Para todo lo relacionado con el repertorio infantil del columpio, vase Jos Manuel Fraile, El columpio infantil: al vaivn de la retahla, art. cit.

Castor i Pollux
Marius Sala
Academia Romn
Castor i Pollux, personaje mitologice greceti, reprezint simbolul dragostei freti; n legendele Olimpului sunt prezentai ca nedesprii n diverse aciuni, dintre care amintesc lupta Spartei contra Atenei sau expediia Argonauilor. Au fost venerai ca zei salvatori, mai ales de ctre navigatori crora le apreau sub forma constelaiei Gemenilor (sunt cele dou stele principale din cele circa 100 ale constelaiei). Simbolul dragostei freti a fost prelungit, la cretini, prin cuplul sfinilor Cosma i Damian, cei doi medici cunoscui sub numele de doctorii fr argini, pentru c nu luau bani de la bolnavii cunoscui. Imaginea celor dou personaje mitologice m urmrete de muli ani, de cnd i-am cunoscut pe Artur Greive i pe Ion Talo. De ce Castor i Pollux? Cei doi au fost inseparabili n activitatea de promovare a limbii i a literaturii (mai ales a celei populare) romne n Germania. Unul fr cellalt n-ar fi ajuns la rezultatele cunoscute azi de toat lumea. De aceea, i consider un cuplu modern dup modelul lui Castor i Pollux. Despre cum l-am cunoscut pe Artur, cel mai apropiat prieten al meu din afara Romniei, am scris ntr-un portret evocator ce va aprea n revista Limba Romn. N-am pomenit, n acel portret, despre sentimentele prieteneti pe care le nutrea el fa de Ion Talo, uneori aa de intense nct eram n pragul geloziei. Am aflat, mai trziu, c cei doi s-au mprietenit n perioada (1978 1983) cnd Ion Talo a fost lector de romn la Kln. Este greu de spus cum limba i literatura romn au devenit liantul care i-a unit pe Artur i Ion. Dac la ultimul pasiunea pentru cultura romn pare ceva normal, la Artur cred c interesul pentru limba romn a venit de la maestrul su, celebrul romanist Harri Meier, deci dateaz dinainte de 1978, anul cnd a venit Ion la Kln. Primul su articol, Zur Etimologie von rum. nastur, it. nastro, wallon. nle und verwandten Formen, publicat n 1966, prezint o ipotez interesant privind originea cuvntului romnesc nasture. Soluia propus m face s-l bnuiesc, ca autor moral, pe profesorul su, autor al multor etimologii latineti pentru cuvinte considerate de alii mprumuturi. mi amintesc de discuiile avute cu H. Meier la Kln, cnd amndoi aveam aceeai prere. Nu pot uita c H. Meier, chiar cnd era suferind n pat, a abordat o astfel de tem, n timpul vizitei pe care i-am fcuto acas mpreun cu Artur. Dac mugurii interesului pentru romn au putut aprea la Artur nainte de a-l cunoate pe Ion, este sigur c dezvoltarea acestui interes este opera prietenului su romn. I. Talo a inut numeroase seminarii i cursuri consacrate limbii i literaturii romne. El a avut avantajul c, beneficiind de o burs Humboldt la Freiburg, a ajuns s fie un fin cunosctor al limbii germane; l-am auzit conversnd, uneori cu o anumi-

610

Marius Sala

t emfaz. Artur considera cunoaterea limbii germane o condiie absolut obligatorie pentru cei ce s-au perindat ca lectori de romn la Kln. tiu c Artur ajunsese s fie atras de coninutul expunerilor lui Ion, consacrate folclorului romnesc prezentat din perspectiv romanic. Mai mult chiar, a obinut introducerea literaturii populare romanice n programa de nvmnt a Universitii din Kln. M-a impresionat n cel mai nalt grad faptul c, dup 1999, a reuit ca Ion Talo s fie numit profesor al Facultii de Filozofie din aceast universitate. M-am bucurat c Artur mi-a cerut s fac un referat, necesar pentru concursul respectiv. Din cele spuse pn acum se poate vedea ce a fcut Artur, unul dintre cei doi frai gemeni, pentru cellalt, Ion. Se poate ns intui i cealalt fa a medaliei: prin activitatea sa (am amintit de cursul de literatur popular romanic), Ion Talo a oferit noi perspective n nvmntul filologic de la Kln. El a deschis calea studiilor comparate de folclor, abordnd teme ca balada popular romanic, popor i mprat n legende i basme romanice, om i animal n limbile i basmele romanice, erou i onoare n limbile i basmele romanice, srac i bogat n folclorul romanic, brbat i femeie n limbile i basmele romanice, familia n limbile i basmele romanice, basmul fantastic al popoarelor romanice, sacru i profan n cultura popular romanic, rul n basmul romanic. Se ntmpl uneori, n via, ca doi oameni s ajung s se cunoasc personal doar mai trziu. Este i cazul nostru; nu l-am cunoscut dect la Kln pe Ion Talo. Acolo am stat multe ore de vorb, mai ales c avusesem ocazia s-l cunosc pe maestrul su, profesorul Ion Mulea, care m-a cutat la Beiu, pe cnd eram n ultimul an de liceu, ca s-mi vorbeasc despre bunicul meu, preotul i folcloristul Vasile Sala. ndemnurile lui de a m ocupa de folclor, mai ales de folclorul bihorean adunat de bunicul meu, nu le-am urmat, fiindc, la Bucureti, n 1951, se preda altfel de folclor la Facultatea de Filologie, unde devenisem student. Am rmas cu lecturile mele din timpul liceului de la Beiu, ntre care un loc de seam l ocupa revista Anuarul Arhivei de Folklor editat de I. Mulea. M-a impresionat la Ion pasiunea cu care i prezenta ideile, precum i bogatele lecturi din bibliografia romanic i german. O discuie cu el nu te putea lsa indiferent. Spiritul lui de ardelean s-a mbogit cu rigurozitatea colii germane. Cer scuze pentru lunga parantez de mai sus, fcut pentru a arta de ce m-am ataat de Ion Talo. Mrturisesc c el m-a determinat s m ocup de etimologia cuvntului leu n romn; mi-a povestit tema lupta voinicului cu leul, care st i la baza articolului meu. L-am invitat, de altfel, s prezinte o conferin la Academia Romn despre aceast tem, care a avut succes. Discuiile noastre prelungite despre Mioria i epica medieval francez, cnd aceast tulburtoare tem era un proiect, sau cele cu privire la legenda Meterului Manole, subiect al unei lucrri publicate cu peste trei decenii n urm, au fost pentru mine o srbtoare spiritual, cci mi-am adus aminte de tinereea mea. Aflu acum, din dou scrisori ale maestrului meu, Al. Rosetti, trimise lui Ion Talo n 1989, c leul (un articol al su publicat n revista Fabula) i Manole (cartea despre legenda Meterului Manole) i-au pricinuit o mare bucurie i lui Rosetti: Prin ele pim n folclorul universal! scria el. Ceea ce m-a tulburat ns cel mai mult n aceste scrisori este faptul c, fr s vreau i fr s tiu, l-am decepionat pe maestrul meu. n ambele scrisori vorbete despre un domeniu al folclorului descntecele care i-a fost drag. n ambele scrisori este pomenit numele meu. n cea datat 8 mai 89 scrie (sublinierile i aparin): Vrsta nu-mi mai

Castor i Pollux

611

ngduie s ntreprind lucrarea plnuit, asupra descntecelor romneti. O las motenire urmailor notri, cu sperana c Marius Sala (pe care l cunoatei) s accepte s conduc un colectiv format pentru aceast oper. n cea din 28 iunie, cu cteva luni nainte de a ne prsi, scria despre lucrarea lui din tineree: Descntecele ntr-o ediie nou, sub direcia lui M. Sala, ar fi un lucru minunat. Dar nu cred c voi reui s pornesc aceast lucrare. mi amintesc c mi-a vorbit despre importana temei, mai ales c odat i-am spus c am gsit, n colecia editat de bunicul meu, cuvinte pe care nu le-am neles i ar fi interesant s ncerc s le explic. Nu tiu s-mi fi spus c se gndea s m implice n acest proiect. Sper ns ca, nainte de a declara i eu c vrsta nu-mi mai ngduie, s m apropii mai mult de tema iubit de maestrul meu. nceputul l-am fcut fr s tiu ce scria, acum dou decenii, Rosetti: am publicat n seria Limba romn o excelent carte a Sandei Golopenia, Limba descntecelor romneti (2007), care va fi urmat de alta. Iar Emanuela Timotin, cercettoare la Institutul de Lingvistic Iorgu Iordan Al. Rosetti, a prezentat (n 2008) o conferin, la Academia Romn, intitulat Descntecele romneti din manuscrisele Bibliotecii Academiei Romne (secolele 1719), care l-ar fi entuziasmat pe maestrul meu. A fi primit cunoscutele sale apeluri telefonice, s-i dau detalii despre teza de doctorat (susinut de tnra cercettoare n Frana, a doua patrie a lui!). Ar fi cerut detalii i de la Ion Talo, care a fost membru n comisia de doctorat de la Universitatea din Grenoble. i mulumesc lui Ion pentru cele dou scrisori i i mrturisesc c m preocup ideea lui Rosetti. M gndesc ce ar trebui s fac ca s-l renviem pe Draculea din urm cu cteva decenii... La fel ca n mitologia greac, unul dintre cei doi gemeni, Castor (adic Artur), nu mai este acum printre noi. La fel ca n mitologia greac, unde se spune c Pollux rmne nemuritor dup moartea lui Castor, Ion Talo, acest Pollux al folclorului romnesc, a intrat i va rmne n istoria culturii romne cu leul, Manole, Mioria i colindele noastre.

Dou cri despre mitopoetica i arhaicitatea culturii populare (tradiionale) romneti

Ion euleanu
Universitatea Babe-Bolyai
Ele au vzut lumina tiparului cu ctva timp n urm, i aparin lui Ion Talo, binecunoscutul nostru coleg, i prieten, etnologul de prim linie din tiina romneasc a momentului. Este vorba de Gndirea magico-religioas la romni. Dicionar, aprut n 2001, la Editura Enciclopedic i de Cununia frailor i Nunta Soarelui. Incestul zdrnicit n folclorul romnesc i universal, tiprit i ea la aceeai editur n 2004. Notm c Gndirea magico-religioas la romni. Dicionar a fost tradus i publicat de curnd n versiune francez, sub titlul Petit dictionnaire de mythologie populaire roumaine i c, mpreun cu celelalte dou, a contribuit substanial la consolidarea prestigiului de veritabil i avizat cercettor al lui Ion Talo, aa cum a fcut-o i o va face i de acum ncolo i Cununia frailor i Nunta Soarelui De altfel, au subliniat lucrul acesta, convingtor, la momentul apariiei celor dou monografii-sintez civa dintre cei mai prestigioi exegei ai domeniului, precum Iordan Datcu, Ion H. Ciubotaru, Otilia Hedean i alii. Iat, n aceast ordine de idei, cum i ncheie Prefaa la Gndirea cunoscutul specialist francez Claude Lecouteux: Opera lui Ion Talo e deci o piatr aezat la temelia unei mari ntreprinderi: a nelege organizarea credinelor i legendelor strmoilor notri. i n alt loc: Aici intervine frumoasa carte a lui Ion Talo. Sub o form comprimat, acest cercettor eminent, cunoscut i n Frana ncepnd cu lucrrile lui asupra legendei sacrificiului construciei [Meterul Manole], ne ofer o extraordinar sintez, scris fr ostracizri sau prejudeci. i mai departe: El (Ion Talo n.n.) ne prezint elementele mitice care structureaz o societate rural, elemente care comport un extraordinar amestec de date, cunoscute i n alte ri, dar regndite, revivificate de povestitori locali. Ion Talo demonstreaz c mitologia romneasc este format din mai multe straturi i c ele rspund nevoii de explicare a lumii, a originii i a viitorului ei. Referitor la obiectivele tiinifice ale demersului su analitic, urmrite de Dicionar, Ion Talo apreciaz n Cuvnt nainte c prezenta lucrare cuprinde ntregul spectru al gndirii arhaice la romni, inclusiv unele figuri de basm Mult, zicem noi, pentru efortul intelectual pe care trebuie s-l fac un singur cercettor, puin, dac ne gndim la vastitatea, la imensitatea domeniului ce urmeaz a fi cuprins. S spunem c Ion Talo se achit cu strlucire de sarcina asumat fa de sine nsui, n primul rnd, dar i fa de exigenele editurii care a tiprit lucrarea, izbutind ca, n aproape 500 de articole dense, s expun toate aspectele mai importante ale gndirii magice la romni. Volumul ofer, ne asigur Ion Talo, cea mai mare parte a bibliografiei existente cu privire la aceasta, sau, cum mai zice Domnia Sa, ntr-un

614

Ion euleanu

exces de sinceritate, doar ceea ce a citit autorul. Cele aproape 500 de articole, redactate cu un profesionalism desvrit, au menirea de a inter-relaiona i de a demonstra, n felul acesta, c mitologia romneasc exist ca fenomen de o complexitate dezarmant, copleitoare, c ea a aprut i s-a meninut prin veacuri, pe cale oral, pn astzi, c ea este opera rnimii romne, c ea este comparabil cu oricare dintre marile mitologii ale lumii, n sfrit, c ea a funcionat i nc mai funcioneaz ca un rspuns, ca o reacie la provocrile vieii, ale existenei. Mitologia romneasc, constat Ion Talo, este un sistem multicultural, desvrit i suficient siei, care, generaie de generaie a dat rspunsuri la orice ntrebare privitoare la cosmos i la existena uman, la via i la moarte, la legtura omului cu Dumnezeu i cu natura etc. n sfrit, susine Ion Talo, omul civilizaiilor de esen mitico-magic se orienteaz dup semnele ce-i parvin din Univers, din Lume; el poate preveni rul i/sau instaura binele, l poate feri pe om de rele, de posibile catastrofe etc. Totul, conchide Ion Talo, n acord cu cei ce se conduc dup gndirea mitico-magic, se petrece n viaa omului dup reguli mitico-magice, reguli ce se cuvin a fi respectate cu cea mai mare sfinenie. Totul se petrece dup nite patternuri comportamentale, dup nite coduri instituite prin veacuri, care l aaz pe om n centrul universului, univers aflat n relaie imediat i permanent cu Divinitatea, care Divinitate, pe alt parte i din alt perspectiv, face i ea parte din viaa de zi cu zi a omului. Exist o ordine i un echilibru n toate, iar omul, aflat sub protecia divinitii, se strduiete permanent s conserve aceast ordine i acest echilibru, ca s nu-i pun n primejdie existena, s nu-i pericliteze soarta, destinul. Cele spuse ceva mai sus l fac pe Ion Talo, pe bun dreptate, s afirme c viaa omului, ca i ntmplrile din univers sunt hotrte de criterii magico-mitice. Acest lucru face ca sistemul constituit pe baza gndirii magico-mitice s asigure independena sacrului, s-l aeze pe acesta, din punct de vedere cultural, sub zodie antropocentric. Pornind de la ncercarea de a identifica straturile mitologiei romneti, etnologul ajunge s constate, conducndu-se dup anumite elemente culturale, caracterul arhaic al culturii rneti. Cultur care conserv unele mituri originare, n sensul eliadesc al termenului, i care ne convinge c miturile, simbolurile i ritualurile pe care ni le face cunoscute folclorul religios al romnilor i au rdcinile ntr-o lume de valori spirituale care precede apariia marilor civilizaii ale Orientului Apropiat, de exemplu, antic i ale zonei mediteraneene. Stratul geto-tracic (dacic), cel roman, apoi cel cretin/precretin etc. au contribuit, fiecare, la conturarea tot mai ferm a mitologiei romneti, rneasc n esena ei, cum convingtor susine acelai Ion Talo. Odat cu ncretinarea poporului romn, mitologia noastr, subliniaz cercettorul, se mbogete i se nnobileaz, n sensul aprofundrii cunoaterii omului i a Lumii/a Universului. Acest fapt nu a mpiedicat modul de gndire magico-religios, n ultimele dou secole, s reprezinte un important act de creaie cultural. Afirmnd n final, nc o dat, caracterul rnesc al mitologiei romne, care reflect gndirea magic a ranului, oglindind, n fond, problematica comunitii steti, Ion Talo ncheie (Introducerea) aducnd un omagiu ranului romn, atunci cnd scrie: cultura popular reprezint o parte important a culturii naionale, a crei cercetare este necesar deoarece ne ofer cunotine pe care niciun alt domeniu

Dou cri despre mitopoetica i arhaicitatea culturii populare romneti 615 cultural nu le poate pune la dispoziie i care spune multe despre trecutul cultural al unui popor. ncheiem sumarele noastre consideraii referitoare la Gndirea magicoreligioas la romni, cu dou citate din recenzia, la aceast carte, fcut de Ion H. Ciubotaru, citate la care subscriu pe de-a ntregul: Ion Talo ofer prin Dicionarul su o cumpn dreapt la modul de investigare tiinific a domeniului. Fa de unele experimente care nu surprind dect aparenele acestor comori de spiritualitate romneasc, Ion Talo vine cu o abordare atent, documentat, avizat i lipsit de prejudeci. Dicionarul, mai zice Ion H. Ciubotaru, este o carte de referin prin sinteza pe care o face asupra culturii noastre populare, prin suportul teoretic ce rzbate din fiecare pagin parcurs, prin rigoarea i profesionalismul cu care sunt redactate articolele, prin supleea i elegana stilului i, nu n ultimul rnd, prin pronunarea specificului romnesc n context european i universal. O alt carte asupra creia ne propunem s struim, pe scurt, n cele ce urmeaz, este Cununia frailor i Nunta soarelui. Incestul zdrnicit n folclorul romnesc i universal. Tema de cercetare respectiv, aa cum artam la nceputul acestor nsemnri, l-a preocupat demult pe etnologul clujean, cnd, n Germania Federal fiind, cu o burs Humboldt la Deutsches Volkslied Archives din Freiburg, ncepe s se documenteze n legtur cu Soarele i Luna, alturi de Meterul Manole. n sfrit, ne desluete Ion Talo n Argument-ul su, documentarea tiinific era ca i ncheiat prin 1985, puine lucruri fiind necesar a fi adugate dup aceea, adic dup consultarea surselor din ar sau/i strintate, spre a se putea pronuna mai n cunotin de cauz asupra prezenei (ori absenei) motivului incestului n folclorul universal. Ct privete documentele romneti, Ion Talo realizeaz o baz documentar extrem de solid prin acest volum, corpusul cuprinznd nu mai puin de 528 de texte din publicaii i arhive. Ion Talo simte nevoia s precizeze c numai Mioria lui Adrian Fochi depete Soarele i Luna ca baz documentar. Dar, precizm noi, nu este ntru totul exclus, ca cercetrile viitoare de teren s ncline balana n favoarea baladei Soarele i Luna, din punctul de vedere al corpusului de texte consemnat n culegeri de arhiv ori personale. Ion Talo i nsoete monografia cu o excelent Introducere care are fora de a-l strlumina i convinge pe cititorul, fie el avizat sau mai puin avizat, n legtur cu problematica abordat i, mai mult, cu acest segment al imaginarului arhaic i al mentalitarului din care face parte integrant i cel romnesc. Soarele i Luna constituie, alturi de Meterul Manole, Mioria i Voichia, dup opinia cercettorului, templul arhaic al culturii populare romneti, unitatea lor putnd fi recunoscut cu uurin, ca vrst cultural-spiritual. Baladele amintite se ntemeiaz pe nite mituri specifice nu numai nou, romnilor, dar i altor neamuri, dar n care noi ne regsim cu tot ceea ce avem noi mai profund, mai nalt n ale spiritului, ca genialitate i trire n existent. Este vorba de mitul jertfei zidirii, al sacrificiului suprem, de mitul nunii mortului sau al morii ca nuntire, de mitul strigoiului care hlduiete ntre cele dou lumi, a celor vii i a celor mori, i, n fine, mitul Soarelui i al Lunii, al genezei vinovate i al pcatului, nc, n fapt, nesvrit. Pcatul nici nu se svrete (n folclorul romnesc), cci Dumnezeu (Divinitatea) vegheaz la respectarea, n ultim instan, a celor sfinte, la pstrarea ntr-un venic echilibru a celor ale lumii i ale fiinei umane. Un sentiment cosmic i de la o vreme religios, arat Ion Talo, al apartenenei la un Cosmos, rzbate reconfortant din cele patru balade (cntece b-

616

Ion euleanu

trneti) amintite. Circulaia ntre lumea mundan, cea subpmntean i cea celest este permanent i ea ine lumea n echilibru, fie el i, cteodat, mai precar. Lucruri asemntoare pot fi spuse i despre trecerile dintre regnuri, realizate prin mijlocirea metamorfozelor, frecvente n unele specii ale folclorului romnesc, cum este cntecul nostru btrnesc i mai cu seam n aceast capodoper a literaturii noaste care este Soarele i Luna. Cele patru cntece btrneti sunt apoi urmrite, n maniera, de acum cunoscut, a lui Ion Talo, cu migal i cu mare pricepere, cu desvrit profesionalism etc., din perspectiva vieii lor folclorice, adic a rspndirii, a morfologiei, a funciei/ funciilor lor, a frecvenei, a tipologiei (versiunea A, versiunea B) .a.m.d. pe teritoriul nostru folcloric sau pe cel sud-est european sau, mai larg, european. n orice caz, Ion Talo, subliniaz elementele comune, dar i pe cele difereniatoare, care marcheaz destinul mito-poetic i literar al celor patru texte analizate. Unul din aceste elemente difereniatoare este constituit de felul cum au fost cercetate: mai intens n cazul Mioriei i al Meterului Manole i mai puin cercetate n cazul baladelor Soarele i Luna i Voichia. Ion Talo supune Soarele i Luna unui examen atent, reuind s demonstreze nu numai c balada, prin cele peste 500 de variante ale ei, merit s fie radiografiat i monografiat i, mai mult, s i se atribuie locul de prim rang pe care l ocup acest cntec n cadrul literaturii orale romneti. Din cele 528 de documente, 527 vd acum lumina tiparului. Ct privete semnificaia de baz a textelor (din versiunea A), Ion Talo se apropie de adevr atunci cnd observ, de exemplu, tragismul destinului celor doi frai, accentuat de intervenia divin, care i condamn la singurtate pe bolta cereasc, lsndu-le doar ansa de a se zri din deprtri, din cnd n cnd. Un final mai frumos ar fi greu de imaginat, conchide Ion Talo. Sau atunci cnd, n alt parte, noteaz tot legat de destinul celor doi frai, hotrt de Divinitate: Dumnezeu i-a pedepsit pe cei doi frai s alerge venic unul dup altul, s se zreasc din cnd n cnd, dar s nu se poat ajunge niciodat. Sigur c studiul lui Ion Talo abordeaz o problematic mult mai vast dect cea semnalat de noi n rndurile de fa (sensurile de adncime ale motivelor, rspndirea acestora, vechimea lor n diverse culturi, diacronic i sincronic, modul lor de manifestare n interiorul acestor culturi i literaturi .a.m.d.) toate acestea spre a dovedi, la modul credibil c, balada noastr e superioar ns prin faptul c sora devine Lun fr s fi svrit pcatul. Ea e neprihnit, aa cum spun textele. Balada, mai zice Ion Talo, prin cele dou versiuni ale ei, i trage seva din culturile celor mai ndeprtate secole, ncepnd din antichitate i constituie unul din pilonii de baz ai templului arhaic al culturii romneti. Ajuni la captul nsemnrilor noastre referitoare la dou lucrri din opera de pn acum a lui Ion Talo, vom spune c aceasta este, raportat la contextul etnologiei romneti, n multe privine, exemplar. Ea se poate constitui ntr-un model pentru cei ce vin din urm, prin seriozitate, rigoare, tenacitate etc. fa de destinele cercetrii romneti prezente i viitoare. i urm distinsului profesor, cercettor i om de cultur care este Ion Talo, sntate mult, vigoare, putere de munc i noi succese pe trmul etnologiei romneti. La muli ani!

Ludwig Adolf Staufe-Simiginowicz. ein Volks- und Landeskundler aus der Bukowina in der 2. Hlfte des 19. Jahrhunderts.
Helga Stein
Roemer- und Pelizaeus Museum; Ignaz Zingerle Lieber Ion!
Wir kennen uns jetzt seit fast 50 Jahren. Wir haben unbeschreibliche Zeiten in Klausenburg mitgemacht oder besser gesagt durchgemacht. Ich denke dabei an die politische Fhrungskraft in unserem Klausenburger Folklore-Institut Anfang der 60er Jahren, an die Wohnverhltnisse fr uns junge Wissenschaftler und vieles mehr. Wollte man das heute erzhlen, mchte man manches nicht glauben wollen. Ich denke aber auch an die gute Kollegialitt und die feste Freundschaft, die uns Junge von damals immer noch ungebrochen verbindet. Ich denke auch noch an den jungen Wissenschaftler, der damals zwar zum Linguistik-Institut gehrte, Prof. Ion Mulea zugeordnet war, von diesem gebildet und geformt wurde und sein Revier in der Nhe Muleas verteidigte. Stets hast Du grossen Respekt vor Deinen lteren und jngeren Kollegen gezeigt und Dich manchmal mit fast zu viel Bescheidenheit zurckgehalten. Dann kam der grosse Sprung aus der gewohnten heimatlichen Umgebung, der grosse Sprung in die westliche Welt. Ich denke dabei an den jungen Mann, der mit einem Humboldt-Stipendium an das Deutsche Volksliedarchiv nach Freiburg kam, an der lokalen Mundart fast verzweifelte und schlielich dort in R. W. Brednich einen Freund frs Leben und fr die Arbeit fand. Ich denke auch an den jungen Lektor fr Rumnisch in Kln, der sich mit ungeheurem Fleiss, in die weit ber seinen damaligen Rahmen hinaus reichende grosse Romania einarbeitete und so viel lernte, dass er nachher seinen politischen Freunden in Rumnien nicht mehr ertrglich war und sie ihm das Leben dort unertrglich machten, und er schliesslich die Konsequenzen ziehen musste und nach Kln zurckkehrte. Seither fhrst Du mit bewundernswrdiger Willenskraft und Ausdauer einen Kampf, nicht nur die Kollegen der Akademie und der Universitt in Klausenburg zu untersttzen, sondern auch einen zhen Kampf, die Willkrmassnahmen gegen Dein Eigentum in Rumnien wieder rckgngig zu machen. Heute mchte ich mit meinem Thema zur Geschichte der rumnischen Volkskunde, und damit an Deine Arbeiten, der Herausgabe der Sammlungen von A. und

618

Helga Stein

A. Schott1 und P. Schullerus2 anknpfen. Deshalb wende ich mich Ludwig Adolf Staufe-Simiginowicz zu, der zwar in vielen einschlgigen biobibliographischen Lexika erwhnt wird3, der zwar als Schriftsteller, bersetzer und Journalist gewrdigt oder geschmht wird, der aber als Volkskundler und Landeskundler der Bukowina, des damals jungen Kronlandes der grossen sterreich-ungarischen Monarchie4, noch nicht ausreichend untersucht worden ist5. Kurze Biographie. Einfluss der Brder Grimm und Brder Zingerle L. A. Staufe-Simiginowicz, am 28. Mai 1832 in Suceava geboren, war in erster Linie Bukowiner. Sein Vater Simiginowicz war Ruthene, seine Mutter, geborene Anna Klug, eine Deutsche, deren Familie aus Wrttemberg eingewandert war. Ihr Einfluss prgte ihn zunchst, so dass er sich als Bukowina-Deutscher empfand.6 Er whlte wie so viele Autoren seiner Zeit einen Pseudonym: L. A. Staufe. Spter bewirkten politische Einflsse, vor allem die der rumnischen Nationalisten, ihn sich seiner ukrainischen Herkunft zu besinnen und konsequent den Namen Simiginowicz vor oder nach seinem gewhlten Schriftstellernamen hinzuzufgen. Seinen Lebensweg kann man in mehrere Perioden teilen. Zunchst die Schulund ersten Berufsjahre in Czernowitz 1849-1851, dann seine Studienzeit in Wien 1852-1856, es folgen achtzehn Jahre Lehramt in Kronstadt zwischen 1858-1876 und schliesslich ab 1876 die Rckkehr nach Czernowitz mit einer reichen pdagogischen, wissenschaftlichen und journalistischen Ttigkeit.
1 Arthur und Albert Schott: Rumnische Volkserzhlungen aus dem Banat. Mrchen, Schwnke, Sagen. Neuausgabe besorgt von R. W. Brednich und I. Talo. Bukarest 11971, 21973, 31975, 41976. 2 Brednich, R. W./Talo, I.: Pauline Schullerus. In: Anuarul Muzeului Etnografic al Transilvaniei, Cluj-Napoca 1976, S. 297-320; Pauline Schullerus: Rumnische Volksmrchen aus dem mittleren Harbachtal. Neuausgabe besorgt von R. W. Brednich und I. Talo. Kriterion, Bukarest 11977, 2 1981. 3 Nagl, J.W.; Zeidler, J.; Castle, E.: Deutsch-sterreichische Literaturgeschichte. Ein Handbuch zur Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung in sterreich-Ungarn, Fromme, Wien, Bd. II, 1914, S. 528539; Bd. III (1935) 1403-1415; Wurzbach, C. v.: Biographisches Lexikon des Kaiserthums sterreich, Bd. 37, k. k. Hof- und Staatsdruckerei, Wien, 1878, S. 272, Reprint 2001; Brmmer, F.: Lexikon deutscher Dichter des 19. Jahrhunderts, 4. Aufl. Bd. 4, Reclam, jun., Leipzig o.J. (1896), S. 89; Schuller, Fr.: Schriftsteller-Lexikon der Siebenbrger Deutschen IV. Bd. (Ergnzungsband zu J. Trausch : Schriftsteller-Lexikon oder biographisch-literarische Denkbltter der Siebenbrger Deutschen), Krafft und Drotleff, Hermannstadt, 1902, S. 576; Beck, E.: Bibliographie zur Landeskunde der Bukowina. Literatur bis zum Jahre 1965. Mnchen 1966; Datcu, I.: Dicionarul etnologilor romni, vol. 2, Ed. Saeculum I.O. Bucureti 1998, S. 222; Bibliografia romneasc modern (1831-1918), vol IV (R-Z), Ed. Academiei 1996, S. 352; Sienerth, St.: sterreichisches Biobibliographisches Lexikon, Wien 2004, S. 277-278; Satco, E: Enciclopedia Bucovinei, vol. II, Suceava 2004, S. 390. 4 1775 kam das Buchenland aus trkischer Oberherrschaft an sterreich-Ungarn und wurde zeitweilig von Lemberg aus verwaltet. Ab 1849 bildete es ein eigenes Kronland bis 1919 als es sich mit Rumnien vereinigte. 1940 fiel der Nordteil mit der Hauptstadt Czernowitz an die Sowjetunion und gehrt heute zur Ukraine, und der Sden mit den Stdten Rdui und Suceava, so wie den berhmten Moldauklstern (Weltkulturerbe!) ist der nordstlichste Teil Rumniens. 5 Helga Stein: L. A. Staufe-Simiginowicz i basmele sale romneti din Bucovina (1852). In: Cerc. Revist de etnologie 3, 2007, nr. 1, S. 37-48. 6 Klug, A.: Ein verloren geglaubtes Bchlein von L. A. Staufe, Czernowitz-Cernui 1929, S.13.

Ludwig Adolf Staufe-Simiginowicz, ein Volks- und Landeskundler

619

Im Bericht der k. k Lehrer - und Lehrerinnenbildungsanstalt in Czernowitz ber die Schuljahre 1870/71 bis 1895/96 heisst es fr das Schuljahr 1876/77 im bester k.k. Kanzleisprache wie folgt: Mit dem Erlasse des hohen k.k. Ministeriums fr Cultus und Unterricht vom 24. August 1876 , Zl 13160 wurde der Lehrer am rm.kath. Gymnasium in Kronstadt Ludwig Adolf Simiginowicz zum Hauptlehrer an der k.k. Lehrer- und Lehrerinnenbildungsanstalt in Czernowitz ernannt. Derselbe ist in Suczawa in der Bukowina am 28. Mai 1832 geboren, rm.-kath. Confession, hat die Unterrealschule in Czernowitz absolviert, hierauf als ausserordentlicher Hrer Vorlesungen an der Universitt in Wien besucht. Nachdem derselbe als Lehramtscandidat an der Unterrealschule in Czernowitz 1849, als Zeichenadjunct an der selben Anstalt 1851, 1852 bis 1856 als Lehramtscandidat an der Schottenfelder Realschule, dann 1858 als Supplent am Gymnasium in Czernowitz gewirkt hatte, wurde er 1858/59 Lehrer am rm.-kath. Gymnasium in Kronstadt. Derselbe ist fr Geographie und Geschichte als Haupt-, fr deutsche Sprache als Nebenfach fr ungarische Mittelschulen von der knigl, ungar. Prfungscommission an der Universitt in Klausenburg 1876 befhigt. Aus der ersten Lebensphase in Czernowitz wissen wir, dass Staufe sich anlsslich der revolutionren Ereignisse in Czernowitz mit einer Flugschrift, gezeichnet A. Sand, politisch engagiert hatte. Es ging damals um eine Loslsung der Bukowina von Galizien. Die in der Bukowina unter sterreichischer Herrschaft herangewachsene Generation strebte glhend vor Patriotismus nach Anerkennung und tat alles, um ihr kleines Land, seine Vorzge und seine Errungenschaften in der Metropole und darber hinaus bekannt zu machen. Diese zwei Merkmale Heimatliebe zur Bukowina und Aufklrung des Westens ber die Bukowina durchziehen das ganze Wirken der jungen Bukowiner Intelligenz bis zum ersten Weltkrieg. Sie empfinden sich als Vermittler und Brckenbauer zwischen der Peripherie und dem Zentrum.7 Sehr jung muss L. A. Staufe die Kinder- und Hausmrchen der Brder Grimm kennen gelernt haben. Ebenso ist er beeindruckt von dem reichen Material der Tiroler Brder I. und J. Zingerle. Voll Begeisterung will auch er Mrchen und Sagen bei seinen deutschen Landsleuten sammeln. Bald stellt er jedoch fest, dass er die gleichen Themen und Motive wie in der Grimmschen Sammlung vorfindet. Ich versprte in mir den Drang die deutschen Mrchen der Bukowina zu sammeln, allein, da die Einwanderung der Deutschen erst nach den achtziger Jahren (des 18. Jahrhunderts Anm. d. V.) vor sich gegangen war, die unter ihnen lebenden Mrchen noch immer das Eigenthum deutscher Gegenden, namentlich Wrtembergs und Badens sind, die mit einigen Variationen in den zahlreichen deutschen Mrchenbchern wieder erzhlt gefunden werden, unterlie ich mein projektiertes Unternehmen und wandte mich mit einem um so greren Eifer auf das Einsammeln romanischer Volksmrchen.8 Diese Erfahrung des 20jhrigen ist fr seine ganze sptere Sammel- und Publikationsttigkeit bestimmend. Seine Aufgabe und sein Bettigungsfeld umschreibt er so: Sammler derselben sind sehr sprlich zu finden; die
7 Lihaciu, Ion: Ein Dichter als Bindeglied und Brckenschlger zwischen den Wienern und den Bukowinern (Ludwig Adolf Staufe-Simiginowicz, ein Mittler zwischen dem Zentrum und der Peripherie). In: Wascher, Ph. (Hrsg): Literarische Brckenbauer und Brckenstrzer. Deutschsprachige Autoren zwischen Sprachen und Kulturen 1850-1950. / Jassyer Beitrge zur Germanistik 11/, Jassy 2007, S. 57-69. 8 Staufe, L.A.: Vorrede zu Romanische Volksmrchen 1852, NB Cod 13571.

620

Helga Stein

Thtigkeit auf diesem Felde, die ohne dies sehr unbedeutend genannt werden muss, gehrt ausschlielich Fremdlndern an. Dies spricht gengend dafr, dass der Mrchenschatz des romanischen Volkes eine Legion origineller Stoffe bietet, und keinen Sammler mit einer leeren Mappe aus den romanischen Gegenden ziehen lsst.9 Und Staufe hat Recht. Die ersten Sammlungen rumnischer Volksprosa, ausser den zehn von T. Cipariu 1831 gesammelten Texten10 und den sechs von J. Zeyk ins Ungarische11 bersetzten, sind die meisten gesammelten Erzhlungen nur in deutscher Sprache erschienen, wie z.B. die der Brder A. und A. Schott im Banat12, die von F. Obert13 und anderen Siebenbrgern. Hier reiht sich Staufe mit seiner Sammlung rumnischer Mrchen in deutscher Sprache ein. Die Entstehungszeit seiner Sammlung drfte zwischen 1849 bis 1852 liegen, der Zeit, in der Staufe als Lehramtskandidat an der Realschule in Czernowitz ttig war. Die ersten grsseren Sammlungen in rumnischer Sprache sollten erst in der 2. Hlfte des 19. Jahrhunderts erscheinen. Nach dem Vorbilde der Brder Grimm und der Brder Zingerle notiert und bearbeitet Staufe 48 Mrchen und Schwnke, ohne jedoch seine Quellen anzugeben. Er fertigt eine saubere Handschrift an, deren Vorrede mit Czernowitz, Dezember 1852 datiert ist. Johannes Bolte berichtet, dass L. A. Staufe diese Sammlung 1852 Kaiser Franz Josef I berreicht habe. Diese Mitteilung drfte J. Bolte14 vermutlich von Staufes Witwe erhalten haben und sie knnte auf einem Irrtum beruhen. Der Anlass zu solch einer Gabe htte der Besuch des Kaisers 1851 in Czernowitz sein knnen. Das Manuskript ist jedoch Dezember 1852 abgeschlossen. ber den Zugang des Schriftstckes in die Handschriftensammlung der sterreichischen Nationalbibliothek gibt es keine weiteren Vermerke.15 Ohne jeglichen Kommentar druckt J. W. Wolf im 1. und 2. Band der Zeitschrift fr Mythologie und Sittenkunde 1853 und 1855 zehn Texte von L. A .Staufe ab.16
9 Ebda. 10 Mulea, I.: Timotei Cipariu i literatura popular, in: Studii de istorie literar i folclor; wieder verffentlicht in: Cercetri etnografice i de folclor I, Bucuresti 1971, S. 65-105. Brlea, O.: Istoria folcloristicii romneti, Ed. enciclopedic romn, Bucureti 1974, S. 55 f. 11 Engel, K./Pop, D.: Culegerea de basme romneti a lui Zeyk Jnos. In: Studii de istorie literar i folclor, Bucureti 1964, S. 233-242; Brlea, O.: Istoria folcloristicii romneti, Bucureti 1974, S. 52. 12 Schott, Arthur und Albert: Walachische Mrchen, Stuttgart-Tbingen 1845; Talo, I. /Brednich, R. (Hrsg.): Arthur und Albert Schott: Rumnische Volkserzhlungen aus dem Banat. Mrchen, Schwnke, Sagen. Bukarest 11971, 21973, 31975, 41976. 13 Obert, Franz: Romnische Mrchen und Sagen aus Siebenbrgen. In: Das Ausland 1856: Nr. 20, S. 473-474; Nr. 21, S. 500-501; Nr. 29, S. 692-693; Nr. 30, S. 716-717; Nr. 44, S. 1053.1054; Nr. 45, S. 1076-1077; Nr. 48, S. 2050-2051; Nr. 51, S. 2120-2123; 1857: Nr. 10, S. 234-238; Nr. 12, S. 287-289; Nr. 43, S. 1027-1029; Nr. 45, S. 1075-1077; 1858: Nr. 4, S. 90-91; Nr. 5, S. 117-118 (35 Mrchen) und Rumnische Mrchen, in: Magazin fr Geschichte, Literatur und alle Denk- und Merkwrdigkeiten, NF 1, Kronstadt 1859, S. 112-121; Brlea, O.: Istoria folcloristicii romneti, Bucureti 1974, S. 114. 14 Bolte, J.: Staufes Sammlung rumnischer Mrchen aus der Bukowina. In: Zeitschrift des Vereins fr Volkskunde, hrsg. K. Weinhold, 9. Jg., Verl. A. Asher & Co, Berlin 1899, S. 84-88 (Zusammenfassungen mit Kommentaren von Johannes Bolte), S. 179-181 (drei Texte) auf Grundlage der Wiener Handschrift. 15 Zur Zeit wird die Publikation dieser Sammlung in einem Bukarester Verlag durch V. IonescuNiscov und H. Stein vorbereitet. 16 Romanische Mrchen aus der Bukowina. In: Zeitschrift fr Mythologie und Sittenkunde, Gttingen, Hrsg. J.W. Wolf, Verl. der Dieterichschen Buchhandlung, Gttingen Bd. 1 (1853), S. 42-50,

Ludwig Adolf Staufe-Simiginowicz, ein Volks- und Landeskundler

621

Eine Vermittlung zur Gttinger Zeitschrift konnte durch Th. Vernaleken oder Ignaz Zingerle erfolgt sein, da letzterer ebenfalls mit Beitrgen darin vertreten ist. Bevor Staufe nach Wien kam, hatte er bereits in verschiedenen Zeitschriften und Journalen in sterreich und Deutschland Gedichte, Erzhlungen und Novellen publiziert, dadurch zahlreiche literarische Bekanntschaften und Freundschaften geschlossen, Kontakte, die er in seiner Wiener Zeit ausbaut und weiterpflegt. Hier gewinnt er das Wohlwollen des damals berhmten Prof. Theodor Vernaleken17, eines bekannten Frderers der Lehrerausbildung. Auf dessen Empfehlung erhlt Staufe eine Stelle als Lehramtskandidat an der Oberrealschule Schottenfeld, einem Wiener Stadtteil. Es gelingt ihm eines der vier Stipendien fr Lehramtskandidaten zu erhalten und die Vorlesungen an der Universitt im Fach Geschichte bei Prof. Josef Aschbach18 und vergleichende Geographie bei Prof. Friedrich Symoni zu besuchen. Er schreibt zahlreiche Novellen, Tagesberichte und Theaterkritiken und bringt 1855 eine Gedichtsammlung Heimatsgre aus Niedersterreich19 heraus. Vermutlich erregt er damit bei seinem Gnner Theodor Vernaleken Anstoss. Vielleicht hatte das Leben im Kreis literarischer Freunde und Publizisten ihn soweit abgelenkt, dass er an ein Ausscheiden aus dem Lehramt dachte. Er schreibt an den Dichter Cajetan Cerri20, Herausgeber der Zeitschrift Iris in Graz, am 11. Juli 1856: Wenn Sie etwas von mir wissen wollten, so kann ich Ihnen mitteilen, dass ich ganz gedrckt und zerfahren bin; mein Beschtzer Vernaleken ist zum Tyrannen gegen mich geworden, freilich will er wissen, was ich ihm Ursachen in die Hand gegeben, ich aber kenne keine, als meine Heimatsgrsse, die ihn nicht schlafen liessen, weil ich mit ihrer Verffentlichung einen seiner Ratschlge nicht befolgte, den er mir anderthalb Jahre vorher gegeben hatte.... Ich bin auf dem Punkte Journalist zu werden, denn beugen kann ich mich nicht, und mich von andern erhalten zu lassen, vereinbart sich keineswegs mit meinem Charakter.21 Theodor Vernaleken lag sehr viel an der Frderung der Lehrerbildung und man kann wohl ganz gut verstehen, dass es ihm schlaflose Nchte bereitete, wenn sein Schtzling gerade am Ende seiner Ausbildung andere Wege einzuschlagen gedachte. Immerhin legt L. A. Staufe 1856 vor der k. k. wissenschaftlichen Realschul-Kommission die Lehramtsprfung fr selbstndige Realschulen ab und erhlt daraufhin im Herbst 1857 eine Stelle als Supplent am Staatsgymnasium in Czernowitz.22 Der Einfluss Vernalekens, der ein Freund J. Grimms und L. Uhlands war, drfte sich auch auf die volkskundlichen wissenschaftlichen Interessen Staufes ausgewirkt haben und vielleicht auch den obenerwhnten Druck seiner Mrchen in der neugegrndeten Zeitschrift fr Mythologie und Sittenkunde mitveranlasst haben. Gerade in diesen Jahren bereitete Vernaleken seine Alpensagen (Wien 1858) und seine Mythen und Bruche des Volkes sterreichs als Beitrag zu deutschen Mytho469-472 und Bd. 2 (1855), S. 197-212, 389-400. 17 Vernaleken, Th. (1812-1907). 18 Aschbach, J. (1801-1872) ab 1853 Professor am historischen Seminar in Wien, ab 1856 Mitglied der sterreichischen Akademie. 19 Verl. E. Hgel, Wien 1855. 20 Cerri, Gajetan: Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, Bd. 47.Leipzig 1903, S. 468-469. 21 NB Handschriftenabteilung Cod 274330: Simiginowicz, L.A. an Cajetan Cerri, Wien 11.7.1856. 22 Wienbibliothek im Rathaus, I. N 64312: L.A. Staufe an K. E. Franzos, Kronstadt, 7.7.1866 mit beigefgter Autobiographie Staufes.

622

Helga Stein

logie, Volksdichtung und Sittenkunde (Wien 1859) vor; 1863 folgten Sagen und Mrchen aus den Alpen. In den dazugehrigen Anmerkungen gibt Vernaleken zwar den Herkunftsort der Texte an, ebenso auch zahlreiche Varianten, ist jedoch der Meinung, dass bei den Mrchen diese Angaben nicht so wichtig seien, da die Mrchenmotive sowieso Wanderungen unterliegen. Volkskundliche Anstsse erhielt Staufe, wie er auch zugibt, von den Brdern Ignaz und Josef Zingerle, die Januar 1852 ihre Kinder-und Hausmrchen aus Tirol und 1854 die Kinder- und Hausmrchen aus Sddeutschland herausbringen. Ausser den Bestrebungen seiner Freunde eine eigene Literatur und Presse in der Bukowina zu schaffen, hat diese Umgebung in der Studienzeit, mit den Beziehungen zu den grssten Germanisten und Erzhlforschern seiner Zeit, den angehenden Lehrer auch zum Volkskundler gemacht, so wie es in seinen spteren kulturhistorischen und ethnographischen Werken zu sehen ist. Nach einem einjhrigen Aufenthalt in Czernowitz erhlt Ludwig Adolf Simiginowicz, - als Lehrer wird er mit seinem brgerlichen Namen gefhrt23 -, eine feste Stelle am rm.-kath. Gymnasium in Kronstadt. Er unterrichtet Geographie, Geschichte und Deutsch, insgesamt 18 Stunden.24 Er heiratet die Kronstdterin Therese Goldschmidt25 und arbeitet bis 1876 dort. Er fhlt sich in Siebenbrgen wie im Exil26 und bemht sich seine enge Verbindung zur Bukowina ungebrochen zu erhalten. Sie findet vorwiegend in geographischen, geschichtlichen und literarischen Arbeiten ihren Niederschlag, die er in zahlreichen Zeitungen und Journalen im In- und Ausland verffentlicht.27 Gleichzeitig ist er ordentliches Mitglied der k.u.k. geographischen und der k.k. zoologisch-botanischen Gesellschaft zu Wien und wirkliches Mitglied des Siebenbrgischen Vereins fr Landeskunde in Hermannstadt.28 Literarische Ttigkeit Von den zahlreichen literarischen Arbeiten sei hier nur auf die Romanischen Poeten in ihren originalen Formen und metrisch bersetzt29, hingewiesen. Im Vorwort erklrt Staufe unter anderem wie es um seine rumnischen Sprachkenntnisse bestellt war. Als ich berdie an die allerersten bersetzungen schritt, geschah die auf Grund einer hchst drftigen Kenntnis der romanischen Sprache, wie ich sie als
23 S. auch Hof- und Staatshandbuch (Schematismus) der sterreichisch-Ungarischen Monarchie 1878- 1898. 24 Programm des romanisch-katholischen Untergymnasiums in Kronstadt fr das Jahr 1858/59, S. 36. 25 Wienbibliothek im Rathaus IN 64312: L. A. Staufe-Simiginowicz an K. E. Franzos, Kronstadt, 7.6.1866. 26 Wienbibliothek im Rathaus, I. N 64324: Brief Staufe, L. A. an K. E. Franzos, Kronstadt, 18. September 1869: ...aber bin ich nach 11 frmlichen Verbannungsjahren bei unseren Landsleuten nicht schon lngst verschollen? 27 Staufe-Simiginowicz, L.A.: Die europischen Wasserscheiden, Kronstadt 1859; ders.: Reliefkarte der Bukowina, Czernowitz, Verlag der Landesregierung 1871; ders.: Die Bodenplastik der Bukowina, Kronstadt 1873; ders.: Zwei Bukowiner Geschichtsstudien. Festschrift zu Ehren der Erffnung der k.u.k. Franz-Josephs-Universitt in Czernowitz, Pardini 1875; ders.: Das Pruthtal, Czernowitz 1876. 28 Programm des romanisch-katholischen Untergymnasiums in Kronstadt fr das Jahr 1858/59, S. 36. 29 Druck und Verlag von A. Pichlers Witwe & Sohn, Wien 11865, 21868.

Ludwig Adolf Staufe-Simiginowicz, ein Volks- und Landeskundler

623

Deutscher und Rutene in einem so poligloten Lande, wie es die Bukowina ist, in den unteren Schulen als obligaten Lehrgegenstand30 mir aneignen konnte31 In diesem Band bernimmt Staufe neben den 21 rumnischen Autoren im Kapitel Volkslied zehn Gedichte aus V. Alecsandris Doine i lcrmioare, einschliesslich einer ausfhrlichen Erluterung der Begriffe Hora und Doina. Staufe will damit nicht nur Textbeispiele geben, sondern vor allem darauf hinweisen, dass sich am Rande der Monarchie ein reges literarisches Leben entwickelt, von dem noch einiges zu erwarten sei.32 Unter seinen zahlreichen literarischen Arbeiten der Kronstdter Zeit fllt die Verarbeitung der Ballade vom Bauopfer Meister Manole unter dem Titel Der Klosterbau, Erzhlung aus dem romnischen Volksleben33 auf. Im Vorwort schreibt er: Wenn wir das ganze Sagengebiet des romnischen Volkes mit prfendem Blick bersehen, so finden wir nur wenige Stoffe, welche von gleichem poetischen Wert sind, wie jener, der die schne Sage vom Klosterbau zu Argi bildet. Die Gestaltung der Sage zu einer fr das breitere Publikum berechneten Erzhlung war lange der Wunsch meiner Sele. Ich war so glcklich diesen Wunsch realisieren zu knnen, die Sage vom Klosterbau zu Argis erscheint in diesen Blttern in novellistischer Form. Wie I. Talo zu recht bedauert, gibt Staufe auch hier seine Quelle nicht an.34 Bukowina im Mittelpunkt. Feldforschungen und landeskundliche Arbeiten Auf die zahlreichen literarischen Publikationen Staufe-Simiginowiczs, auf seine umfangreichen Arbeiten im Bereich der deutschsprachigen Presse ist an anderer Stelle im Kontext der rasanten kulturellen Entwicklung der Bukowina eingegangen worden.35 Hier beschrnken wir uns nur auf die volkskundlichen Arbeiten Staufes, die whrend der Kronstdter Zeit nicht sehr zahlreich sind, wie z.B. auf den Artikel
30 1849 war mit Aron Pumnul Rumnische Sprache und Literatur als Lehrfach am Gymnasium eingefhrt worden. 31 ders.: Romanische Poeten, Wien 21868, S. XIII ; Vorwort zur 1 Aufl. Kronstadt, 31.10.1864. 32 Rez. G. Hurmuzaki in: Foaea Soietii pentru literatura i cultura romn n Bucovina, Cernui, vol. 1, 1865, S. 86-97; dazu: L. A. Simiginowisz an K. E. Franzos, Kronstadt 10.7.1866. Wienbibliothek im Rathaus, HIN 64316: G. Hurmuzaki kennt die bersetzungen noch im Stadium vor der Verffentlichung, die nun in der Foaia verffentlichte Kritik sei vollstndig im Widerspruch zu den vorher geusserten Anschauungen. Mathe, Dr.: Romanische Poeten...In: Archiv fr das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen, hrsg. L. Herrig, Verlag Westermann, Braunschweig, XL. Jg. (1866), 39. Bd. S. 113-116. Der Rezensent vermisst zum besseren Verstndnis, der fr ihn bis dahin unbekannten und ungewohnten Literatur biographische Daten zu den einzelnen Autoren. 33 Verl. von Frank & Drenandt, Kronstadt, 1870. 34 Talo, I.: Meterul Manole. Contribuie la studiul unei teme de folclor european. Editura Minerva, Bucureti 1973, S. 52. 35 Lihaciu, Ion: Die deutschsprachige Presse in der Bukowina, ein Medium der literarischen Produktion und Rezeption. In: Immer zurck zum Pruth. Dokumentation des Czernowitzer Symposiums 2001. 100 Jahre Rose Auslnder. Baltmannsweiler 2002, S. 140-146; ders.: Zu den Anfngen des literarischen Pressewesens in der Bukowina. In: Zwischen dem Osten und dem Westen Europas. (Marten-Finnis. S., Hrsg.), Dresden 2005, S. 13 ff; ders.: Ein Brckenbauer als Bindeglied und Brckenschlger zwischen den Wienern und den Bukowinern. (L. A. Staufe-Simiginowicz, ein Mittler zwischen dem Zentrum und der Peripherie.) In: Literarische Brckenbauer und Brckenstrzer, Deutschsprachige Autoren zwischen Sprachen und Kulturen 1850-1950). In Jassyer Beitrge zur Germanistik 11, 2007, S. 57-69.

624

Helga Stein

Die Lipowaner in der Bukowina.36 Es ist ein Versuch auf engstem Raum (5 Seiten) eine ethnische Gruppe der Bukowina dem westlichen Europa bekannt zu machen. Die Beschreibung von Land und Leuten folgt bereits dem gleichen Schema, das er schriftlicher Dokumentation und eigener Anschauung schpft. Innerhalb von 100 Jahren war eine rasante Entwicklung der Bildung und der Kultur in dem fernen Kronland Bukowina zu beobachten. Fr unsere Betrachtung ist es wichtig, die Zunahme der Schulen aller Grade zu bercksichtigen. Ein entscheidender Punkt, der im ersten Bukowiner Landtag 1861 behandelt wurde, war das Schulwesen und die Auslobung von Stipendien fr bedrftige Schler. 1873 gab es bereits drei Gymnasien, das bereits 1808 in Czernowitz gegrndete, an dem 1849 Aron Pumnul den Lehrstuhl fr Rumnischen Sprache und Literatur innehatte, und eines in Suceava und eines in Rdui. 1870 gibt es 108 voll aktive Schulen und 104 im Aufbau begriffene Schulen. 1890 sollten es dann 299 Schulen sein, davon 96 rumnische und 54 in den landesblichen Sprachen. Anbetracht des bereits 1866 von Staufe beklagten Lehrermangels37 erfolgt 1870 in Czernowitz die Grndung der k.k. Lehrer- und Lehrerinnen- Bildungsanstalt, an die Staufe 1876 berufen wird.38 1875 kam es zur Grndung der Franz-Josephs-Universitt in Czernowitz.39 Aus diesem Anlass versammelte L. A. Staufe, noch in Kronstadt, wieder seine literarischen Freunde aus sterreich und der Bukowina und gab zusammen mit M. Amster das Poetische Gedenkbuch. Festgeschenk zur Feier des hundertjhrigen Jubilums der Vereinigung des Herzogthums Bukowina mit dem sterreichischen Kaiserstaate und der Inauguration der Universitt in Czernowitz, heraus.40 Mit der Universittsgrndung wurde die wissenschaftliche Erforschung des Landes in jeder Richtung gefrdert. Naturwissenschaftliche und geschichtliche Forschungen konnten von Landeskindern durchgefhrt werden. Besonders die volkskundlichen und ethnographischen Arbeiten entwickelten sich hervorragend. Alle Vlker und Vlklein des vielsprachigen Landes fanden ihre Erforscher. Studien ber die Rumnen betrieben Sbiera, Marian, Simiginowicz, I. Berar, D. Dan, I. Iean, N. Noru, G. Tomaiaga, die Malerin Auguste Kochanowska u.a. ber die Ruthenen schrieben Fedkowicz, Kupczanko, Basil Kozarysczuk, Simiginowicz, Alexander Manastyrski, R. F. Kaindl u.a. ...41 1876 kehrte Staufe wieder nach Czernowitz zurck. Soweit er nicht schon Material liegen hatte, konnte er nun wieder sammeln. Leider gibt er nirgends an, wann, wie und von wem die Texte oder Informationen stammen. Nur in seiner Beschreibung der Huzulen berichtet er von mehrfachen Besuchen in ihren abgelegenen Drfern und in ihren Husern.42 Auf seinen Reisen und Wanderungen legt Staufe Mappen an,
36 In: Illustrierte deutsche Monathefte Nr. 9, Westermann, Braunschweig 1866, S. 652-656. 37 L. A. Staufe-Simiginowicz an K.E. Franzos, Kronstadt 11. Februar 1867. Wienbibliothek im Rathaus IN 64312, Anhang Bl. 2-3. 38 Zieglauer von Blumenthal, F.: Landesgeschichte: Seit der Besitzergreifung. In: Die sterreichsichungarische Monographie in Wort und Bild, Wien 1899, S. 127-155; Sbiera, I.: Die rumnische Sprache und Literatur. Ibidem, S. 378-393. 39 Lihaciu, I.: Aufblhendes Leben im alten Czernowitz: zum kreativer Millieu einer Provinzmetropole. In: Spiegelungen Bd. 1 (2006) 1/55, S. 67-73. 40 Verl. R. Eckardt, Czernowitz, 1875. 41 Nagl, J. W.; Zeidler, J.; Castle, E.: Deutsch-sterreichische Literaturgeschichte. Bd. III, Fromme, Wien 1935, S. 1404. 42 L. A. Simiginowicz-Staufe: Die Vlkergruppen der Bukowina. Ethnographisch-culturhistorische

Ludwig Adolf Staufe-Simiginowicz, ein Volks- und Landeskundler

625

vermutlich nach dem damaligen Sprachgebrauch eine Art von Reisejournalen, aus denen er dann das Material fr seine Schriften ziehen konnte. So erwhnt er in einem Brief an K. E. Franzos im Zusammenhang mit seinen Novellen: ...aus meiner Reisemappe (Exkursion nach dem Sden der Bukowina); aus meiner Wandermappe (Greifenstein).43 Denkbar wre es auch, dass Staufe seine Schler ermutigt haben knnte, ihm Material zu bringen, ebenso wie auch Ion G. Sbiera und Simion Florea Marian von ihren Schlern und Kollegen am Gymnasium gesammelt haben.44 Es entstehen grssere Sammlungen und zahlreiche Einzelartikel und literarische Bearbeitungen in verschiedenen, sehr zahlreichen Kalendern, Journalen und Zeitungen im ganzen deutschsprachigen Raum. Allerdings bedrfte das Zusammentragen und Bewerten des vielseitigen Werkes von L. A. Staufe-Simiginowicz einer grsseren aufwendigen Forschungsaktion in der zeitgenssischen deutschsprachigen Presse. So wissen wir z.B. aus der Korrespondenz mit K. E. Franzos von zwei rumnischen Mrchenbnden, die er bereits 1867 bei sich liegen hat. Er mag aber dem Drngen K. E. Franzos, diese herauszugeben nicht folgen. Bezglich ihrer geehrten Anfrage, welchem nationalen Elemente meine Bukowiner Volksmrchen angehren, erlaube ich mir mitzuteilen, das dieselben im ruthenischen und romnischen Volksleben wurzeln. Zu bemerken jedoch ist, dass die eigentmliche Stellung dieser beiden Nationalitten, die vor soviel und soviel Jahren beinahe gar nicht von einander geschieden werden konnten, die jedoch heute in einer national bewussteren Zeit, sich vielleicht doch durch merk- und fhlbare Differenzen kennzeichnen, den Grund gab, dass das russinische Volksmrchen der Bukowina auch im romnischen Volksmunde erklang und das romnische ebenso im russinischen wiedergefunden werden konnte. Diese beinahe vollzogene Verschmelzung der Volkselemente machte der Unterscheidung die empfindlichen Schwierigkeiten, somit konnte der unbefangene Sammler die Mrchen nicht anders als Bukowiner Volksmrchen nennen, was ich denn auch tat. Deutsche Mrchen sind es nicht; es sind russinische und romnische Mrchen u. lie sich ihr nationaler, mithin wahrer Ursprung vielleicht blo an einzelnen Versen erkennen, mit welchen sie dann u. wann ausgestattet waren, welche Ausstattung in der bertragung aus einem Volkselement in das andere natrlich fehlt.45 Immer wieder verffentlicht Staufe in der 80er Jahren des 19. Jahrhunderts in den Bukowiner Blttern einzelne Mrchen verschiedener Bevlkerungsgruppen, die leider aber nach den fr unser Interesse oft mangelhaft bibliographierten Angaben schlecht zu erfassen sind, wie z.B. Ruthenische Mrchen46 oder Trau schau, wem? Zwei lustige Volksmrchen aus der Bukowina47 oder Geschichten und BilSkizzen. Con. H. Czapp, Czernowitz 1884, S. 70. 43 Wienbibliothek im Rathaus, IN 64316: L. A. Staufe an K. E. Franzos, Kronstadt, 10. Juli 1866; Klug, A.: Ein verloren geglaubtes Bchlein von L. A. Staufe-Simiginowicz. In: Deutscher Kalender fr die Bukowina. Czernowitz 1930, S. 81-90; (Separatum) Czernowitz: Mhldorf, 1929, 15 S. erwhnt, dass der Nachlass Staufes, der sich bei seiner Tochter, Frau Simiginowicz-Nogi, befunden habe und beim Einmarsche der Russen in Czernowitz im 1. Weltkrieg weitgehend zerstrt worden sei. 44 Brlea, O.: Istoria folcloristicii romneti, Ed. enciclopedic romn, Bucureti 1974, S. 125, 234 ff. 45 L. A. Staufe-Simiginowicz an K. E. Franzos, Kronstadt, 11.7.1867. Wienbibliothek im Rathaus HIN 64323. 46 In: Bukowiner Hauskalender, Czernowitz 1882, Nr. 19, S. 15-20. 47 In: Czernowitzer Zeitung, Czernowitz, 1883, Nr. 239, 245.

626

Helga Stein

der aus nah und fern u.a.m.48 In der Feuilleton-Beilage der Czernowitzer Zeitung ist der Platz, in dem Staufe Culturhistorische Skizzen unterbringt. Diese kulturhistorischen und ethnographischen Skizzen erwiesen sich fr diese Art der Verbreitung landeskundlicher Kenntnisse als geeignete Form. So erscheint z.B. der Artikel Ostern in der Bukowina49. Anlass ist das rmisch-katholische und griechisch-orthodoxe Osterfest, das im Jahr 1882 nach altem und neuem Kalender zusammenfiel. Staufe berichtet nun, wie das Fest bei den Katholischen: den Polen und Deutschen, und wie bei den Griechischorthodoxen: den Rumnen und Ruthenen gefeiert wird. Glaube, soziale Stellung und oft auch das Schicksal der Einwanderung fhrt zu Analogien, aber auch zu Differenzen. Staufe berichtet von den huslichen Vorbereitungen des Festes, von den Gepflogenheiten der Karwoche, dem Fasten, dem Kirchgang am Ostersonntag, den Festspeisen und der obligaten Geselligkeit. Da der Aufsatz im Feuilleton steht, fehlt ihm jeglicher wissenschaftlicher Nachweis und dient nur der allgemeinen Information. Stets die Ost-West-Beziehung im Blick folgt diesem in der Zeitung gleich anschliessend ein Artikel ber Die Osterfeier in den Alpen. Ein anderes Beispiel im Feuilleton sind die Erinnerungen aus dem alten Czernowitz, die unter anderem auf das allgemeine gesellige Leben aller gesellschaftlichen Schichten in der Stadt Czernowitz eingehen, z. B. die Sonntagsausflge, die Schtzenfeste (Schtzenhaus von 1832), die musikalischen Zusammenknfte etc.50 In die Czernowitzer Zeit Staufes fllt auch die Publikation von zwei grossen Bukowiner Folklore-Sammlungen. Im Jahre 1885 gibt L. A. Staufe-Simiginowicz der Band Volkssagen aus der Bukowina heraus51. Die Absicht des Sammlers ist: ....die Volksdichtung unserer heimischen Stmme in allen Kreisen der Intelligenz bekannt zu machen Auch in diesem Falle ist Staufe Vorreiter auf einem neuen Gebiet in seiner Heimat. Es ist der erste Versuch in dieser Richtung! Wie wenige ahnen die Existenz jenes Sagenschatzes, der im Schoe der Bukowinaer Bevlkerung verborgen liegt! Mein Buch erhebt keineswegs den Anspruch, den Gegenstand erschpft zu haben... Insgesamt enthlt der Band 120 Sagen, davon 41, die er als rumnisch bezeichnet.52 Was die Herkunft betrifft, heisst es weiterhin in der Widmung: Die Scheidung der Sage nach ihrem nationalen Ursprung schien mir um so nothwendiger, als wiederholt vorkommt, dass ber einen und denselben Gegenstand Variationen existieren, die nicht immer einem und demselben Volke angehren. Dieser Vorgang schien mir den Stmmen gegenber ehrlicher und gewissenhafter, da es den Unterschied zwischen Mein und Dein respectiert. Sollte doch bei allen solchen Gelegenheiten der Grundsatz walten: Suum quique! In welcher Weise diese Zugehrigkeit aufzufassen ist, erscheint nicht ganz klar. Handelt es sich um den Erzhler oder eine ethnische oder lokale Gruppe, innerhalb derer diese Variante erzhlt wird. Staufe gibt jeweils unter dem Titel nur die ethnische Bezeichung an, z.B. Kloster
48 In: Czernowitzer Zeitung, Czernowitz, 1880, Nr. 280; 1881, Nr. 222. Weitere Angaben knnen z.Zt. nicht gegeben werden, da diese Jahrgnge der Czernowitzer Zeitung in den Bibliotheken Deutschlands und sterreichs sehr schwer nach zu weisen sind. 49 In: Feuilleton-Beilage der Czernowitzer Zeitung, Czernowitz, 1882, Nr. 82. 50 In: Bukowiner Nachrichten, Czernowitz 1896, Nr. 2432-2433. 51 Czernowitz bei Heinrich Pardini. 52 cf. Fochi, A.: Bibiografia general a etnografiei i folclorului romnesc. Ed. pentru literatur, Bucureti 1968, S. 351, Nr. 3857.

Ludwig Adolf Staufe-Simiginowicz, ein Volks- und Landeskundler

627

Putna (romnisch);53 Das Bild im Brunnen (kleinrussisch);54 Der Trkenberg (deutsch, romnisch und kleinrussisch).55 Leider fehlen auch hier, wie bei allen seinen anderen Arbeiten die Angaben ber Informanten, Ort und Zeit. Die letzte grosse Arbeit Staufes sind die Kleinrussischen Volkslieder.56 Es ist auch wieder die erste grssere Sammlung von kleinrussischen Volksliedern ins Deutsche bertragenen. 1859 hatte Ernst Rudolf Neubauer, der Herausgeber der ersten deutschen Zeitung in Czernowitz, den ruthenischen Dichter Osip Fedkowicz aufgefordert kleinrussische Volkslieder zu bersetzen. Doch dieser hatte sich von zwei galizischen Schriftstellerkollegen (Anton Kobylanski und Constantin Horbal) berreden lassen, auf diese Nachdichtungen zu Gunsten seiner eigenen Schpfungen zu verzichten.57 Die 1888 in Leipzig erschienene Sammlung Staufes umfasst 248 Kolomejki (Tanzlieder). Der Name soll, so Staufe, entweder von der Ortsbezeichnung Kolomea oder von der Tanzbezeichnung Kolo kommen. Das sind 4-8zeilige Tanzlieder, die Staufe als Produkte des Augenblicks bezeichnet. Die Melodie der Kolomejka ist nach Staufe in Galizien und der Bukowina am weitesten verbreitet. Der zweite Teil der Sammlung enthlt Dumy, Dumki und Szumki. Duma, Dumka oder Szumka sind weit verbreitete Lieder, die von professionellen Strassensngern an Strassenkreuzungen oder den Wirtshusern mit Instrumentalbegleitung vorgetragen werden. Sie sind voller Wehmut und erinnern an die trostlose Geschichte des Landes, an Trkenherrschaft, an Knechtschaft und schmachvolle Abhngigkeit.58 Dieser 2. Teil der Sammlung enthlt 42 Texte. Das erste Lied z.B. berichtet von dem Auftrag des sterbenden Kosaken an sein Pferd, der Mutter mitzuteilen, dass er sich glcklich verheiratet habe, stolz mit grnen Rosen geschmckt. Ganz auffllig in vielen Liedern folgt dann auch hier eine berraschende Wende am Schluss: Die Mutter solle eine Handvoll Sand auf den Felsen streuen, erst wenn Gras daraus erwachse, werde der Sohn wiederkommen. Dieses Testament des Kosaken erinnert an das Testament des Hirten in der rumnischen Mioria. Andere Themen sind: die verrterische Ehefrau, die untreue Ehefrau, Schwester-Giftmischerin, der wiedergefundene Bruder, das geraubte Mdchen und viele andere mehr. Nahe an den Sagen stehen nach Staufe zwei Lieder um den Haiduken Alexander Dobosz, wobei er in den Anmerkungen auf Verbreitung, auf hnlichkeit und Unterschiede zwischen Lied und Sage hinweist.59 Abgesehen von Staufes Sammelttigkeit von Mrchen, Sagen, Liedern und Brauchtum kann man ihn auch als Landeskundler bezeichnen, wobei ihm sein Geschichts- und Geographiestudium sehr zustatten kommen. Whrend die volkskundliche Sammelttigkeit als ein Phnomen des 19. Jahrhunderts anzusehen ist, so erschien die Beschreibung von Land und Leuten im Sinne einer Landeskunde als ein Phnomen des 18. Jahrhunderts, mit dem Ziel, die gewonnen Erkenntnisse fr eine
S. 6. S. 8. S. 9. Leipzig, 1888. Kaluniacki, E.: Die ruthenische Sprache und Literatur. In: Die sterreichisch-Ungarische Monarchie in Wort und Bild, Wien 1899, S. 406. 58 Ibidem, S. 407, erwhnt er, dass K. E. Franzos bis dahin ber das kleinrussische Volkslied das Beste in deutscher Sprache geschrieben habe. 59 S. 100-103, 110-113; S. 250f., Anm. 25, 28. Staufe verweist auf seine Sagen aus der Bukowina, z.B. S. 127, Nr. 120 Doboszs Ende. 53 54 55 56 57

628

Helga Stein

vernnftige und nutzbringende Bewirtschaftung des Landes anzuwenden. Was Bukowina betrifft, war eine derartige Betrachtung des fr sterreich-Ungarn von dem Kaiser Joseph II., einem aufgeklrten Herrscher, 1775 neu gewonnenes Land, Grundlage fr seine Besitznahme und Verwaltung. Einer der wichtigsten Mnner war Karl Freiherr von Enzenberg. 1778 von Siebenbrgen kommend, bernahm er die Funktion eines Administrators der Bukowina. Er schien fr diese Funktion besonders geeignet zu sein, da er die Sprache des Grossteils der Landesbewohner, der Rumnen, beherrschte. Er kannte ihre Sitten, Bruche und Gewohnheiten. Er strebte das Leben des Volkes aus eigener Anschauung zu erkunden und suchte selbst einsame Gehfte auf, um die Lage und die Bedrfnisse der Landesbewohner kennen zu lernen. Bereits anderthalb Jahre nach Antritt seines Amtes (Oktober 1779) verfasste er fnf Denkschriften an die Zentralverwaltung in Wien, in denen er den Zustand des Buchenlandes beschrieb und ein entsprechendes Reformprogramm entwickelte. Diese Schriften drften wohl als die erste landeskundliche Beschreibung der Bukowina angesehen werden. In der ersten Hlfte des 19. Jahrhunderts ist es der Rumne Ion Budai-Deleanu, der als k. k. Landrat in Lemberg und als Translator fr die Bukowina neben anderen Arbeiten zur Hebung des Bildungswesen, eine Schrift Kurzgefate Bemerkungen zur Bukowina in deutscher Sprache verfasste. Gh. Asachi, damals Professor in Iai, entdeckte 1868 das Manuskript in Lemberg, erwarb es kuflich mit Hilfe des Unterrichtsministeriums und liess es der Bukarester Staatsbibliothek zukommen.60 Ein anderes Anliegen landeskundlicher, speziell ethnographischer Beschreibungen sind in der 2. Hlfte des 19. Jahrhunderts die nationalen Probleme des Vielvlkerstaates sterreich-Ungarn. In die Zeit von Staufes Wirksamkeit fllt 1867 der Ausgleich sterreichs mit dem Knigreich Ungarn und seinen Nebenlndern Siebenbrgen, Kroatien und Slawonien. Als Folge davon wurde in Ungarn 1868 ein tolerantes, sorgsam ausgearbeitete Nationalittengesetz verabschiedet, zu dem jedoch die praktisch betriebene Magyarisierungstendenz im scharfen Widerspruch stand. Zu den verschiedenen nationalen Fragen gehrte z.B. die rumnische Frage in Siebenbrgen und der polnisch-ruthenischen Gegensatz in Galizien, um nur einige kurz zu nennen. In Staufes Briefen an K. E. Franzos klingen diese Probleme zwar an, ohne aber im Detail auf sie einzugehen. In seinen Arbeiten bemht sich Staufe um eine neutrale sachliche und instruktive Darstellung. Durch das neue, seit Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts sich rasch entwickelnde Bildungswesen hatte sich aus den verschiedenen Ethnien auch eine neue Intellektualitt gebildet. Allen Vertretern der verschiedenen Bevlkerungsgruppen lag es in ihrem erstarkenden Nationalbewusstsein am Herzen ihr Volk bestmglich darzustellen. Alle Bukowiner Autoren dieser Generation hatten in Wien studiert und waren mit der grossen Welt und vor allem mit den nationalen Problemen des Vielvlkerstaates konfrontiert worden. Durch eine bessere Darstellung von Land und Leuten strebten sie nach einer korrekten Kenntnis des Landes, dem Ausrumen schdlicher Vorurteile und damit nach einer besseren Verstndigung zwischen den Vlkern, vor allem nach der Aufwertung ihres Landes. In diesem Sinne der Verstndigung hatte mit dem Beginn der 80er Jahre des
60 Sbiera, I.: Die rumnische Literatur und Sprache. In: Die sterreichisch-Ungarische Monarchie in Wort und Bild, Wien 1899, S. 381.

Ludwig Adolf Staufe-Simiginowicz, ein Volks- und Landeskundler

629

19. Jahrhundert Kronprinz Rudolf von sterreich begonnen ein Monumentalwerk ber die Vlker der Donaumonarchie ins Leben zu rufen. 1887 erschienen die ersten beiden Einleitungsbnde zur Die sterreichisch-Ungarische Monarchie in Wort und Bild, wie der Titel des Werkes sein sollte. (Der Band Wien war bereits 1886 erschienen). Ihnen folgen dann bis 1902, nach geographischen Gesichtspunkten geordnet, weitere 25 Bnde, ein unvergleichliches Werk, eine unschtzbare Fundgrube, das den kulturhistorischen Wissensstand jener Zeit wiederspiegelt. In seiner Einleitung schreibt Kronprinz Rudolf Die sterreichisch-Ungarische Monarchie entbehrt trotz mancher guter Vorarbeiten noch immer eines ethnographischen Werkes, welches auf der Hhe der gegenwrtigen wissenschaftlichen Forschung stehend, mit Zuhilfenahme der so sehr vervollkommten knstlerischen Reproduktionsmittel, anregend und belehrend zugleich, ein umfassendes Gesammtbild unseres Vaterlandes und seiner Volksstmme bietet. Das Studium der innerhalb der Grenzen dieser Monarchie lebenden Vlker ist nicht nur fr den Gelehrten ein hochwichtiges Feld der Thtigkeit, sondern auch von praktischem Werthe fr die Hebung der allgemeinen Vaterlandsliebe. Durch den wachsenden Einblicke in die Vorzge und Eigenthmlichkeiten der einzelnen ethnographischen Gruppen und ihre gegenseitige und materielle Abhngigkeit von einander muss das Gefhl der Solidaritt, welches alle Vlker unseres Vaterlandes verbinden soll, wesentlich gekrftigt werden.61 Diese wohlmeinenden Worte von allerhchster Warte fassten zusammen, was schon im Kleinen als Notwendigkeit empfunden und zu lsen versucht worden war. L. A. Staufe sind die Vorbereitungen zu diesem Projekt bekannt und die Publikation seiner Arbeit Die Vlkergruppen der Bukowina, 1884, erweckt den Eindruck, als ob Simiginowicz-Staufe unbedingt sich den Anspruch der Erste zu sein, sichern wollte. In seinem Schlusswort hebt er besonders hervor: Mein Versuch ist der erste; diese Prioritt nehme ich fr mich in Anspruch. Mir lagen keinerlei Vorarbeiten vor, die mir beilufig als Wegweiser gedient htten oder durch welche meine Anschauungen Modificationen htten erfahren mssen... Die Drftigkeit der von mir bentzten Angaben ist augenfllig; sie entspricht vollkommen der Unfertigkeit, die sich noch in allen unsern Bukowiner Verhltnissen kundgibt.62 Die Situation sollte sich jedoch Ende der 80er und zu Beginn der 90er Jahre des 19. Jahrhunderts rasch ndern. Die neue Generation war bereits ausgebildet und aktiv. Whrend Staufe 1884 die Beschreibung der Vlkergruppen alleine durchfhrt, stehen 1899, zwei Jahre nach seinem Tode, als der Band Bukowina erscheint, bereits bekannte Namen im Inhaltsverzeichnis; in der Rubrik Volkskunde: fr die Rumnen I. Sbiera und S. Fl. Marian, fr die Ruthenen - A. Manastyrski, fr die Huzulen R. Fr. Kaindl, fr die Lippowaner, Armenier und Zigeuner D. Dan, fr die Deutschen, Ungarn und Slovaken J. Polek. Unter anderem kommt neu hinzu die Abteilung: Rumnische Sprache und Literatur von I. Sbiera; Ruthenische Sprache und Literatur von E. Kaluniacki und Deutsche Literatur von R. Wolkan. L. A. SimiginowiczStaufe ist nur mit einem Abschnitt beteiligt, und zwar mit der Land61 Kronprinz Rudolf: Einleitung. In: Die sterreichisch-Ungarische Monarchie in Wort und Bild, Druck und Verlag der k. k. Hof- und Staatsdruckerei, Wien 1887, S. 5-6. 62 Simiginowicz-Staufe, L. A., Die Vlkergruppen der Bukowina. Con. R. Czapp, Czernowitz 1884, S. 197; Reprint: der Landsmannschaft der Buchenlanddeutschen, Landesverband Baden-Wrttemberg, Stuttgart-Bnau 1971.

630

Helga Stein

schaftlichen Schilderung der Bukowina.63 In der Einleitung zu Staufes Vlkergruppen der Bukowina, 1884, erlaubt sich dieser den harten Vergleich, dass Teile des Mondes besser bekannt seien, als manch ansehnlicher Teil unserer lieben Mutter Erde.64 Er beklagt, dass es oft Anlass zu lcherlichen Vorstellungen gebe, vor allem, wenn es sich um ethnographische und kulturgeschichtliche Verhltnisse handle. Unter solchen Umstnden drfte es wohl nur Pflicht der einheimischen Presse sein, so viel wie mglich zur richtigen Auffassung unseres ffentlichen Lebens beizutragen und falschen Ansichten zu begegnen, die ber Land und Leute, ber sociale, culturelle und sonstige Verhltnisse unserer Heimat Bukowina allenthalben im Schwunge sind.65 Nach einer kurzen geographischen und historischen Einfhrung geht er auf das Vlkergemisch der Bukowina ein und bezeichnet, wie so oft, die Bukowina in nationaler und konfessioneller Beziehung als Miniaturbild der Gesammtmonarchie.66 Sowohl Staufes Bevlkerungsgruppen der Bukowina von 1884, als auch der Band Bukowina in der Reihe Die sterreichisch-Ungarische Monarchie in Wort und Bild von 1899 erfassen die Situation der Bevlkerung des habsburgischen Kronlandes Bukowina so wie sie zwischen 1849-1919 bestand. Staufe gruppiert seine Beschreibungen der ethnischen Gruppen nach der Grsse der Bevlkerungszahl oder vielleicht besser gesagt nach Bodenstndigen und Zugewanderten: Rumnen, Russinen (Ruthenen), Huzulen, Lippowaner, Polen, Magyaren, Armenier, Zigeuner, Deutsche und Juden. Die Frage nach den ltesten Bewohnern, beantwortete er mit einer Sage, die diese Prioritt den Rumnen zugesteht. Fast alle Artikel sind nach dem gleichen Schema gearbeitet: ein kurzer geschichtlicher berblick, gegebenenfalls unter besonderer Bercksichtigung der Umstnde der Einwanderung, Lage der Wohngebiete, Bevlkerungszahl, Religion, physische Erscheinung, Tracht, Hausbau, soziale Gliederung, Religion, Brauchtum, vor allem Hochzeit, Tod, Aberglauben, Volksmedizin. Volksprosa, Volkslied, gelegentlich auch Volkstanz. Und nicht zuletzt den Stand von Bildung, Literatur, Presse und Wissenschaft allgemein. Dabei nennt er fr jede Ethnie den Stand der Bildungseinrichtungen, die bekanntesten und verdienstvollsten Mnner, die bedeutendsten Zeitschriften, die zur Kenntnis der Bukowina beigetragen haben und beitragen. Im Kapitel Rumnen67 anerkennt er zunchst die Prioritt der Rumnen in der Bukowina. Mit der Abarbeitung des vorgegebenen Schemas bringt er eine Flle von Daten zum Volksleben, zeigt eine erstaunliche Kenntniss aller Teile des Landes und deutet bereits verschiedene Entwicklungstendenzen an, die aus ethnographischer Nhe, Religionsgemeinschaft, bevlkerungsmssigem bergewicht, Mischehen und anderen Faktoren zu sog. Entnationalisierungstendenzen bestimmter Gruppen fhren. Zu den zahlreichen ethnographischen und volkskundlichen Daten (u.a. gibt er die Sage von der Baba Dochia wieder68), berichtet er auch von Musik und Tanz,
63 Simiginowicz-Staufe, L. A.: Landschaftliche Schilderung. In: Die sterreichisch-Ungarische Monarchie in Wort und Bild, Wien 1899, S. 348. 64 Simiginowicz-Staufe, L. A.: Die Vlkergruppen der Bukowina. Con. R. Czapp, Czernowitz 1884, S. 2. 65 Ibidem, S. 4. 66 Ibidem, S. 9. 67 Ibidem, S. 11-35. 68 Ibidem, S. 30.

Ludwig Adolf Staufe-Simiginowicz, ein Volks- und Landeskundler

631

erwhnt die Vorliebe zum Improvisieren im Gesang. Wohl auf das Kapitel Volkslied in seinem Band Romanische Poeten zurckgreifend, beschreibt er die Doina und das Tanzlied (Hora). Ein aus seinem Berufsleben kommender wichtiger Aspekt ist stets auch der Blick auf die Bildung und das Schulwesen. Im Falle der Rumnen kann er auch einen berblick ber den Stand des Literatur- und Pressewesens69 geben und zahlreiche Namen nennen. Vergleicht man dieses Kapitel mit dem von I. Sbiera und S. Fl. Marian im Band Bukowina der sterreichisch-Ungarischen Monographie in Wort und Bild, Wien 189970, so fllt auf, dass beide fast das gleiche Schema bentzen, letztere aber in ihren Beschreibungen genauer ist, ausfhrlicher, mit zahlreichen Volksbezeichnungen fr Kleidung, Haus und Speise, zahlreiche Redewendungen, anschaulichen Beschreibungen der Tnze und Spiele etc. Das Bild ihrer Volksgruppe gestalten die jungen Autoren lebendiger und vielfltiger, sprechen in diesem Kapitel aber nicht ber den Bildungstand und das Kulturleben; dem ist in der grossen Monographie von 1899 ein Extrakapitel gewidmet.71 Das zweitgrsste Kapitel befasst sich mit den Kleinrussen, Ruthenen oder auch Russinen genannt72. Hier hebt Staufe besonders hervor, dass eine starke Zuwanderung aus Galizien stattgefunden hat, und dass die zugewanderten jungen Burschen in der Bukowina vom Rekrutierungszwang befreit waren. Staufe bemerkt, dass durch religisen Einfluss, im Norden durch die rmisch-katholische Kirche, im Sden durch die griechisch-orthodoxe, bei gleicher Sprache im Gottesdienst, hnlicher Kleidung und hnlichen Lebensgewohnheiten im Laufe der Zeit eine Assimilierung zum Polnischen, resp. zum Rumnischen stattfindet, eine Tendenz, die er als Entnationalisierung bezeichnet. Ausfhrlich sind seine Beschreibungen von Tracht, Lebensund Jahresbrauchtum. Fr den Bereich des Aberglaubens und der Volksmedizin folgt er der Arbeit von Georg Kupczanko.73 Von den Volksliedern nennt er die Dumy und Dumki, die gerne historische Personen besingen. Besondere Verdienste um das russinische Volkslied gebhrt Nikolaus Ustianowicz, Pfarrer in Suceava, Isidor Worobkiewicz (alias Danilo Mlaka) und Gregor Kupczanko. Die Huzulen74 sind eine Bevlkerungsgruppe, die weitgehend zurckgezogen in den Waldgebieten der Karpaten lebt. Staufe erwhnt mehrere Aufenthalte in ihren Siedlungen und Husern, bei ihren Festen und kann nach eigener Anschauung ber sie berichten. Auch hebt er hervor, dass man hufig Huzulen wegen ihrer Schnheit und Stattlichkeit zu ffentlichen Festen, Erffnungen von Jahrmrkten und anderen Anlssen als Reitergruppen heranhole. Die Gruppe der Lippowaner75, wegen ihres Glaubens aus Russland vertrieben,
69 S. 35 nennt eine Reihe rumnischer Zeitschriften: Amicul poporului die Zeitung der Vereins zur Hebung der Volksbildung, Candela das kirchliche Monatsjournal, Aurora romana- die belletristische Zeitschrift und Stelua ein Volksblatt. 70 Die 3 Rumnen, S. 191- 228. 71 Sbiera, I.: Die rumnische Literatur und Sprache. In: Die sterreichisch-Ungarische Monarchie in Wort und Bild. Band: Bukowina, Wien 1899, S. 376-393. 72 Ibidem, S. 36-63. 73 Ibidem, S. 57 ff.: Kupcanko, G.: Hekotoryja istorjako-geograficeskia o Bukovine. M. P. Frica, Kiew, 1875. 74 Ibidem, S. 64-90; s. a. Simiginowicz-Staufe, L. A.: Die Huzulen. In: Die Heimat, Wien 8/1883, S. 56-58, 72-75. 75 Ibidem, S. 91-114.

632

Helga Stein

haben auch in der Bukowina als Fuhrleute und Obstzchter eine Heimat gefunden. Staufe behandelt sie bereits 1866 in der Skizze Die Lippowanen in der Bukowina.76 Obwohl sie nur eine kleine Gruppe sind, spaltet sie doch ihr Glaube, sog. Altglubige, in priesterlose und in priesterliche, d.h. mit und ohne Priester. Dem Vernehmen nach, berichtet Staufe, dass der Lippowaner generell keine besondere Neigung zu Musik und Tanz hat. Bei seinem Tanz, dem Kazaczok, ersetze er die Musik, durch Singen und Pfeifen. Obwohl der Autor allerlei Eigentmliches in besten Sinne zu berichten weiss, bedauert er, dass bisher nur ein einziger Mnch eine Zeitschrift Staro-obrjadek fr Altglubige herausbringen konnte, die aber wegen des fehlenden altrussischen Schriftsatzes nur in Kolomea gedruckt wird. Die Polen77, wie auch die Magyaren78 sind als Bewohner der Bukowina, durch ihren Beruf als Kaufmann, vor allem durch ihr Beamtentum ins Land gekommen. Durch die Abhngigkeit von der Verwaltung in Lemberg, bis 1848, konnten die Polen strker am ffentlichen Leben teilnehmen und haben hochverdiente Persnlichkeiten hervorgebracht. Der Pole neigt zu grosser Frmmigkeit und als eines der grssten Feste wird das Osterfest gefeiert. Zu den frhen Einwandern gehren die Magyaren, die sich aber in Sprache, Tracht und Brauch treu geblieben sind. Staufe berichtet ber sie aus eigenem Erleben und auf Grund von Befragungen. Zu ihren Beschftigungen gehren Viehzucht und Ackerbau. Um dem Kinde schon einzuprgen, bis wohin der elterliche Grund und Boden gehrt, fhrt der Vater den ltesten Sohn an seine Grenze, wo er ihm eine derbe Tracht Prgel verpasst, so dass das Kind die Grenze nie mehr vergisst, ein Brauch, der in Europa weithin als das sog. Grenzbeziehen bekannt ist und noch gepflegt wird. Ein kleines Kapitel widmet Staufe auch der relativ kleinen Gruppe von Armeniern79, Pchter, Pferdehndler und Kaufleute. In ihrer Tracht folgen die Armenier der des Deutschen und nur wenige Konservative behalten ihren morgenlndischen Habitus, der mit grosser Piett bis zu den Enkeln aufbewahrt wird. Einige Familien haben es durch ihren Wohlstand zu gehobener sozialer Stellung in der Bukowina gebracht. Dem Kapitel Zigeuner80 haftet eine gewisse Romantik an. Obwohl Staufe, wie er berichtet, sich bemht hat Zigeunerinnen zu befragen, musste er sich dann dennoch ihrer Kunst, der Wahrsagerei und des Amulettverkaufs beugen. Er geht auch auf die Unterschiede und das Verhltnis der inzwischen sesshaften und der wandernden Zigeuner ein. Eine besondere Stellung nimmt die Taufe ein, zu der man gerne einen Hochgestellten, einen Magnaten, als Paten erwhlt. Obwohl Staufe in diesem Kapitel auf eine zwei Jahre zuvor in der Heimat in Wien verffentlichten Artikel zurckgreift, fehlen in seinem Band ber die Vlkergruppen... die dort wiedergegebenen Liedtexte.

76 77 78 79 80

In: Illustrierte Deutsche Monatshefte, Westermann, Braunschweig, Nr. 9 /1866, S. 652-656. Ibidem S. 106-114. Ibidem, S. 115-125. Ibidem, S. 126-135. Ibidem, S. 136-147; ders.: Zigeunerleben und Zigeunerdichtung. Skizze von -: In: Die Heimat. Illustriertes Familienblatt, VII Jg. Bd. 1, Verlags-Expedition der Heimat in Wien, 1882, S. 375-378 mit 15 Texten von H. v. Wlislocki.

Ludwig Adolf Staufe-Simiginowicz, ein Volks- und Landeskundler

633

Die letzten beiden Kapitel beziehen sich auf die Deutschen81 und auf die Juden.82 ber die Deutschen vermag Staufe natrlich am meisten zu berichten. Beginnend mit der Einwanderung, der Siedlung, Kleidung, Ttigkeiten, Schulen, Sprichwrtern, Aberglauben, Hochzeiten, Kirchweih, etc. und dem beginnenden Kulturleben. Den Deutschen nahe verhielt sich die Judenschaft in der Bukowina, die zum grossen Teil aus Galizien herbergekommen war und in der Bukowina gewisse Vorteile genoss. Auch sie zerfallen in Orthodoxe und in moderne Juden. Letztere nahmen im allgemeinen deutsche Sitten und Gewohnheiten, deutsche Sprache und deutsche Kleidung an. Whrend die Orthodoxen zh an ihrem Althergebrachten halten. Das fhrte natrlich zu Spannungen innerhalb dieser Gruppe und berhrte vor allem deren Schulwesen. Staufe hatte offensichtlich an verschienen Sabbatfesten, Taufen oder Sterbefllen teilgenommen, so dass er diese genau beschreiben kann. Es ist schwer auf die einzelnen Kapitel, von denen ich hier nur einige Stichworte wiedergeben konnte, einzugehen. Staufe hat eine Flle von Daten, Beschreibungen, Benennungen gebracht. Die einzelnen Kapitel sind fr ihre Zeit eine bedeutende Quelle. Ein Vergleich mit dem 1899 erschienenen Band Bukowina in der sterreich-ungarischen Monarchie in Wort und Bild, der natrlich mit seinen geographisch - historischen, sprachlichen und literarischen Kapiteln ein ungleich umfassenderes Lebensbild dieses damaligen Kronlandes gibt, bleibt das Werk von 1899 im Bezug auf die Bevlkerungsgrupppen doch dem Vorbild Staufes treu. L. A. Staufe-Simiginowicz ist 1897 in Czernowitz verstorben und hat das Erscheinen dieses Bandes nicht mehr erlebt. Schlussbetrachtung Betrachtet man das vielseitige Wirken von Ludwig Adolf Staufe-Simiginowicz, so ist diese aus der Bildungs-, Literatur- und Wissenschaftsgeschichte der Bukowina nicht wegzudenken. Als Volkskundler im heutigen strengen Sinne kann er noch nicht angesehen werden. Fr seine Zeit ist er jedoch ein Vorreiter, Anreger, Wegebereiter und auch auf diesem Gebiet ein Brckenbauer. Das gilt zum einen fr seine Sammlungen, zum andern fr seine bersetzungen und vor allem fr seine Verffentlichungen. Wenn gleich man heute methodisch andere Ansprche stellt, so muss man ihm doch genaue Kenntnis seines Heimatlandes, und dessen Geschichte zugestehen. Durch seine journalistische Begabung gelang es ihm Aufmerksamkeit fr seine Heimat zu erregen und bestimmte Vorurteile mit fundierten Berichten und Sammlungen auszurumen. Mit seinen Sammlungen, bersetzungen und wenn auch nur kurzen Erluterungen konnte er sich dem sich ffnenden Feld der Lands- und Volkskunde einreihen. Die grossen Sammlungen von Sagen und Volksliedern aus der Bukowina, die er gegen Ende seines Lebens der ffentlichkeit bergibt, haben ihm einen festen Platz in den Reihen der Forscher des 19. Jahrhunderts gesichert. Aus dem Schlusswort seiner Arbeit ber die Vlkergruppen der Bukowina lautet das Credo seines Wirkens: Durch diese Bltter weht der Geist des Friedens und der Liebe. Ich habe mit gleicher Achtung und mit gleichem Patriotismus jede einzelne Vlkergruppe zu behandeln gesucht. Mge dieser wohlwollende Geist in allen Volksstmmen der Bukowina wohnen heute und immerdar.83
81 Ibidem, S. 150-180. 82 Ibidem, S. 181-194. 83 Die Vlkergruppen der Bukowina, S. 193.

i ndat purcese grea Nateri excepionale i destin ero(t)ic n basmul fantastic

romnesc

Petrua Teampu
Universitatea Babe-Bolyai
Unde se spun poveti n cas, acolo e Dumnezeu1.

Gilbert Durand, pornind de la un studiu al lui Charles Baudouin, consider c destinul mitic al eroului desvrit se nscrie n trei mari miteme solidare, n ordinea apariiei acestor structuri. Prima structur const n anunarea destinului excepional prin toate ntmplrile minunate care au nsoit naterea eroului i prin toate nchipuitele repetri de cte dou ori care tocmai prin repetare ntresc valoarea eroului. Cea de a doua este alctuit din faptele eroului i din biruina lui asupra multor primejdii. n sfrit, cea din urm marcheaz ndeplinirea misiunii eroului prin aflarea comorii sau a tainei pzite cu strnicie (s. n.)2. Lucrarea de fa i propune identificarea unei tipologii a naterii excepionale n basmul fantastic romnesc, natere care inaugureaz i condiioneaz un destin de excepie. Ipoteza aceasta este susinut i de afirmaia lui Gilbert Durand, conform cruia naterea adevratului erou nu este niciodat simpl, nu e niciodat clar. [] Naterii lipsite de fantezii i corespunde o platitudine a destinului3. n cazul nostru, un atare demers vizeaz decantarea aspectelor mitice specifice basmului, precum i a elementelor de ritual ce nsoesc evenimentul naterii n tradiia satului romnesc. Ceremonialul naterii, cel care nsoete Marele nceput al drumului existenial - afirm Lucia Berdan - dei nu mai pstreaz astzi n derularea sa secvene din scenariul mitic, are n arhetipurile sale o structur mitic, care se regsete n alte compartimente ale folclorului, n spe n basme, depozitare ale structurilor mitice4. O idee similar exprima acum mai bine de un secol Lazr ineanu (1895: 27): Credinele i obiceiurile locale gsesc un ecou n basme i unele dintr-nsele afl acolo un fel de refugiu, subzistnd mult timp chiar dup dispariia practicrii lor. Evenimentul naterii, rit de trecere fundamental, care, dup cum se exprima Simeon Florea Marian n Precuvntarea lucrrii dedicate acestuia, deschide lanul de datine
1 E. Niculi-Voronca, apud Ovidiu Brlea, Folclorul romnesc, vol.I, Bucureti: Minerva, 1981, p. 142 2 Gilbert Durand, Figuri mitice i chipuri ale operei, de la mitocritic la mitanaliz, Bucureti: Nemira, 1998, p. 174. 3 Ibidem. pp. 176-7. 4 Lucia Berdan, Feele destinului. Incursiuni n etnologia romneasc a riturilor de trecere, Iai: Editura Universitii Al. I. Cuza, 1999, p. 14.

636

Petrua Teampu

i credine care nferec viaa romnului de la natere pn la moarte5, i are i n basme ritualurile, normele i comportamentele specifice. n opinia lui Van Gennep, de obicei, ceremoniile sarcinii i ale naterii constituie un ntreg, nct deseori sunt executate rituri de separare care scot femeia gravid din societatea general, din cea familial, i, cteodat, chiar din societatea sexual6. Acest rit al izolrii femeii aflate ntr-o stare cu totul special poate fi pus n legtur cu motivul expunerii fetelor de mprat czute n pcat: cel mai adesea gonite n pdure sau alungate de la casa printeasc. La fel de importante sunt riturile implicate n ceremoniile legate de sarcin i natere; este vorba despre un mare numr de rituri simpatetice i contagioase, att directe, ct i indirecte, dinamiste i animiste, care au ca obiect uurarea travaliului i ocrotirea mamei i a copilului, deseori chiar a tatlui, a rudelor sau a ntregii familii, ori a clanului n totalitatea sa mpotriva influenelor malefice, impersonale sau personificate7. Astfel, J. G. Frazer, citndu-l pe J. Hillner, menioneaz n Creanga de aur, la seciunea Noduri i inele tabu, un obicei al sailor din Transilvania (i nu numai), i anume: cnd o femeie se afl n chinurile facerii, i se desfac toate nodurile de pe haine, crezndu-se c i se va uura naterea; i cu aceeai atenie se deschid n cas toate ncuietorile de la ui i lzi8. n ceea ce privete universul att de special al basmului, o prim observaie ar fi aceea c i n basme naterea st sub semnul imperativului care funcioneaz n mentalitatea popular, acela de a avea cu orice pre copii. Femeia care nu are copil, ne spune Simeon Florea Marian, se zice c nu e bun la Dumnezeu i din cauza aceea nu poate avea9. Ne putem face o idee despre drama cuplurilor fr copii din basmul Stan Bolovan (P-R, 197), n care era odat un om cu stare i cu socoteal [] cu un cuvnt avea tot ce-i trebuia. Cu toate acestea, ncazul i suprarea lui era aceea c n-avea copii. i se ruga bietul om zi i noapte, se ruga n coate i n genunchi s-i druiasc Dumnezeu copii, dar n zadar, c tot nu i se mplinea rugarea. Lipsa copiilor echivaleaz cu una din cele mai grave nempliniri; de aici, n basme se produce acea stare de tensiune i de ateptare care precede naterea eroului. De cele mai multe ori, evenimentul are loc n viaa unui cuplu dup ce vrsta biologic fireasc a fost de mult depit, ca marc a destinului neobinuit al eroului: Un unchia i o mtu, din tinere i pn la optzej d ani, nu le-a dat Dumnezeu nici un copil. La ietate d optzej d ani, s pomenete baba, sraca, cu burta mare! -Mi unchia, iac c ne-a da Dumnezeu i noo s-avem copii. Ieu am rmas nsrcinat!. -Vai de mine, f bab!. (B, I, 544, Un unchia a fcut un copil la 80 d ani). Alt observaie important cu privire la regimul naterii n universul basmului ar fi c acesta funcioneaz, ca i n lumea concret, sub imperiul unei aparente legi a compensaiei: de obicei, srcia face cas bun cu mulimea copiilor (n Ion SracuI: Era odat un om srac pe care-l chema Ion. Avea o cas d copii i n-avea nici ce s mnnce, P. A., 156), n timp ce oamenii cu stare sunt nemplinii sufletete; cnd, n cele din urm, urmaul copilul ateptat vine pe lume, faptul se petrece cnd cuplul
5 Simeon Florea Marian, Naterea la romni. Studiu etnografic, Bucureti: Editura Grai i SufletCultura naional, 1995, p. 1. 6 Arnold Van Gennep, Riturile de trecere, Iai. Polirom, 1996, p. 47. 7 Ibidem, pp. 47-8. 8 James George Frazer, Creanga de aur, Bucureti: Minerva, 1980, p. 216. 9 Simeon Florea Marian, op. cit., p. 12.

Nateri excepionale i destin ero(t)ic n basmul fantastic romnesc

637

e deja btrn, dar copilul se dovedete a fi nzestrat pentru un destin de excepie. Naterea eroilor de basm este n general urmarea unei conceptio magica n care sunt implicate o mare varietate de elemente: vegetale, animale, minerale etc.10. Fr ndoial, mentalitatea popular cu privire la conceperea copiiilor nu este strin, dup cum vom vedea, de multe din aceste scenarii mitice ale naterii. Un studiu interesant asupra acestui subiect este cel al Mariannei Mesnil, ntre barz i varz: miturile europene ale naterii. Fecunditatea, ne spune autoarea, se leag de un dincolo suprauman, unde starea dinainte de natere i cea de dup moarte se ntlnesc. Copii vin aadar de aiurea, adic de dincolo, o lume n general sinonim cu trmul strmoilor i rezervor de fecunditate al viilor. De acolo sunt pescuii, chemai, capturai. Adesea, aceste dou lumi apar separate de o ntindere de ap, fie un lac, o balt, o mlatin sau o fntn unde se pescuiesc sufletele, sub controlul unei redutabile diviniti feminine; sau este un ru unde se poate merge i vizita duhurile acvatice. n acest caz, apa constituie spaiul de mediere prin care comunic dou lumi bine desprite11. Dealtfel, apa joac un rol deosebit i n riturile romneti legate de sarcin i natere; Elena Niculi-Voronca amintete cteva (N-V, II, 208-9): femeia ngreunat s se pzeasc, s nu deie ap de but din mna ei la un brbat strein sau foc, s puie jos i de acolo s ia; c nu poate nate pn ce nu vine acela s-i dea ap din pumni s beie. De asemenea, la facere grea, cnd se trudete femeia, brbatul i d de trei ori ap din pumni, pe urm copiii i ali csai sau se toarn ap peste scnteiele ce sar din foc i se d s bea, s nasc iute, cum sar scnteiele12. Aspecte similare viznd existena prenatal a copiilor evideniaz i Van Gennep: sufletele (n sensul cel mai larg al cuvntului) ce se vor nate triesc sub pmnt sau n stnci. La diverse popoare se crede c ele triesc n arbori, n tufiuri, n flori sau legume, n pdure etc. (s. n., aspect important pentru relevana elementelor vegetale n conceptio magica din basmele romneti). De asemenea, este foarte rspndit ideea c viitorii copii triesc mai nti n fntni, izvoare, lacuri, ape curgtoare13. n ceea ce privete credina n naterile miraculoase din basme, unde femeia poate zmisli un copil consumnd orice product simboliznd smna vieii, fecunditatea: bob, mazre, rodie, nuc oscior de pete etc., Ivan Evseev o pune n relaie cu asimilarea naterii (a forei de reproducere a femeii) cu fertilitatea general a Pmntului mam a tuturor plantelor i vieuitoarelor14. Mai mult dect att, citndu-l pe Gustave Welter, Evseev consider c n gndirea primitiv un fenomen att de extraordinar ca naterea nu se putea datora unui act att de natural i banal cum e copulaia, tot aa cum nu puteau concepe c moartea este un sfrit15. Cu alte cuvinte, naterea, un eveniment crucial, nu poate avea o explicaie natural, ci
10 V. Lucia Berdan, op. cit., 14-15, pentru o expunere detaliat a acestor elemente. 11 Marianne Mesnil, Etnologul, ntre arpe i balaur; M. Mesnil, Assia Popova, Eseuri de mitologie balcanic, Bucureti: Paideia, 1997, pp. 74-5. 12 Nu ntmpltor, legat de rolul apei ca mediator ntre dou lumi i facilitator n riturile de trecere, exist numeroase credine printre care cele menionate de aceeai Elena Niculi-Voronca (op. cit., II, 210): Cnd nu poate omul muri, s-i toarne ap prin inelul de cununie i s-i deie s bea. 13 Van Gennep, op. cit., p. 57, citeaz dou studii relevante: A. Dieterich, Mutter Erde, Leipzig, 1905 i Dan MKenzie, Children and Wells, in Folk-lore, vol. XVIII, 1907 14 Ivan Evseev, Dicionar de simboluri i arhetipuri culturale, Timioara: Editura Amarcord, 1999, p. 308. 15 Ibidem, p. 308.

638

Petrua Teampu

implic neaprat o intervenie dac nu divin, cel puin una care scap cotidianului i banalului; cu att mai mult naterea eroului, cel care dovedete caliti ieite din comun i este protagonist al unui destin de excepie. n cele mai multe cazuri, naterea eroului nu este una ntmpltoare, ci se negociaz ntre diverii protagoniti, ca pentru a accentua caracterul excepional al evenimentului. Am identificat trei situaii de negociere a naterii eroului; prima, n care o fat promite, n cazul n care va fi luat de soie, s aduc pe lume copii cu caracteristici excepionale; a doua, n care eroul nsui, precoce, i negociaz din pntecele mamei venirea pe lume - i implicit destinul su ero(t)ic, condiionnd-o de o anume fgduin a prinilor (Raura Lun de soie, tineree fr btrnee i via fr de moarte etc.); n sfrit, a treia situaie de negociere are loc atunci cnd tatl, n necunotin de cauz, i promite unei fiine ne-naturale propria-i odrasl (motivul Ft-Frumos zlogit)16. Prima categorie, cea a promisiunii fetei de a aduce pe lume copii cu nsuiri excepionale, include n general variante ale tipului doi fei logofei cu prul de aur. Aurul, simbol solar i ntruchipare a perfeciunii, e regalitii i a divinitii17, apare pentru naratorul popular drept atributul ideal pentru un erou cu caliti de excepie, marcnd, n acelai timp, condiiile extraordinare ale naterii sale. Atributul de aur - consider Brlea intete plasticizarea calitilor celor mai nalte, cu mult deasupra valorilor cotidiene, pentru viziunea arhaic sublimul fiind tot att de strlucitor i inalterabil ca i aurul18. La Elena Niculi-Voronca avem variantele Doi fei logofei cu prul de aur, respectiv Doisprezece fei logofei cu prul de aur; un al treilea basm ncepe mai elaborat: o fat de mprat se mbolnvete i cei trei frai ai ei, care se dovedesc incapabili s-o ajute, sunt trimii n lume. Fata pleac dup ei, se angajeaz ntr-un legmnt de muenie pe trei ani pentru a-i dezlega de blestem, iar ntre timp apare ursitul i povestea i urmeaz cursul, cu naterea copiilor promii i intrigile dumancei (iganca, mateha) (NV, II, 294-7). Alte variante ale tipului doi fei logofei cu prul de aur: Blagovitenia (NV, II, 297), Pomul care cnt (NV, II, 298). n colecia citat a Viorici Nicov apare basmul Copiii de aur (N, 118): Un flcu mbrcat n straie de nunt sttea n faa casei printeti. [] Cum sttea el aa, trecu pe-acolo o fat chipe care se uit la el i zise: - De m-ar lua flcul sta de nevast, i-a face doi copii de aur. Auzind vorbele ei, flcul se rzgndi pe loc i se-nsur cu fata chipe. n varianta Brlea (B, II, 454), Cu un mprat, responsabile de intrigi se fac chiar surorile protagonistei. De asemenea, motivul este prezent i n culegerea lui Ion Pop-Reteganul, n basmul Copiii cu prul de aur (R, 76): Dac m-ai lua de nevast, nlimea ta, i-a face doi fei logofei cu prul de aur, o fat i un fecior, pe care n lume n-ar mai fi copii omeneti s-i ntreac n frumusee. n basmul Copiii n pustietate (P. A. 143), fata promite: Dac m-ar lua p mine fecioru d-mprat, eu i-a face trei fei logofei. I-ai face doi biei cu condeili la ureche i c-o stea n frunte i i-ai face o fat cu buzili d frunz verde, pru d aur, soarili-n piept, luna-spate, doi luceferi n doi umeri, spicu grului n vrfu capului. Variantele subsumate motivului negocierea din pntece sunt, la rndul lor, nu16 Motivul este inclus de ineanu n Ciclul juruinelor (1895, cap. IV,p. 346) 17 Evseev, op. cit., p. 49. 18 Brlea, op. cit., p. 186.

Nateri excepionale i destin ero(t)ic n basmul fantastic romnesc

639

meroase. Poate cel mai cunoscut basm n care eroul i negociaz naterea, condiionnd-o de o dorin aparent intangibil, este cel legat de numele lui Petre Ispirescu, Tineree fr btrnee i via fr de moarte. n general, scenariul debuteaz cu imposibilitatea naterii, uneori refuzul explicit al protagonistului de a se nate, pn cnd i se face o anumit promisiune, pentru mplinirea creia va debuta drumul iniiatic al eroului. n basmul Tineree fr btrnee i via fr de moarte din culegerea Viorici Nicov (N, 121), mai-nainte de-a veni ceasul naterii, copilul se puse pe-un plns, de n-a putut nici un vraci s-l mpace. Atunci mpratul a nceput s-i fgduiasc toate bunurile din lume, dar nici aa n-a fost cu putin s-l fac s tac. n cele din urm, mpratul promite: -Taci, ftul meu, c i-oi da Tineree fr btrnee i via fr de moarte!. Atunci copilul tcu i se nscu. Tot un scenariu de negociere a naterii avem n basmul Pipru fecior de-mprat i Raura Lun (N, 151): mprteasa porni grea i cnd era aproape de fcut, copilul plngea n dnsa i nu putea nate. Deci, mpratul porunci s vie toi doftorii i toate bab-meterele, dar numai una s-au aflat care s opreasc plnsul copilului i mprteasa s poat nate, zicnd mpratului: -Fgduiete-i pe Raura Lun, fat frumoas, care a fcut-o dousprezece babe din rou i vei vedea c va fi leac. Aa fcu mpratul i copilul tcu n pntecele mne-sa i se nscu. n basmul Petrior Ft Frumos (P. A., 3), eroul se nate, dar plnsul care marcheaz venirea pe lume pare fr leac: Iar el cnd s.a nscut, s-a nscut ntr-un plns, d nu putea niminia s-l opreasc. L-a botezat, a adus p popa, i-a citit cri, fel d fel d cri, ca s tot s opreasc plnsu. Iar n-au vrut. Pn cnd i-a gsit n carte i i-a citit -a spus aa: -Taci, Petrior! Nu mai plnge! C cnd oi veni la vrsta d cinpe ani, te-oi va da dup Ileana Cosnzeana dup a noo trmuri d jos, d unde un pai leagn -unu reazm!. Acelai destin ero(t)ic se prefigureaz i la naterea eroului conceput dintr-un bob de piper (motiv frecvent, cum se va vedea mai jos), Tipru (P. A., 126): i s-au dus ursresili n rai i-au rupt trei crci d-acolo, -au venit -au btut-o pe mprti d trei ori peste burt. i ce: -Nati, nati, Tipru-mprat, c i-oi lua p cucoana lu aitr-mprat. Cnd a auzit aa, pn-a btut-o d trei ori peste burt, a i nscut. n basmul Viteazu de ap (B, I, 380) eroul nu se poate nate: Iac-z dousprezece [luni], mprteasa nu face! ns-mprteasa o cptat un cerc di fer peste mijloc. n cele din urm, urmeaz fgduina: -Dragul tatii! Taci i nati! C dacai s fi ficior, am s- ieu pe Abrunca mndr i frumoas/care dn cosi/ floarea-i cnt/ care din gur/ aur i mrgritare-i curje!. Atunci au tcut bietu -a nscut dintr-o dat: on biet frumos, mndru gras. Ct o crete altu ntr-on an, iel cretentr-o dz. n sfrit, n Fata din dafin (, 297, N. D. Popescu), o mprteas rmase grea din leacurile unei ignci, care i vesti c nu se va bucura de biat, deoarece obosise buntatea lui Dumnezeu cu attea struine. Cnd s intre n a noua lun, copilu ncepu s plng i nu ncet dect fgduindu-i-se Fata din dafin. Motivul Ft Frumos zlogit apare n cteva basme, printre care i basmul omonim al lui Ion Pop-Reteganul. Un mprat aflat la ananghie primete o propunere avantajoas din partea unui personaj supranatural, n acest caz Craiul Zmeilor, demi fgduieti c-mi vei da ce n-ai acas. mpratul se gndete: Zice c s-i dau ce nu am acas; numai pe mine nu m am acas i ctanele mele, n cele din urm,

640

Petrua Teampu

necunoscnd c de fapt nlata mprteas nscuse un drag de copil n lipsa sa, accept i cade n capcan: -Fie! al tu s fie lucrul acela, care azi nu e al meu i-n casa mea nu se afl. n basmul Izbnda (P. A. 239), vnzarea este explicit; un om se rtcete prin pdure i accept ajutorul unui personaj, care-i spune: -M, dac tu mi dai izbnda ta, eu acu te sco afar i-ntr-un ceas eti acas; se ncheie i un contract: gata, l-a scris p hrtie. La vrsta de doisprezece ani, copilul i asum destinul: Mai am termen doi ani i plec de la dumneata. [] i m-ai dat diavolului. i io, acuma, zce, m duc s slujesc diavolului trei ani d zle. n Basmul cu Ft-Frumos i Fata Crivului (T, 163) un mprat ncheie un armistiiu cu rivalul su, Crivul, care-i cere n schimb ndejdea ta de-acas. Nu trecu mult i-mprteasa nscu un dolofan de biat leit tat-su: frumos i vioi de-i era drag lumea s te uii la dnsul. Schimbul este tranant expus de erou nsui: -De nu m dedeai pe mine, ai fi avut lupt i te-ar fi rpus dumanul; dndu-m, ai n schimb linite i pace. i cu una, i cu alta nu se poate!. n Fata Vidmei (NV, II, 79), un mprat se ntoarce de la btlie dup apte ani. Neputnd trece o ap, i iese nainte Necuratul i-i zice: Dac mi-i da tu ce ai acas, despre care nu tii tu, te voi trece. [] Cnd ajunge mpratul acas, gsete un bieel frumos de apte ani. n basmul Rudolf (B, I, 314) un pescar, depit de preteniile mpratului, nu mai poate prinde pete. Hotrte s-i pun capt zilelor, cnd apare din ap un domn care-i ofer ajutorul cu o condiie: Ae-z dau ieu i peti, dac ai s-n dai tu mni di-acas di la tini ei e n-ai tu la tirea ta!. Se semneaz un contract: i-o mucat degitu o smnat acuolo-n cuontract!. Ajuns acas, nevasta ateapt un copil. De-acuma ndat i-o intrat n cap c iel o dat aie nu-o avut la tirea lui, c nevasta lui i gravid i o dat copilu eladuomnu aela din ap!. V. I. Propp pune aceste zlogiri n relaie cu motivul vinderii diavolului n scop iniiatic. Tranzacia este nconjurat de mister: Lucrurilor nu li se spune pe nume. Copilul nu este menionat niciodat expressis verbis. ceea ce nu tii c ai acas constituie o expresie alegoric, specific unui sistem de organizaii secrete, ce vizeaz iniierea bieilor la vrsta pubertii (nu ntmpltor, termenul stabilit pentru luarea n primire a copilului promis este vrsta de 12-14, chiar 16 ani)19. Dup cum am precizat anterior, elementele implicate n conceptio magica sunt extrem de variate, printre acestea numrndu-se att cele de natur vegetal (fructe, fasole, piper, lemn, frunze, flori, buruieni etc.), ct i spiritual (privire, cuvnt, njurtur). Unul dintre cele mai rspndite motive este cel al fecundrii prin nghiirea unui bob de piper. Basmele construite n jurul eroului nscut din piper au n general un scenariu similar: dup pierderea altor copii, rpii de zmeu, un cuplu (mo-bab, mprat-mprteas) are n mod miraculos un copil prin ngurgitarea unui bob de piper gsit, n general, n timp ce femeia mtura prin cas. Crescnd vertiginos, eroul i inaugureaz destinul excepional, pornind n cutarea frailor, nsoindu-se cu Voinicul Florilor (Florea nflorit) i luptndu-se cu Ciuda Lumii sau alte personaje malefice. Trebuie s remarcm aici aciunea prezent n majoritatea scenariilor de acest
19 V. I. Propp, Rdcinile istorice ale basmului fantastic, Bucureti: Univers, 1973, p. 95.

Nateri excepionale i destin ero(t)ic n basmul fantastic romnesc

641

tip, aceea de mturare, care pare s intermedieze fecundarea (piperul este n general gsit cnd femeia mtur prin cas). Aciune aparent banal i domestic, mturarea nsemna cndva instituirea unui spaiu culturalizat (cosmos) i separarea lui de teritoriul dezordinii i al murdriei, acesta din urm semnificnd haosul. Mai mult dect att, mtura este considerat simbol falic, dei materialele etnografice atest ambivalena ei sexual: coada - simbol masculin, mtura (crengile i frunzele) simbol feminin20. n definiia Antoanetei Olteanu, modest instrument casnic n aparen, mtura nu este mai puin semnul i simbolul puterii sacre21. De asemenea, mtura cunoate n mentalitatea popular valene apotropaice i face obiectul a numeroase interdicii: ncrcat cu numeroase virtui magice [] era utilizat n gospodrie n toate situaiile-limit22. n basmul Petrea Piperiul, Voinicul Florilor i Ciuda Lumii (N 132) mprteasa vduv i scptat ajunge s-i mture singur casa i gsete un fir de piperi jos, care este nghiit: Ian sti tu, c te-oi lua-n gur, c de aici tiu c nu-i mai pute sri jos!. Situaia ia ntorstura cunoscut: dar mprteasa, mturnd aa cu el n gur casa, socotea n tot chipul, ori ce fel de piperi s fie acesta, i rmnnd aa adncit n cugete, s-au uitat i-au nghiit piperiul acela cu tiopitul. Cum l-au nghiit, au i purces ngreunat, i au nscut un fiu, cruia i-au pus numele Petrea Piperiul. De remarcat n acest scenariu episodul n care Petrea aude n pntecele mamei strigtul Voinicului Florilor (cnd Ciuda Lumii i smulge jumtate din inim), episod ce ar putea fi interpretat ca o marc a predestinrii eroului. n aceeai culegere avem varianta Pipru Petrul Ft-Frumos (N 230). Personajele sunt acum plasate ntr-un mediu mai familiar povestitorului (i auditoriului su): un moneag i o bab, buni gospodari. Cuplul pierde o fat i doi feciori pn la episodul naterii miraculoase a eroului din bobul de piper fr stare: Ardi-ti-ar focu di piper di cti ori ti-am pus ieu pi ferest tu tot sai gios. l-o luat l-o bgat n gur l-o-nghit. Di-acole o purces groas -o fcut un copil, -aa crete copilu, c-n ci cias l-o nscut iel ca cum ar fi fost di-o lun i crete ca din ap. O variant similar, pn la un punct cel puin, apare la Ion Pop Reteganul: Pipru Petru i Florea nflorit (R, 261). Btrna vduv mtur prin cas zicnd rugciunile i gsete firul de piper. n cele din urm l bg n gur i zicnd rugciunile l scp pe grumazi la vale. Din minuta aceea vduva prinde grea i la nou luni face un drag de fecior de s mai fi avut doi ochi s te uii la el (s.n., dup cum se observ, credina n intervenia divin transpare aici n text). O povestire interesant culege Elena Niculi-Voronca (NV, I, 406): Chipru bun viteaz, finul lui Dumnezeu. Dup cum spune i titlul, elementul novator aici este consacrarea direct a eroului, pe un scenariu cretin (nire). Un cuplu n vrst are un biat (de precizat c aciunea se mut din cadrul domestic clasic, lipsind i mtura cu simbolistica sa): ducnd baba la ciread vaca, gsi pe drum un fir de chiperi i-l nghii. Din acel fir de chiperi, purcese ea grea i fcu un biet. De ruine, cuplul evit s-l boteze. Ca atare, Dumnezeu nsui, mpreun cu Sf. Petru, se ceru s fie el cumtru la monegi. Numai a ieit afar -a ameninat i pe loc s-a fcut i pop i dascal, i cristelni, i toate cele trebuitoare la botez.
20 Evseev, op. cit., p. 281. 21 Antoaneta Olteanu, Metamorfozele sacrului. Dicionar de mitologie popular, Bucureti: Paideia, 1998, p. 289. 22 Ibidem, p. 194.

642

Petrua Teampu

Tot acelai tip de consacrare direct a eroului avem ntr-un basm succint i ecclectic (NV, II, 433): Busuioc, finul lui Dumnezeu, Floarea, fina lui Dumnezeu. Episodul concepiei accentueaz ideea puritii protagonistei: A fost o fat de mprat curat i pzit ca un nger. ntr-o zi, ea sta n cerdac -aude pe drum pe-un om c-un car de chiperi strignd: hai la chiperi! hai la chiperi! A trimes i ea s-i cumpere trei fire s nghit, c-o durea la stomah (s.n., a se vedea analogia stomac-uter, M. Mesnil), i cum a nghiit un fir a purces ngreunat. Urmeaz episodul expunerii n pdure, ntr-o botor de copac. Acolo Dumnezeu i Sf. Petru au trecut -au blagoslovit copacul de s-au fcut palat i pe copil l-au botezat cu numele de Busuioc, finul lui Dumnezeu. Alt element vegetal responsabil de fecundarea magic este fasolea (bobul); trebuie menionat c acest element implic vdite aluzii sexuale, conform Dicionarului de simboluri al lui J. Chevalier i A. Gheerbrant; astfel, n strvechea Indie, semnatul boabelor de fasole pare s fi jucat un rol de magie erotic, din pricina asemnrii dintre bob i testicul23. n basmul Sfntul Ioan i Sfnta Duminic (N-V, I, 410), un mprat avea o fat i i-a dat fetei bob s samene, dar i-a zis c s nu mnnce. Ea a smnat i i-a rmas un fir i l-a mncat. mpratul cnd a auzit de asta a luat-o i a alungat-o. S-a dus ea, s-a dus, a ajuns ntr-o pdure; acolo din bobul acela a fcut un copil i-l cretea (s.n.). Tot la E. Niculi-Voronca (N-V, II, 232) gsim povestea Fetei cu ochii scoi n care unei femei i-a venit poft de psti (fasole) i s-a dus la sora sa n sat s-i aduc. Cnd a venit acas, a gsit-o de copil (s. n.). Un fruct predilect n situaiile de fecundare magic este mrul, nu ntmpltor considerat simbol al vieii, al tinereii i dragostei, dar i al pcatului, al ispitelor trupeti24. ineanu atribuie i el o valoare afrodisiac mrului (, 969). Mrul este elementul responsabil de fecundarea contra firii a unui brbat, n basme ca Fata moului sau Codreana Snziana, dup cum se va vedea mai jos. De asemenea, tot n sfera virtuilor erotice ale mrului se nscrie folosirea sa pentru recunoaterea potenialului tat: fata de mprat rmas nsrcinat las s cad un mr, care merge direct la acesta (un exemplu gsim mai jos n Ion Lenea). Motivul copilului nscut, sau care, mai precis, prinde via dintr-o bucat de lemn (asemeni clasicului Pinocchio), cunoate cteva atestri, ndeosebi pentru varianta copilului din tei. Cobornd la simbolistica acestui tip de genez a eroului, trebuie spus c n mitologia i n simbolistica popular, n care pomii au semnificaii masculine i feminine, teiul, n opoziie cu stejarul, este un arbore feminin i matern25. n basmul Ionic Ram-de-Tei (Pp, 31) un pdurar lipsit de copii pleac, de gura nevestei, n pdure i cioplete dintr-un ram de tei o frumusee de copil, de puteai s juri c-i adevrat. De altfel, femeia pdurarului se comport ca i cum ar fi un copil real: ndat a pus ap la nclzit, a bit copilul de lemn, l-a frecat bine cu untur pe la toate ncheieturile, i, dup ce l-a bit, s-a apucat i a rupt nite fuste mai vechi i cmi de-ale ei i l-a nfat, apoi l-a pus ntr-o covat i d-i cu legnatul. Metamorfozarea se petrece abia n urma vizitei a doi monegi, care nu numai c boteaz copilul, dar i i druiesc o sabie fermecat i un buzdugan i doi juncani, elemente
23 Jean Chevalier i Alain Gheerbrant, Dicionar de simboluri. Mituri, vise, obiceiuri, gesturi, forme, figuri, culori, numere, Bucureti: Artemis, 1995, p. 37. 24 Evseev, op. cit., p. 277. 25 Ibidem, p. 458.

Nateri excepionale i destin ero(t)ic n basmul fantastic romnesc

643

care vor nsoi eroul n drumul su. Tot din lemn de tei se va nate i eroul din basmul Tei legnat (B, I, 240). Nevasta unui om srac i fr copii are un vis: ce s mi unchiau afar, dn curteafar i ce i-o iei-nainte, s vie la baba, s-l scalde i s-l spele, ca p copil; sentrupeaz copil. Unchiau gsete un tiup d lemn d tei. n povestea Biatul de lemn (N-V, II, 379) gsim un copil cioplit din lemn, fr s se specifice un anumit tip: A fost o bab i un moneag i n-aveau copii. ntr-o zi se duse moneagul la pdure dup lemne; gsete un lemn potrivit i cioplete din el un copil. Gndete el: Hai dar la baba acas i s-a bucura; vom avea i noi mcar atta copil. Doi monegi n pdure se ofer s-l boteze. Cnd l-a scos din ap, era amu viu. Na-i, moule, copilul i na-i i un dar de la noi. Cnd a spus Dumnezeu aa, s-a fcut acolo o vac neagr. Florile, asociate feminitii i senzualitii, joac i ele un rol deloc neglijabil n tipologia concepiilor miraculoase. Astfel, n basmul Busuioc i Magheran, menionat de ineanu (, 612, Gr. Sima) o fat de mprat rmase mpovrat dintr-o floare de trandafir. O alta, n basmul Florian (, 656, Schott), cu toate c tria desprit de toat lumea, ntr-un palat singuratic, rmase grea sorbind o butur din flori roii. Oropsit de tat-su ntr-un butoi pe mare, nscu acolo pe Florian (copil din flori) care de la natere avea putere de uria (s. n.). Un scenariu similar (incluznd izolarea fetei de mprat i parthenogeneza) gsim n basmul Dunra i Sfnta Duminic (N-V, II, 231), unde la baza concepiei miraculoase st o frunz: era un mprat -avea o fat frumoas cum nu se mai putea; a luat-o -a pus-o ntr-un hrzob nalt, s nu ajung nime la dnsa. Dar se face o vntoas mare i-i aduce o frunz; ea din frunza ceea a prins aa de frumos a cnta i a rmas ngreunat(s. n.). Exist un scenariu special al concepiei miraculoase, acela al toposului ncrcat de magie erotic, fie explicit, ca n basmul de mai jos n care virtuile grdinii interzise sunt cunoscute, fie insinuat, cnd toposul magic este pdurea, spaiu clasicizat de expunere a copiilor nedorii sau pedepsii, cu toate valenele iniiatice care i se atribuie (V. I. Propp, op. cit.). Aici se ncadreaz motivul grdinii, ca paradis vegetal i obiect al interdiciei, a crei nclcare duce la fecundarea magic i, implicit, pedepsirea vinovatei (vinovat de nclcarea interdiciei, o form de cdere n pcat). n basmul Urm Galbin i Pipru Petru (P-R, 295), un mprat are o grdin fermecat, dar fermecat, nu glum, att de fermecat, de ea fcea minuni cu oamenii care treceau pe lng ea, c de cumva cel ce trecea pe lng ea era tnr se fcea btrn, de era btrn se fcea tnr, de era fat sau nevast, devenea mpovrat. Fata mpratului, o drguli de fat, colea ca fetele de mprat, mndr ct gndeai c s-i bei ap din gur, n ciuda precauiilor (o inea nchis ntr-o chilie din curile lui, i de acolo nu o lsa nicicnd afar), calc interdicia i rmne nsrcinat. Simbolistica grdinii este oarecum previzibil: Grdina este simbolul Raiului pmntesc, al Cosmosului al crui centru este, al Paradisului celest pe care l ntruchipeaz, al strilor spirituale care corespund ederilor n Paradis. [] Grdina apare adesea n visuri ca o expresie fericit a unei dorine eliberate de orice anxietate. Este locul creterii, al cultivrii fenomenelor vitale i interioare26.
26 J. Chevalier i A. Gheerbrant, op. cit., pp. 107, 111.

644

Petrua Teampu

n basmul Voinic de codru (B, I, 366) un uom cu femeia se rtcesc n pdure. Dup un an, brbatul moare subit i femeia, rmas singur, t s roag lu Dumnezo ia, t s roag, t s roag dz noapte, t s roag. Cnd i-odat, i femeia groas! la un an dup ce i-o murit brbatu, i groas. Amu-i suprat iar ru. Cnd s nasc, e vizitat de Dumnezeu i Sf. Petru, care boteaz pruncul Voinic de codru: io puz numele lui, c-ae l-o botezat Sf. Petru i cu Cristos, o fo p-acolo. Tot un topos magic se insinueaz i n basmul Copiii negrilor (P, A, 159): un mprat fr copii este povuit de un preot s-i lase rostul i s plece noo ani d zile ara n lungi i-n curmezi. Plecnd n lume, dup nou ani ajunge la un pru unde-i face o surl cu doo desprituri, cum ar fi doo odi. n aceeai sear, mprteasa nate doi copii negri cum e piperu [sic] i viteji cumpna pmntului. Copiii pleac n lume, iar ntre timp mama lor mai d natere unei fete, care pleac s-i caute. Ajunge la castelul pe care fraii ei l eliberaser de o stafie i acolo, ntr-o odaie interzis, d peste o grmad de capete d viteji omorte d stafia aia. i toate capetili era moarte, numa capu lui Chearchir-Chearchir Viteazu, d viteaz ce-a fost, capu nu i-a murit. i, cum a vzut-o p fat, s-a repezit n gtu ei i-a srutat-o i, cum a srutat-o, a rmas fata boroas. Elementele de natur spiritual implicate n conceptio magica nu sunt att de frecvente precum cele vegetale, de pild; totui, ntlnim situaii de fecundare n urma unei imprecaii, a unei simple adresri, a unei priviri sau a unei stri de intens tristee. n cunoscutul basm de inspiraie popular al lui Eminescu, Ft Frumos din lacrim, o mprteas se roag Maicii Domnului. nduplecat de rugciunile mprtesei ngenunchiate, pleoapele icoanei reci se umezir i o lacrim curse din ochiul cel negru al mamei lui Dumnezeu. mprteasa se ridic n toat mreaa ei statur, atinse cu buza ei seac lacrima cea rece i o supse n adncul sufletului su. Din momentul acela ea purcese ngreunat27. n basmul Voinicul fr tat (, 656, Ispirescu) o fat de mprat rmase grea din vedere. Nu ntmpltor, citndu-l pe R. Nelli, Gilbert Durand scrie c privirea ar fi pentru mascul sinonimul coitului28. n povestea Ion Lenea (N-V, II, 266), o fat de mprat l batjocorete pe erou; el s-a uitat la fata mpratului -a suduit-o, i din sudalma ceea a purces fata grea(s. n.). De asemenea, n cteva basme (a se vedea mai jos Craiovisin, Petrea Fiul oii), fecundarea se petrece n urma unei imprecaii aparent nevinovate; Evseev, ns, pune n lumin caracterul deloc nevinovat al unei imprecaii, considernd njurtura o form a magiei verbale, un relict degradat al descntecului i blestemului29. Animalele implicate n natio magica reprezint un motiv foarte frecvent n basme, fie c un animal, ngurgitat sau nu, provoac fecundarea, fie c un animal d natere el nsui eroului, fie c, n sfrit, un animal gsit se metamorfozeaz n cele din urm n erou pentru a-i urma cursul firesc al destinului (cstoria cu fata de mprat, dup o succesiune de probe). Petii, uneori singularizai (mrean, crap), alteori un pete generic, dar cu trsturi supranaturale (de aur), sunt foarte numeroi, alturi de alte vieuitoare acvatice (rac) n zmislirile miraculoase din basme. n opinia lui Evseev, petele are un
27 Mihai Eminescu, Proz, Bucureti: Editura Albatros, 1976, p. 2. 28 Durand, op. cit., p. 187. 29 Evseev, op. cit., p. 224.

Nateri excepionale i destin ero(t)ic n basmul fantastic romnesc

645

pronunat substrat sexual, ns prezint vdite semne ale ambivalenei: apare att ca simbol matricial feminin, ct i ca simbol falic30. n marea peste care mpratul din basmul Viteazu de ap (B, I, 380) face un pod din tt fieru ct o fos pi faa pmntului n ar la dnsu, triete un pete i cini va prindi petili cela i [] l-a spinteca n dou i va lua ficatu din pete, va frige-o bucc pi foc i va da lannlteasa-mprteasa, va pleca nnlteasa-mprteasa groas, va face um ficior care va spuni Viteazu de ap. Un alt cuplu de mprai care i-au pierdut ndejdea de a mai avea copii ntlnim n basmul Mr i Pr (PR, 212). Venind ntr-o zi de la biseric, trec peste un pod i zresc n ap un pete foarte frumos; mprteasa prinde poft de pete. Pescarii prind un pete, din care va mnca att mprteasa, ct i buctreasa iganc i ceaua. La nou luni de la mncarea petelui, mprteasa a nscut un copila frumos, pe carel-a numit Mr. Buctreasa l nate pe Pr, cu care fiul de mprat seamn parc ar fi fost chiar frai gemeni i la un cost; ba chiar s-au fcut frai de cruce, jurndu-i dragoste vecinic. Identitatea celor doi este suprtoare pentru mprteas, care l nseamn cu fierul rou pe Mr, ceea ce determin o modificare de destin: -Mam, mi-ai mncat norocul! Fr noroc voi fi deci n lume i pn-atunci nu m odihnesc, pn ce nu-mi capt iar norocul, cci fr noroc nu pot sta. n ceea ce privete motivul gemenilor nscui din acelai element care genereaz o fecundare miraculoas (pete, mr etc.), trebuie menionat c similaritatea lor nu este una ntmpltoare, ci se leag de o anumit concepie proprie mentalitii populare, cu privire la gemeni. Naterea lor nu poate fi normal; se crede chiar c femeia care a nscut gemeni trebuie s fi mncat n perioada sarcinii fructe ngemnate. Dei nscui de femei diferite, de condiie social diferit (mprteasa i buctreasa), destinul eroilor din basme concepui miraculos este condiionat de aceast particularitate; astfel, Elena Platon scrie c n mentalitatea arhaic, concomitena naterii plaseaz indivizii ntr-un raport de frietate31. n basmul Cu Odolean, fecioru Boldicu (B, I, 258), un mprat fr copii d sfoar-n ar i solicit ajutor. Un moneag prinde o umbrian cu capu tt numa di aur, att di mndr i di frumoas. pi capu umbrenii scrie: Cini s-a afla -a prindi petili ista, i-a lua tti ciolnelili din capu lui li-a usca li-a frma, cini nu faci copii, va be oleac di caf va faci copii. Servitoarea mprtesei, Boldicua, bea i ea i cn o plecat mprteasa groas, o plecat Boldicua groas. Iaca iapa a fta: tos tri! Bini!. Urmarea: Iac, nimnic vorb, cn la nou luni di zli, faci-mprteasa om biet tt numai cu pru di aur, frumos. Iaca Boldicua faci om biet cu pru di aur, ca -mprteasa. n colecia Vorici Nicov (1979: 156) gsim basmul Cei doi frai cu prul de aur, n care biatul unei vduve srace prinde cu o undi primit de la fata mpratului un pete mare, mare de tot, care avea i darul graiului, i care i spune: -Biete, s nu m mnnci tu! Spintec-m, d capul calului, coada azvrle-o cinelui, iar mijlocul d-l maic-tii. Iapa fcu doi mnji mndri de aur, ceaua doi celandri tot de aur, iar vduva, cnd spintec mijlocul gsi acolo doi fei frumoi cu prul i vetmintele de aur care, firete, creteau ntr-un ceas ct ntr-o zi, ntr-o zi ct ntr-o
30 Ibidem, p. 458. 31 Elena Platon, Fria de cruce. O form arhaic de solidaritate uman, Presa Universitar Clujean, 2000

646

Petrua Teampu

lun, ntr-o lun ct ntr-un an. Foarte frecvent n astfel de scenarii pare a fi crapul, care reprezint n simbolistica asiatic, conform opiniei lui I. Evseev, un semn al virilitii i supremaiei intelectuale, fiind considerat un animal de bun augur, vehicul i mesager al zeilor32. Astfel, n Povestea lui Crap Nzdrvan (PP, 52), o mprteas fr copii viseaz o btrnic nalt i subire, mbrcat de sus pn jos n straie albe, care o povuiete s mnce puiul de crap pe care mpratul urmeaz s-l prind la iaz nainte de rsritul soarelui. La soroc, mprteasa fcu un biat voinic i frumos de nu-i mai puteai lua ochii de pe el. Pe ct era de frumos, mai era nzestrat i cu un inel de aur pe degetul mic, de nu puteai s te uii la el (s. n.). n basmul lui Sbiera, Petrea Ft Frumos (, 614), o mprteas, nvat de o bab, mnc o mrean codalb, din care gust i buctreasa, iar coteica nghiise picioarele: mprteasa, iganca i ceaua rmaser nsrcinate i nscur tustrele cte un fecior frumos, nzdrvan i cu prul de aur. Tot ineanu (, 596) menioneaz basmul lui Ispirescu Luceafrul de ziu i Luceafrul de noapte, n care, n urma unui vis, mprteasa mnc dintr-un pete de aur prins de mprat i-l nate pe Busuioc; servitoarea, mncnd i ea oasele petelui, l va nate pe geamnul lui Busuioc, Siminoc (s. n.). De asemenea, studiul lui ineanu menioneaz, n perspectiv comparativ, numeroase alte variante, printre care una srb (Cei trei ipari), maghiar (Cei trei fii de mprat), rus (Ivan Devici), loren (Fiii pescarului), breton (Regele petilor), italian din Pisa (Noriorul), florentin (Vrjitorul cu apte capete), sicilian (Cei doi frai), portughez (Bucile petelui) etc. Destul de frecvent este i motivul animalului gsit care se metamorfozeaz n copil n urma unor ritualuri de magie simpatetic: animalul (sau, cum s-a vzut deja, o simpl bucat de lemn) este tratat ca un copil, mbiat, legnat, iubit, hrnit, i se vorbete etc. Gsim acest motiv n dou poveti culese de E. Niculi-Voronca; ntr-una (N-V, II, 163) un mo i o bab fr copii se hotrsc s adopte fiina care le va iei mai nti n cale. Iat c mergnd moneagul cu capul n jos gsete un erpe mititel. L-a adus acas i l-a pus pe cuptor. Hrnindu-l ei bine, s-a fcut din erpiorul acela, n scurt timp, cocogeamite balaur. n Pan Racochi (N-V, II, 165) un brbat fr copii prinde la pescuit un rac. Pe aista, gndete omul, n-am s-l mnnc, tot n-avem copii, s ne fie nou copil. L-a adus acas i l-a pus ntr-un ciubr. Pn-la anul, n ziua aceea, s-a umplut ciubrul de dnsul. n general, scenariul animalului gsit care se metamorfozeaz se ncadreaz n tipologia Amor i Psyche; animalul este un Ft Frumos blestemat care, cstorit cu fata de mprat, i leapd nveliul animal i revine la starea sa uman. Pe aceast tipologie se poate plia i basmul Dimancea-Bucic de Carne (N, 416); nscut sub forma dizgraioas a unui bo de carne, eroul se metamorfozeaz n noaptea nunii: cnd s-au bgat i ei n odaie s se culce, a ieit din bucata aia d carne un ft logoft, p soare puteai s ii ochii, dar p el nu. i numai un det de-al lui de la picior lumina ca toate becurili din Bucureti. Dou tipologii mai slab reprezentate n basmul romnesc, dar ambele n egal msur excepionale, sunt cea a eroului nscut din animal i cea a eroului nscut de un brbat. Primul motiv l gsim n cteva basme, printre care Craiovisin (N, 299). Un pop avea o vac atta d rea nct nu se mai putea, ziua trebuia s alerge pste
32 Evseev, op. cit., p. 114.

Nateri excepionale i destin ero(t)ic n basmul fantastic romnesc

647

nou hotare i noaptea s bliga nou care, dnd mult btaie de cap ngrijitorilor ei. Unul dintre acetia, ntr-o zi, vznd umblrile vacii, ncepu s-o njure, iar vaca, ndat ce a auzit, s-a fcut nevzut i pzitoru a chierdut-o din ochi. [] Vaca s-a dus la poalele munilor unde s-a aezat ntr-un loc ferit -a nscut, n loc d viel ca toate vacile, a nscut un om, sau cum s zic? un pui d voinic. Dn ceasul naterii mama biatului, adic vaca, l-a botezat ntr-un pru care trecea p lng locul la i i-a pus numele Craiovisin, hiindc vaca vorghea cu gura ca orcare om, ns nu tia nimenea (s. n.)33. Tot nscut dintr-un animal, o ursoaic, de data aceasta n urma mpreunrii cu un om, este copilul din Popa brda (B, II, 421). Ovidiu Brlea amintete basmul Petre Fiul oii (al lui Th. M. Arsenie) n care asistm la scena incredibil a unei nateri n care magicul apare tocmai n acest stadiu-limit, rod al vervei fanteziste altoit pe o viziune cu totul primitiv: un cioban frumos, frumuel vznd c una din oi rmase n urm i zise br oaie - i-i dete cu piciorul, oaia rmase ndat grea. Peste nou luni, oaia nscu un biat i botezndu-l i puse numele de Petre. Brlea se declar intrigat de resorturile acestei fecundri miraculoase i trece n revist cteva posibile explicaii: magia cuvntului (br, oaie), magia prin contact (lovirea cu piciorul) sau magia prin similitudine (frumuseea ciobanului de atare grad, nct putea provoca germinarea unei fiine similare)34. Trebuie remarcat c n ambele cazuri, animalul fecundat miraculos nu este unul obinuit, ci posed caliti cvasi-umane, ceea ce ne face s intuim c e vorba de o fiin uman aflat sub vraj. Tot o natere miraculoas este i aceea n care protagonistul este, contra firii, un brbat. ineanu amintete dou exemple. Unul este basmul lui Delavrancea Fata moului (, 308), n care un unchia, cptnd de la Sf. Vineri un mr i mncndul, o fat i se nscu din pulp; cellalt este Codreana Snziana (, 308, Pompiliu), n care un alt unchea, plecnd n lume s caute un copil de suflet, primete de la un pustnic btrn dou jumti de mr, una pentru sine i alta pentru nevast-sa. Pe drum, de sete, mnc jumtatea babei i n-apuc s-nghi bine, c-l lovir durerile de facere i, punndu-se jos pe florile de snziene, adormi ca mort. Cnd se detept, minune! gsi lng el o feti i lng feti pe ngerul Domnului, care o botez Codreana Snziana. Motivul mai este prezent i n basmul Fata moului, cules de Maria Ioni, unde elementul fecundant este tot mrul35. n ambele cazuri avem de a face cu situaii limit, care demonstreaz nc o dat caracterul de dou ori excepional al genezei eroului, prin concepie i prin naterea popriu-zis. Odat copilul nscut, basmul urmeaz scenariul ritual tradiional: sunt ateptate, acolo unde eroul nu i-a negociat singur destinul, cum s-a vzut, ursitoarele. Conform credinelor consemnate de Elena Niculi-Voronca, ursitele sunt nou femei. [] Ele totuna torc i destorc: m rog, lumea e mare! Pentru fiecare ele lucr s-i vie partea: torc zilele omului, - viaa -, i destorc i deapn. Pe cine vrau, l nzilesc; pe cine vrau, l omoar36. Episodul ursitoarelor este plasat de mentalitatea popular sub imperativul a cteva credine: prima este aceea c mai nainte, n vremuri de inim curat, oamenii
33 34 35 36 Dup cum s-a vzut, njurtura are valoare fecundatoare n basm. Brlea, op. cit., pp. 163-4. Ioni, Drumul Urieilor, 1986, apud Berdan, op. cit., p. 21. Tudor Pamfile, Mitologie romneasc, Bucureti: Editura ALLFA, 1997, p. 15.

648

Petrua Teampu

le vedeau37. O credin similar consemneaz i Simeon Florea Marian, plasnd realitatea ursitoarelor ntr-un timp mitic, n care oamenii demonstrau virtui deosebite: n timpurile vechi, pe cnd oamenii erau mai buni, mai drepi i mai priincioi, i nu aa de ri, invidioi i pctoi ca n ziua de astzi, se zice c muli le vedeau cnd vin i le auzeau cum ursesc, cu deosebire ns moaele, care privegheau pe copiii nou nscui, precum i pe mamele acestora38. O a doua credin este aceea c nimnui nu-i este ngduit s asculte ursirea ursitoarelor. [] Cine ascult ursirea, moare de moarte npraznic. Astfel, ntr-o Poveste a Sfntului Petru care nu voia s se nasc, cea de a treia ursitoare, care ntotdeauna rostete aceleai cuvinte i care hotrte definitiv destinul, spune: - Cine ne-a asculta ntru furi, de mna pruncului s moar!39. n basmul lui Brlea Copilul ursit s-l ia Vntu turbat, un moneag i o bab trag cu urechea la ursita copilului lor, nscut la o vrst naintat. Prima din cele trei ursitori i ursete s fie norocos i sntos, a doua s fie bogat, cu bani, ctigtor pe unde-o umbla; n sfrit, a treia, mai morocnoas (i chioap) i ursete: Cnd o fi d noo ani, s vie Vntu-turbat s-l ea, s-l vars-n Muni-turbai! (B, I, 544). Motivul ursitoarelor n basme urmeaz n general un scenariu similar: un om (cioban, boier) cere adpost la o cas unde tocmai se nate un copil. Noaptea aude ursitorile i hotrte s zdrniceasc destinul prezis, destin care l implic ntr-un mod nedorit i pe el (copilul i va moteni averea, sau, dac e fat, i este ursit de soie). ncercarea de a ucide copilul d gre i destinul se mplinete pn la urm40. Dealtfel, credina popular n ursitori st sub semnul unui determinism care pune caracterul implacabil al destinului mai presus de orice: O abatere de la ce i-i scris, n frunte i-e pus, de la ursirea Ursitoarelor i mai ales de la cuvntul celei mai mici din Ursitoare, despre care se spune c este nestrmutat de obicei nu se poate (s. a.)41. Acest determinism a fost remarcat, cu aproape un secol n urm, i de Artur Gorovei, care menioneaz credina n scrierea destinului n Cartea sorii ca o dovad n plus a imposibilitii de a te opune propriei ursite: Credina n destin este nrdcinat n mintea romnilor de pretutindeni. Toi cred c de la natere nc i este omului scris tot ce i se va ntmpla n via. n cer se ine o carte, Cartea sorii, n care se scrie soarta fiecruia. Orice ar face omul, ca s-i schimbe soarta, ar fi lucru zadarnic42. Momentul n care se hotrte implacababil soarta omului este naterea, un moment liminal43; ea marcheaz translaia dintr-o sfer a non-existenei (sau a existenei pre-natale) n sfera existenei sociale: toate riturile naterii nu au alt scop dect extracia copilului din prima i inseria lui neproblematic n cea de a doua. n acest sens, naterea este fr doar i poate ritul de trecere fundamental n existena
Ibidem, p. 17. Marian, op. cit., pp. 97-8. Pamfile, op. cit., p. 24. Un astfel de scenariu gsim n Basmul cu ursitorile (T, 25). Pamfile, op. cit., p. 26. Artur Gorovei, Datinele noastre la natere, Bucureti: Minerva, 1905, p. 25; Marian scrie i el: cum se nate un biat sau o copil, todeauna se nscrie n cer ntr-o carte, care se numete cartea sorii, nu numai numele, ci i tot viitorul su, aa cum are s fie: bun ori ru, de unde vine apoi i zicala: aa mi-a fost scris, aa mi-a fost scris n slovele ursitoare sau aa mi-a fost soarta (Marian, op. cit., p. 46) 43 Olteanu, op. cit., p. 341. 37 38 39 40 41 42

Nateri excepionale i destin ero(t)ic n basmul fantastic romnesc

649

uman, un eveniment care inaugureaz i determin destinul protagonistului su. n mentalitatea popular, concepia natural (sexual) trebuie s fie dublat de o concepie miraculoas, la realizarea creia concur numeroase practici i ritualuri (parte din ele prezentate n monografiile dedicate naterii la romni). n basm, latura natural a fenomenului nu este negat n favoarea celei miraculoase, dar nici nu apare expus explicit; cu toate acestea, ea se insinueaz, aa cum s-a vzut, prin simbolistica erotic a elementelor implicate (mr, piper, mtur, pete, tei etc.). Eroul basmelor este un caz special; excepionalitatea sa (manifestat printr-un destin care solicit caliti de excepie) l refuz unei geneze banale. Nu naterea i determin destinul; el are deja un destin predeterminat, de care este contient i n funcie de care i condiioneaz adesea venirea pe lume. Evenimentul naterii sale, aparent minor, este subsumat derulrii ulterioare a acestui destin de excepie (lupta cu forele rului, cutarea dragostei, a ursitei, performarea celuilalt rit de trecere fundamental, cstoria). n concluzie, eroul este conceput i nscut pe ci ce transcend ordinea fireasc a lucrurilor pentru c urmeaz s performeze un destin de excepie, i nu invers.

BIBLIOGRAFIE: Berdan, Lucia (1999) Feele destinului. Incursiuni n etnologia romneasc a riturilor de trecere, Iai: Editura Universitii Al. I. Cuza Brlea, Ovidiu (1981) Folclorul romnesc, vol.I, Bucureti: Minerva Brlea, Ovidiu (1966) Antologie de proz popular epic, vol.I, II, Bucureti: Editura pentru literatur (B, I, II) Chevalier, Jean, Gheerbrant, Alain (1995) Dicionar de simboluri. Mituri, vise, obiceiuri, gesturi, forme, figuri, culori, numere, Bucureti: Artemis Durand, Gilbert (1998) Figuri mitice i chipuri ale operei, de la mitocritic la mitanaliz, Bucureti: Nemira Evseev, Ivan (1999) Dicionar de simboluri i arhetipuri culturale, Timioara: Editura Amarcord Van Gennep, Arnold (1996) Riturile de trecere, Iai. Polirom Gorovei, Artur (1905) Datinele noastre la natere, Bucureti: Minerva Marian, S. Fl. (1995) Naterea la romni. Studiu etnografic, Bucureti: Editura Grai i Suflet- Cultura naional Mesnil, Marianne (1997) Etnologul, ntre arpe i balaur; M. Mesnil, Assia Popova, Eseuri de mitologie balcanic, Bucureti: Paideia Niculi-Voronca, Elena (1998) Datinele i credinele poporului romn adunate i aezate n ordine mitologic, Bucureti: Editura Saeculum I. O. (N.V., I, II) Nicov, Viorica (1996) A fost de unde n-a fost. Basmul popular romnesc-excurs critic i texte comentate, Bucureti: Humanitas (N.) Nicov, Viorica (1979) Cele trei rodii aurite. O istorie a basmelor n texte, Bucureti: Minerva Olteanu, Antoaneta (1998) Metamorfozele sacrului. Dicionar de mitologie popular, Bucureti: Paideia Pamfile, Tudor (1997) Mitologie romneasc, Bucureti: Editura ALLFA

650

Petrua Teampu

Pun, Octav, Angelescu, Silviu (1989) Basme, cntece btrneti i doine, Bucureti: Minerva (P. A. ) Pop Reteganul, Ion (1992) Zna apelor. Poveti ardeleneti culese din gura poporului, Bucureti: Minerva (P. R.) Propp, V. I. (1973) Rdcinile istorice ale basmului fantastic, Bucureti: Univers ineanu, Lazr (1895) Basmele romne n comparaiune cu legendele antice clasice i n legtur cu basmele poparelor nvecinate i ale tuturor popoarelor romanice. Studiu comparativ, Bucureti: Lito-Tipografia Carol Gbl () Talo, Ion (2001) Gndirea magico-religioas la romni. Dicionar, Bucureti: Editura Enciclopedic Teodorescu, G. Dem. (1996) Basme romne, Bucureti: Vitruviu (T.) ****** (1994) Poveti populare (de la lume adunate), Chiinu: Asociaia Cartea (Pp)

Linvocation la lune dans les charmes roumains. Tradition manuscrite et tradition orale
Emanuela Timotin
Institut de Linguistique Iorgu Iordan Al. Rosetti de lAcadmie Roumaine de Bucarest
Dans la monumentale monographie consacre aux versions roumaines de la ballade Soarelei luna Le soleil et la lune, Ion Talo soulignait la position privilgie de lastre de la nuit dans la mentalit roumaine traditionnelle, dont tmoignent 1 galement dautres ballades roumaines fort rpandues, telles Mioria ou Voichia . Lauteur avait dj donn une image globale de la place de la lune dans limaginaire magico-religieux roumain, en analysant de nombreux et varis tmoignages tradi2 tionnels . Cette tude se propose de verser une nouvelle pice au dossier des croyances relatives lastre de la nuit dans la mentalit traditionnelle roumaine, en analysant lhistoire dun type particulier de charmes roumains but curatif, qui octroient la nouvelle lune le pouvoir de gurir un3 malade frapp par la maladie appele fapt (< lat. factum) enchantement, sortilge . 1. Au cours de lhistoire de la littrature magique roumaine, ce type de charmes est illustr dabord par un groupe de textes qui occupent une place particulire dans lensemble des charmes roumains, car ils se rangent parmi les plus anciens crits de ce genre, tant conservs dans des manuscrits rdigs partir des dernires dcennies du XVIIIe sicle. Les textes se trouvent prsent dans huit codex de la Bibliothque de lAcadmie Roumaine de Bucarest: ms. 1118 (fols. 24r25r), 1155
1 I. Talo, Cununia frailor i Nunta soarelui. Incestul zdrnicit n foclorul romnesc i universal, Editura Enciclopedic, Bucarest, 2004. 2 Idem, Gndirea magico-religioas la romni. Dicionar, Editura Enciclopedic, Bucarest, 2001, s.v. luna, crai nou. Le lecteur peu familier au roumain dispose aussi dune dition franaise, Petit dictionnaire de mythologie populaire roumaine, traduit par Anneliese et Claude Lecouteux, ELLUG, Grenoble, 2002, s.v. lune, nouvelle lune. 3 Le mot revtait dj cette signification au XVIIe sicle, quand il est attest au sens de sortilge chez le mtropolite Dosoftei, qui en fait usage dans les Vies des saints; voir L. ineanu, ncercare asupra semasiologiei limbei romne. Studii istorice despre tranziiunea sensurilor, prface par B. P. Hasdeu, introduction et index par L. Vasilu, Editura de Vest, Timioara, 1999 (1e dition 1887), p. 317 ; Dicionarul limbii romne, t. II/1, Imprimeria Naional, Bucarest, 1934, s.v. fapt. Pour dautres significations de ce mot en roumain ancien (XVIe XVIIIe sicles), voir ibidem. Pour lvolution smantique du terme qui, partir du XIXe sicle, na plus seulement la signification gnrique de sortilge, mais peut dnommer galement la rubole, la variole, un ver ensorcel que les sorcires envoient sur le malade, leczma, une maladie que lon attrape si lon touche un objet malfique jet dans la rue, voir surtout L. ineanu, op. cit., p. 316-318; Dicionarul..., op. cit., s.v. fapt; V. Blteanu, Terminologia magic popular romneasc, Paideia, Bucarest, 2000, p. 158-160.

652

Emanuela Timotin

(fols. 106r107v), 1296 (fol. 113rv), 1851 (fols. 28v33v), 2980 (fols. 19v21v), 3479 (fol. 69r), 4104 (fol. 118v) et 5706 (fols. 89v91r). Les charmes des ms. 4104, 1155 et 1296 ont t rdigs au XVIIIe sicle, respectivement en 1777-1784, 1784-1785 et aussitt aprs 1781. Les autres textes ont t transcrits respectivement en 1825-1826 (ms. 5706), en 1833 (ms. 3479), en 1849 (ms. 1851) ou des dates inconnues, au dbut du XIXe sicle (ms. 1118) ou vers 1850 (ms. 2980). Quatre charmes nont 4pas t identifis dans les catalogues des manuscrits (ms. 1851, 2980, 4104 et 5706) . Ce type de charmes est connu ds 1883, quand Moses Gaster dita partiel5 en 1931 par lement le texte du ms. 1155 . Le texte sera dit de manire intgrale 6 Artur Gorovei, qui publia galement les charmes des ms. 1118 et 5706 . Voici le plus ancien texte de ce genre, conserv prsent dans le ms. 4104 de la Bibliothque de lAcadmie Roumaine de Bucarest:
Bun sar, crai nou, cu cunun de aur pe cap de petre scumpe, de mult preiu, lun luminat, ie ce eti n ceriu i vezi ce este pre pmnt, lun luminat, nu pociu odihni ome<nete> n casa me. Lun luminat, s n-aibi somnu, nici odihn, s treme pre Zarvet arhanghelul s-m ia faptul mieu, s-l duc p capul celui ce m-au aruncat mie faptul, s-l arunce n faa lui i n dosul lui i n mersul lui i n toat agonesita lui. Lun luminat, ie-m faptul, ie-m faptul de brbat i de muiere, lun luminat, ie-m faptul de brbat mort i de muiere moart, lun luminat, ie-m faptul de fat mare, ie-m faptul de armanc i de iganc, ia-m faptul de rusc, ie-m faptul de lut de la topil, lun luminat, ie-m faptulde icre de broasc. Lun luminat, ie-m faptul de noao feluri, de noao neamuri, lun luminat, ie-m faptul de pr de lup i de ochi de lup, de gtlej de lup, lun luminat, ie-m faptul de pr de drac, lun luminat, ie-m faptul de pedec i de mn de om mort, lun luminat, ie-m faptul de argint viu, lun luminat, ie-m faptul de rumgtur de sfredel i de sagn de cal. Lun luminat, caut pre cela ce mi-au auruncat faptul unde-l vei [gsi], ori n trgu cu mine, ori n ara aceasta, ori ntr-alt ar. Sau de au murit, arunc pe murmntul lui; lun luminat, ia faptul de-l arunc n covata cu pine i n putina cu borul sau n solnia cu sare. Iar robul lui Dumnezeu imrk <s rmn> curat, luminat, ca aurul strecurat, ca argintul lmurit, ca soarele n senin, amin, amin, amin.
4 Pour la description des manuscrits dont font partie les charmes ayant la forme dune prire la lune, voir G. trempel, Catalogul manuscriselor romneti, t. I, Editura tiinific i Enciclopedic, Bucarest, 1978, p.229 (ms. 1118), 241-242 (ms. 1155), 279-280 (ms. 1296); ibidem, t. II, 1983, p. 81 (ms. 1851), 422 (ms. 2980); ibidem, t. III, 1987, p. 143-144 (ms. 3479), 332-334 (ms. 4104); ibidem, t. IV, 1992, p. 377-379 (ms. 5706). 5 M. Gaster, Literatura popular romn, dition, prface et notes par M. Anghelescu, Minerva, Bucarest, 1983 (1e dition 1883), p. 274. Dans sa monographie consacre la maladie appele fapt, publie en 1888, Mihai Canianu avait repris le texte publi par M. Gaster, en le rangeant sous forme de vers, selon le modle des charmes de la tradition orale; voir M. Canianu, Din psicologia popular. Descntece, farmece i vrji. II. Faptul, dans idem, Studii i culegeri de folclor romnesc, dition par Al. Dobre et M. M. Robea, Minerva, Bucarest, 1999 (rdition dune srie douvrages publis entre 1888 et 1900), p. 183. 6 A. Gorovei, Descntecele romnilor. Studiu de folklor, Regia M.O., Imprimeria Naional, Bucarest, 1931, p. 291-292, 202 et 288-291.

Linvocation la lune dans les charmes roumains

(Bonsoir, nouvelle lune, avec une couronne dor aux pierres prcieuses, trs chres sur la tte, lune claire, toi, qui es aux cieux et vois tout ce qui est sur la terre, lune claire, je ne peux pas me reposer humainement dans ma maison. Lune claire, naie ni sommeil ni repos, envoie larchange Zarvet ter le sort de moi et lapporter sur la tte de celui qui me la jet, et le jeter sur sa face et dans son dos, et dans sa dmarche et sur toute sa fortune. Lune claire, te le sort de moi, te de moi le sort de lhomme et de la femme, lune claire, te le sort de lhomme mort et de la femme morte, lune claire, te de moi le sort de la vierge, te de moi le sort de lArmnienne et de la Tsigane, te de moi le sort de la Russe, te de moi le sort de largile du rouissoir, lune claire, te de moi le sort des ufs de grenouille. Lune claire, te de moi le sort de neuf genres et de neuf espces, lune claire, te de moi le sort du poil de loup et des yeux de loup, de la gorge de loup, lune claire, te de moi le sort du poil de diable, lune claire, te de moi le sort de lentrave et de la main de lhomme mort, lune claire, te de moi le malfice de vif-argent, lune claire, te de moi le malfice de la sciure de la vrille et de la cicatrice de cheval. Lune claire, cherche celui qui ma jet le sort o tu le trouveras: soit dans ma ville, soit dans ce pays ou dans un autre pays. Et sil est mort, jette [le sort] sur son tombeau; prends le sort et jette-le[-lui] dans le ptrin au pain et dans le baril leau surie ou dans la salire. Et que le serviteur de Dieu dis son nom [reste] pur, clair, comme lor filtr, comme largent pur, comme le ciel serein, amen, amen, 7 amen) .

653

Le scnario magique, tel quil ressort de lanalyse de tous les charmes manuscrits, est trs homogne: le malade frapp par des malficessupplie la nouvelle lune de venir trouver le sort, lemporter, chercher la personne qui la jet et de le lui jeter. Quoique les textes se distinguent surtout en ce qui concerne la description du rituel magique (ms. 1118, 1155, 1296, 1851, 2980) ou la prsentation de la symptomatologie magique, de laction malfique et de la demeure du sorcier, leur modle est extrmement stable du point de vue du rle cl que lastre de la nuit joue dans le processus de gurison. Cest sous les auspices de la nouvelle lune que le rituel magique se droule invariablement, cest la nouvelle lune que le malade essaye de persuader dagir pour son propre bnfice, cest elle seule que lon attribue le pouvoir de chtier le provocateur de la maladie et de rtablir le patient. De plus, les charmes dbutent toujours par une courte captatio benevolentiae, conue comme une vocation de la couronne dor de la lune, signe de majest et de pouvoir. Mention est faite galement de sa lumire et de son statut cleste grce auxquels elle peut voir tout ce qui se passe sur la terre, ce qui semble dailleurs une des principales raisons pour laquelle on lui assigne le rle dcarter les sortilges. Cette vocation initiale de la nouvelle lune ne connat dailleurs que de faibles modifications au cours de la tradition manuscrite.
7 Les charmes ayant la forme dune prire la lune font lobjet dune dition critique en prparation, dans le cadre dune tude consacre aux charmes roumains manuscrits, issue dune thse de doctorat(E. Timotin, Limba descntecelor romneti, Universit de Bucarest, 2007).

654

Emanuela Timotin

Ainsi, les ms. 5706 et 2980, qui se rangent parmi les charmes les plus tardifs, renforcent lallitration lun luminat lune claire, courante dans tous les textes, par la mise en place dun portrait versifi qui, de par ce caractre rythmique, semble influenc par les incantations relevant de la tradition orale : tu lun luminat, care eti n ceriu azat i vezi lumea toat O, toi, lune claire qui es assise dans les cieux et vois le monde entier (ms. 2980, fol. 19v). Pour persuader la lune dcouter sa demande, le malade voque intensment ses souffrances, dcrites par des stratgies langagires empruntes au langage religieux: ainsi, part les verbes synonymes ruga prieret cuceri supplier, employs en immdiate proximit, il utilise aussi la construction a nu trece cu vederea ne pas passer sur, reprise du psaume 137 (138), 8, un psaume trs connu car utilis dans loffice de vpres:
Dar, oh, tu, lun luminat, supt ceriu azat, ceea ce nencetat priveti lumea toat, m rog i m cuceresc ie ca oftrile i necurmatele mele suspinuri i nencetatele mele lacrmi vrsate n doa cu snge s nu le treci cu vederea, s caui din nalt lcaul tu i spre cumplit i mult chinuit amarul sufletul meu, ca cu cea mai mare grbire i cu o preamare milostivire s vii i s m izbveti (ms. 2980, fol. 20v) (Mais, , toi, lune claire, assise sous les cieux, qui regardes sans cesse le monde entier, je te prie et supplie de ne pas passer sur mes gmissements et mes soupirs incessants et mes perptuelles larmes de sang, mais de regarder de ta haute demeure vers mon me triste, terriblement et intensment torture, afin que tu viennes, en grande hte et avec la plus grande misricorde, me dlivrer).

Tous les textes dsignent la lune comme seul agent bnfique sauf le ms. 4104, selon lequel elle aurait un adjoint, un archange dont le nom nest pas attest, notre connaissance, dans les textes roumains et pour lequel on na trouv aucun parallle dans dautres littratures: envoie larchange Zarvet prendre mon sortilge. Quoique lon ignore son identit, dont la dnomination peut galement driver dune erreur de transcription, il semble exclu que cette figure soit le fruit dune influence des traits astrologiques trs connus dans lEurope occidentale, mais absents de la littrature roumaine tablissant des hirarchies nettes entre les puissances c8 lestes et o la lune pouvait rgir divers tres angliques . Par contre, lordre que le texte met en place semble dvoiler la superposition de deux hirarchies distinctes, lune des figures chrtiennes etlautre des forces naturelles, une superposition que lon rencontre galement dans des charmes provenant dautres rgions de lEurope, comme dans lincantation italienne suivante o le soleil apparat comme lassistant de Dieu: Buon giorno, santo sole,/ ai piedi del 9Signore,/ dal petto leva lafanno/ dalla testa gran dolore:/ Buon giorno, santo sole . Par cette courte description de la lune, place au dbut des textes magiques, qui a pour rle dattirer sa bienveillance, et par la mission dont elle est charge, celle de punir le provocateur de la maladie magique et de gurir le malade, les textes recou8 Voir par example Alfonso X El Sabio, Astromagia, a cura di A. DAgostino, Liguori Editore, Naples, 1992, p. 139, 145, o larchange Gabriel est le plus puissant assistant de la lune, ayant Michel et Samiel comme adjoints. 9 Texte repris de E. De Martino, Sud e magia, Feltrinelli, Milan, 1978, p. 21.

Linvocation la lune dans les charmes roumains

655

pent les croyances roumaines traditionnelles relatives la nouvelle lune, qui lui octroient toujours un rle ambigu, en la dcrivant tantt capable dagir10 dune manire malveillante sur les mortels, tantt comme leur analogon surnaturel . Ainsi, dune part, selon la tradition roumaine, il ne faut pas se promener pendant la nuit lune croissante, parce quil est possible de rencontrer les revenants et les mes des noys; il est galement interdit, selon les croyances des Macdo-roumains, dexposer les nouveau-ns aux rayons de la lune croissante, car elle pourrait leur jeter le mauvais il et ils deviendraient lunatiques. Dautre part, la nouvelle lune est le symbole de la fertilit future et cette nuitl les jeunes filles recourent des pratiques de magie amoureuse, les hommes portent toujours de largent dans leurs poches, les petits enfants sont levs vers le ciel comme sils taient ddis la lune qui est invite les aider grandir. Il arrive aussi quentre la nouvelle lune et les mortels se tissent des liens particuliers de parent spirituelle car, de manire symbolique, les mres donnent les enfants malades par adoption la lune: pn acum eu am fost mama ta, acum Luna nou este mama ta bun, iar eu voi fi mama ta vitreg jusqu maintenant 11 ctait moi ta mre, dornavant ce sera la nouvelle lune et moi, je serai ta martre . 2. Limportante diffusion manuscrite de la prire la lune et son ancrage dans la mentalit traditionnelle ont suscit lintrt des diteurs de livres de colportage qui 12 ont fait imprimer plusieurs fois ce type de textes magiques . Une telle dition apparat dabord en 1867 Sibiu, la maison dditions de S. de Klossius, sous le nom Carte de desfcut farmecele Livre pour dtruire les sortilges. On doit G. Dem. Teodorescu linitiative de rditer le rcit en 1885 ct de charmes contre les mal13 fices de la tradition orale . En suivant le modle des incantations orales, Teodorescu la fait publier sous forme versifie, comme le fera galement M. Canianu qui le 14 reprendra dans sa monographie consacre aux malfices . A part cette dition, nous en avons trouv six autres qui furent imprimes entre 1885 et 1931 respectivement 15 Piatra, Sibiu, Braov, Bucarest et Cmpina .
10 Pour cette analogie entre la lune croissante et le patient, qui se reconnat dans la vie de la lune,voir M. Eliade, Trait dhistoire des religions, nouvelle dition entirement revue et corrige, Payot, Paris, 1974, p. 142. 11 Pour les croyances roumaines sur la lune croissante, voir Gh. F. Ciauianu, Superstiiile poporului romn n asemnare cu ale altor popoare vechi i noi, dition procure par I. Oprian, Saeculum I.O., Bucarest, 2001 (1e dition 1914), p. 82-83; V. Butur, Cultura spiritual romneasc, Minerva, Bucarest, 1992, p. 110-114 ; I. Talo, Petit dictionnaire, op. cit., s.v. lune, nouvelle lune. 12 Cette reprise des charmes ayant circul par voie manuscrite dans des livres de colportage ne reprsente pas un cas unique dans lhistoire de la littrature magique roumaine; pour une situation similaire concernant les charmes manuscrits contre le mal de tte, voir E. Timotin, Iei, njite, pricjite... De la molitvele minciunoase la descntece , Limba romn, 55, 2006,p. 75-79. 13 G. Dem. Teodorescu, Poezii populare romne, dition, notes, glossaire, bibliographie et index par G. Antofi, Minerva, Bucarest, 1982 (1e dition 1885), p. 429-431. 14 M. Canianu, op. cit., p. 183-188. Dans une recherche comparative sur les pouvoirs couramment attribus aux sorcires, A. Gorovei fait galement mention du charme imprim Sibiu, quil met en relation avec la scne des sorcires de Macbeth ; voir A. Gorovei, Relaia dintre creaia cult i folclor. Elementul popular n literatura cult, dans idem, Literatura popular. Culegeri i studii, dition procure par I. Datcu, Minerva, Bucarest, 1976, p. 418-423. Al. Rosetti en reprend un court fragment pour illustrer lemploi du mot fapt dans les charmes roumains; voir Limba descntecelor romneti, Minerva, Bucarest, 1975, p. 55. 15 Voici les titres complets de ces ditions: Carte de desfacerea farmecelor, Piatra, 1885 ; Carte de desfcut farmecile, Sibiu, 1892 ; Carte de desfcut farmecile, Braov, 1992 ; Carte de desfcut

656

Emanuela Timotin
16

Il nexiste pas de diffrence significative entre ces ditions , qui se rapprochent des charmes manuscrits en ce quelles gardent intacts les motifs de linvocation de la lune, de la description des souffrances du malade et de la prsentation de la manire dagir du sorcier. En revanche, elles se distinguent des charmes manuscrits par une prsence accrue des motifs chrtiens qui va de pair avec la modification du rle de la lune dans le rituel de gurison. Par consquent, lastre nocturne nest plus suppli de chtier le sorcier en lui jetant les sortilges quil avait jets, mais de les ter du malade et de les amener dans des endroits dserts: i s-l duci/ Prin muni/ i codrii pustii, / Nelocuii/ De nici o fiin omeneasc (Emporte le sort vers des montagnes et des forts dsertes, qui ne sont habites par aucun tre humain). De plus, la prire la lune se transforme en une invocation du Christ, glorifi par la reprise des passages de prires lues la messe, par lvocation de la Passion, de la force de la croix ou des moments de Sa vie o il accorda le pardon des pcheurs. Enfin, le malade, cens se prsenter comme le dernier parmi les pcheurs, ne demande plus la punition du sorcier, mais son absolution, selon les prceptes vangliques:
Doamne Isuse Hristoase,/ Fiul lui Dumnezeu,/ Cel prea nalt, / Care din multa ta iubire/ De oameni,/ Pentru mntuirea/ Neamului nostru/ Teai pogort din cer/ i-ai binevoit a te ntrupa/ Din Sfnta de Dumnezeu/ Nsctoarea Maria,/ A ptimi bti,/ Scuipri/ i chiar rstignire/ Pe cruce/ i-ai nviat a treia zi din mori,/ Ordonndu-ne/ A crede n tine/ i a pzi poruncele tale/ Ca s dobndim/ Viaa de veci/ i drept semn credinei/ Ai dat putere/ Adevrailor credincioi/ A clca/ Peste erpi/ i peste scorpii/ i peste toat puterea/ Diavolului/ Vrjma,/ Fr a-i vtma/ ntru nimic pre ei,/ Primete/ Umilita noastr rugciune,/ Cari ca curva/ i ca vameul/ Ne nchinm/ La aternutul picioarelor tale,/ Mrturisindu-te de adevrat/ Fiul lui Dumnezeu/ i vino degrab/ n ajutorul nostru cu puterea/ Cinstitei/ i de via fctoare/ Cruci,/ De gonete tot faptul/ i urtul/ Din casa noastr/... / Ordonnd lunii,/ Care este fptura mnilor tale,/ A le duce/ Prin codrii i pustii,/ Nelocuite de nici o fiin de om,/ Fr a se atinge/ De a face nimnui ru,/ Nici chiar vrjmailor notri/ cari ne-au trimes/ i dat,/ Cci tu singur, stpne, ne-ai ordonat a iubi/ Pre vrjmaii notri,/ A face bine/ Celor ce ne ursc pe noi,/ A binecuvnta/ Pe cei ce ne blesteam pe noi/ i a ne ruga pentru cei/ Ce ne fac nou necaz./ De aceea ne rugm ie/ Dintru adncul sufletului nostru/ Sfntul/ Marelui mucenic/ Arhidiaconul tefan/ Iart-i, Doamne,/ Pre toi/ cei ce ne-au fcut nou ru,/ cci n-au tiut ce fac,/ i-i ndreapt pe calea pocinei/ Spre mntuirea sufletelor lor/ Amin!.

farmecele, Bucarest, s.a.; Carte de deslegarea farmecelor, Bucarest, 1922; Carte de deslegarea fermecelor, Cmpina, 1931. M. Canianu connaissait dautres ditions imprimes en provenance de Valachie et de Transylvanie, mais il ninsiste pas sur le sujet; voir M. Canianu, op. cit., p. 188. 16 Cest pour cela que nous avons choisi comme texte de base de cette analyse ldition la plus ancienne, datant de 1867.

Linvocation la lune dans les charmes roumains

(Seigneur Jsus-Christ, Fils de trs haut Dieu, [Toi], qui par Ton grand amour pour les hommes, pour la dlivrance de notre peuple, descendis des cieux et daignas prendre chair de Marie, la Sainte Mre de Dieu, souffrir des coups, des crachats et mme la crucifixion et ressuscitas des morts le troisime jour, en nous ordonnant de croire en Toi et de garder Tes commandements pour gagner la vie ternelle, et comme signe de foi donnas le pouvoir aux vrais fidles de fouler les serpents et les scorpions et 17 toute puissance du diable ennemi, sans souffrir point , reois notre humble prire, par laquelle nous nous inclinons Tes pieds comme autrefois la 18 19 pcheresse et le percepteur et nous tmoignons que Tu es le vrai Fils de Dieu, et viens vite notre secours, avec la force de la croix honore et vivifiante, pour bannir tout malfice et haine de notre maison []. Ordonne la lune, la cration de Tes mains, de les emporter dans des forts et des endroits dserts, jamais habits par des tres humains, sans quelle nuise quiconque, ni mme nos ennemis qui nous envoyrent les sortilges et nous ensorcelrent. Car Toi seul, Seigneur, nous ordonnas daimer nos ennemis, de faire du bien ceux qui nous hassent, de bnir ceux qui nous 20 maudissent et de prier pour ceux qui provoquent nos malheurs . Cest pour cela que nous Te prions des profondeurs de notre me [et] saint tienne larchidiacre, pardonne, Seigneur, tous ceux qui nous ont fait du mal, car ils 21 nont pas su ce quils faisaient , et dirige-les vers la voie de la pnitence, pour la dlivrance de leurs mes, amen).

657

Tous ces nouveaux dtails dmontrent que, bien que lhistoire de la prire la lune continut aprs la fin de sa transmission par voie manuscrite, grce aux ditions parues jusqu lentre deux-guerres, elle subit une importante mutation en ce qui concerne la place de la nouvelle lune dans lorganisation de ces rcits. Sous linfluence de la rhtorique chrtienne, cense transformer le charme dans une prire quasi-sacre, la lune se voit ter son ancienne fonction de garant de lordre cosmique, en vertu de laquelle elle prodiguait des punitions et des gurisons, ce qui se traduit, au niveau des textes imprims, par le remplacement du motif de la punition du sorcier par une humble imploration adresse par le malade Dieu afin que ce dernier empche lastre de la nuit de nuire au provocateur de la maladie. De cette faon, les textes imprims mettent en place une hirarchie nouvelle, selon laquelle la lune, dpeinte comme adjointe de Dieu qui la cre, nest plus susceptible de rpondre seule aux espoirs de dlivrance du malade. 3. Deux rcentes collections de charmes de la tradition orale, publies en 1982 et en 2005, comprennent, parmi les nombreux textes22 magiques censs carter le malfice, trois charmes prsentant une prire la lune . Le premier a t collect en
17 18 19 20 21 22 Cf. Luc 10, 19. Cf. Luc 7, 36-50. Cf. Luc 19, 1-10. Cf. Matthieu 5, 44; Luc 6, 27-28. Cf. Actes 7, 59-60; Luc 23, 34. L. Cire, L. Berdan, Descntece din Moldova. Texte inedite, Universitatea Al. Ioan Cuza, Centrul de lingvistic, istorie literar i folclor - Arhiva de Folclor a Moldovei i Bucovinei, Jassy, 1982 (Caietele Arhivei de Folclor, II), p. 270-276 ; S. Ciubotaru, Folclorul medical din Moldova. Tipolo-

658

Emanuela Timotin

1971, dun informateur habitant le village de Vdurele-Cndeti (Neam),un autre en 1972 dans le village de Prtetii de Jos (Suceava) et le troisime en 1979, dune informatrice ge de 73 ans qui habitait le village de Uda (Jassy). La collection acheve en 1982 prsente les trois textes, alors que celle publie en 2005 ne renferme que les textes de 1971 et 1979 qui comportent de faibles modifications par rapport la 23 premire dition . Le charme collect en 1971 dbute par une description de la manire dont le sorcier a accompli son rituel magique, continue par une brve invocation la lune (Lun luminat,/ Lun luminat Lune claire, lune claire), qui est invite ter les sortilges et les amener dans des endroits dserts, et il sachve par une ratification de la dlivrance du malade, acquise au nom de Jsus-Christ le Nazaren. Le charme enregistr en 1972 est le plus proche des charmes manuscrits du point de vue de lenchanement des motifs. Il dbute par linvocation la lune similaire pourtant celle des charmes imprims , continue par la description des souffrances du malade, par une invocation la lune de venir ter le sort, par une prsentation de laction du sorcier et finit par une formule ratifiant la gurison du patient, qui concide avec lexpulsion des sortilges dans des endroits dserts, grce laction bnfique de la lune. Le charme enregistr en 1979 dbute par un fragment que lon na jamais retrouv dans les incantations manuscrites ou imprimes de ce type, construit autour dune numration dadjectifs numraux, ayant pour rle de marquer le pouvoir suprieur du bon sorcier: Cine i-o dat faptu lu Giorgi c-o mn,/24 Eu ntorc ndrt cu doau/... Cini i-o dat cu noau/ Eu l dau cu zeci/ l-oi ntreci (A celui qui jeta le malfice George avec une main, je le retourne avec deux mains; celui qui le jeta avec neuf mains, je le retourne avec dix mains, et je le vaincrai). Le texte magique continue avec une invocation la lune, similaire celle des versions manuscrites ou imprimes, stipule la demande adresse lastre de venir emporter le sort et le jeter sur le sorcier et prend fin par un fragment dcrivant la gurison du malade. Ces trois textes prsentent la fois des similitudes et des diffrences par rapport aux charmes manuscrits et imprims. La principale distinction entre les charmes manuscrits et imprims, dune part, et les charmes de la tradition orale, dautre part, consiste dans le changement de la personne sadressant la lune: si dans les premiers le malade dialogue seul avec lastre de la nuit, dans les derniers il a besoin dun mdiateur, dun bon sorcier, qui conjure la lune daider le patient. Dans la nouvelle conomie du rcit, cest ce personnage qui acquiert une position importante grce son pouvoir de gurir par le truchement des mots magiques et se faire aider par des adjoints surnaturels. Devant ce protagoniste qui, mutatis mutandis, joue dans les charmes de la tradition orale le rle assign Dieu dans les charmes imprims, la fonction de la lune devient de moins en moins importante comme en tmoignent dailleurs la disparition du passage cens capter sa bienveillance et la disparition progressive de son portait. A la diffrence des charmes manuscrits, deux des charmes de la tradition orale
gie i corpus de texte, Editura Universitii Alexandru Ioan Cuza, Jassy, 2005, p. 386-388. 23 On ignore les raisons de ce changement, mais lon peut supposer que les modifications introduites par le dernier diteur sont dues une reprise plus fidle du texte enregistr, raison pour laquelle nous allons utiliser cette dition. 24 Ibidem, p. 386.

Linvocation la lune dans les charmes roumains

659

(les textes enregistrs en 1971 et en 1972) omettent le motif dela punition du sorcier et le transforment en une supplication adresse la lune dcarter le malfice au-del des frontires du monde habit, ce qui amne sinterroger sur leur rapport avec les textes imprims qui proposaient un dnouement similaire. Il est vrai que le bannissement de la maladie dans des endroits dserts est un topos de la partie finale des charmes de la tradition orale, mais ces charmes ressemblent aux textes imprims beaucoup dautres gards. Pour ce qui est du charme collect en 1971, les types de sortilges que le sorcier est cens avoir employs lors du rituel malfique sont presque identiques ceux dcrits dans les charmes imprims; de plus, la fin du texte, voquant le nom de Jsus-Christ le Nazaren suggre nouveau linfluence des livres de colportage sur le rpertoire curatif traditionnel, car ce genre de formule nest pas courant dans la tradition orale. Quant au charme enregistr en 1972, il reprend presque fidlement la premire partie des charmes imprims, sen carte en ce quil ninsiste pas sur les faons varies par lesquelles le sorcier a accompli son rituel, mais sy rapproche encore une fois par la description du malade dlivr en omettant pourtant de mentionner le rle des figures chrtiennes dans le processus de gurison. Par contre, le charme enregistr en 1979 rappelle lobligation de la lune de punir le sorcier et adopte une formule finale largement exploite dans les incantations traditionnelles: Discnticu de di la mini,/ Leacu di la Maica Domnului/ S cie Le charme vient de moi, le remde de la Mre de Dieu. Lanalyse des trois charmes contre le malfice collects dans les annes 70 du sicle dernier montre que la lune a perdu graduellement sa fonction, peut-tre aussi parce que le malade ne cherche plus seul les moyens de gurison, mais recourt un assistant humain, un bon sorcier qui laide regagner ses forces. A la diminution du prestige de la lune semblent avoir contribu galement les livres imprims, les premiers avoir octroy le rle de principal agent de la gurison Dieu. Cette influence sexprime dans deux des trois charmes surtout par lemploi commun de certains motifs dont quelques uns ne sont habituellement pas mobiliss dans la littrature curative traditionnelle, mais aussi par une modification structurelle importante, savoir par lomission du motif de la sanction du sorcier. 4. En guise de conclusion, le premier volet de la recherche sur les charmes roumains contre le malfice ayant la forme dune prire la lune sappuie sur huit textes magiques conservs en manuscrits rdigs entre la huitime dcennie du XVIIIe sicle et le milieu du XIXe sicle. Ces rcits octroient la nouvelle lune le rle de principal agent de la gurison, en reposant sur un scnario selon lequel la lune, contrainte par un rituel dment accompli par le patient, est cense ter les sortilges du malade et les amener au provocateur de laffection magique. Par cela, les charmes manuscrits recoupent des croyances populaires conserves dans le folklore roumain relatives aux invocations constantes la lune prononces par des jeunes filles dsireuses de se marier et aux formes varies de dvotion pour la nouvelle lune qui peuvent aller des gestes de joie accomplis son apparition jusqu la mise en place des liens de parent entre les mortels et lastre. Lhistoire de la relation entre la nouvelle lune et le malade frapp par des sortilges connat un nouvel essor aprs 1867, quand, pour au moins sept dcennies, le charme est publi en divers centres typographiques sous la forme de brochures de colportage. Les textes imprims remplacent le motif de la punition du sorcier acheve par la lune par une longue prire adresse au Christ dempcher les actions puni-

660

Emanuela Timotin

tives de lastre et de sauver tant le malade que le provocateur de la maladie magique, et suggrent ainsi la rupture du malade avec son ancienne et unique protectrice. Des charmes collects dans les annes 70 du XXe sicle reprennent, avec de nombreuses modifications, le modle de linvocation la lune, sous linfluence des textes imprims, desquels ils se rapprochent surtout par lomission du motif de la punition du sorcier. La diminution du rle de la lune dans la structure des charmes devient encore plus sensible dans la mesure o ces textes rcents ne dbutent que rarement par linvocation de lastre nocturne; en mme temps, lcart entre la lune et le patient sest accentu, car le dernier ne lui adresse plus directement sa demande mais par lintermdiaire dun bon sorcier qui, pour rejeter les sortilges, se sert galement de stratgies discursives empruntes la rhtorique magique.

Y no enturbias el agua: de Fontefrida a una cancin del

repertorio tradicional andaluz

Nieves Vzquez Recio

Universidad de Cdiz
En un ensayo, ya clsico, Eugenio Asensio estudi el encuentro del romancero con la cancin de mayo en Fontefrida, rara avis del gnero, caso de esplndido aislamiento, por la falta de referencias histricas y literarias.1 El romance movilizaba, segn el autor, motivos muy difundidos a fines de la Edad Media, entre ellos, el de la trtola del Physiologus, modelo de fidelidad, y el de la fonte frida, smbolo arraigado en la lrica popular. Para este merecido homenaje al profesor Ion Talo he elegido hablar sobre una cancioncilla del repertorio tradicional andaluz que moviliza esos mismos motivos, con algunas variantes, como es propio de la potica tradicional. La cancin me ofreca una buena excusa para reencontrarme con el profesor Talo en torno a un inters comn, el del estudio de los motivos simblicos y folklricos, del que l, sin duda, es maestro. La cancin es como sigue:
Palomita mensajera, que vas a la ma(r) y te baas y con el pico remueves la arena y no enturbia(s) el agua: di si an ella me aguarda.2
1 Fonte Frida o encuentro del romance con la cancin de mayo, Nueva Revista de Filologa Hispnica, VII (1954), pp. 365-388; revisado en Potica y realidad en el cancionero peninsular de la Edad Media, Gredos, Madrid, 1970, pp. 230-262. Nuestras referencias proceden a esta segunda versin. Otros estudios sobre el romance: Marcel Bataillon, La tortolica de Fontefrida y del Cntico espiritual, Nueva Revista de Filologa Hispnica, VII (1953), pp. 291-306; Philip O. Gericke, The Turtledove in Four Sixteenth-Century Versions of Fontefrida, El Romancero hoy: historia, comparativismo, bibliografa crtica. 2 Coloquio Internacional. University of California, Davis (1977), Gredos, Madrid, 1979, pp. 37-45; Demetrio Gazdaru, Antecedentes latinos del tema literario de Fontefrida, Anales de Filologa Clsica, VI (1953-1954), pp. 81-90 e Itinerario iberoamericano del tema literario de Fonte Frida, Filologa, XVII-XVIII (1976-1977), pp. 337-347; Laura Calvert, Widowed Turtledove and Amorous Dove of Spanish Lyric Poetry: A Symbolic Interpretation, Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 3 (1973), pp. 273-301. 2 Versin de Tarifa (Cdiz, Espaa), recogida por Carmen Tizn entre los aos 1979 y 1985, sin datos del informante. Cancin incluida en el valioso repertorio preparado por Virtudes Atero, Cancionero gaditano tradicional (Patrimonio oral de la provincia de Cdiz), Coleccin Cdiz y la msica, n 2, Diputacin Provincial Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Cdiz, Cdiz, en prensa. Este cancionero contiene 1.165 versiones de 1.020 temas, recogidas entre 1975 y 2007. En adelante C.Gad. Para nuestro estudio nos hemos basado en este cancionero y en el corpus de lrica infantil de la provincia de Cdiz, 282 temas y 426 versiones, cuya edicin est en curso.

662

Nieves Vzquez Recio

Como puede verse, el texto contiene los motivos antes citados, aunque con cambios interesantes: la trtola se ha transformado en paloma mensajera, y la fuente fra y turbia donde la tortolica beba, en mar donde se baa la paloma y que, a pesar del movimiento de su pico, no se enturbia. Las versiones ms completas de Fontefrida presentaban a la trtola con sus atributos de fidelidad, en su ser, para antes o despus, segn los casos, mediante la prueba del requiebro amoroso del ruiseor, mostrrnosla en su hacer, es decir, en la actualizacin efectiva de esos atributos, que conduca a la negacin de la peticin amorosa y a la reafirmacin de tales atributos. Cules? Con leves variantes, que ni poso en rama verde / ni en rbol que tenga flor, / que si el agua hallo clara, / turbia la beva yo.3 El cantarcillo que estudiamos, del que slo conocemos esta versin gaditana y otra valenciana,4 adelgazando an ms el escaso tejido narrativo del antiguo romance, con el que genticamente nada tiene que ver, muestra, sin embargo, una estructura similar: primero la voz potica presenta al animal, en este caso, la paloma, en su ser, con unos atributos que resultan, al menos en parte, antitticos respecto a los de la antigua tortolica (no enturbia el agua), pero que acreditan al animal como destinatario perfecto del requerimiento de un hacer, que constituye la ltima y brevsima parte del poema: responder a la voz potica sobre la fidelidad de la amada. El tema de la fidelidad resulta, pues, comn y crucial en ambos textos y se dira que, por encima de divisiones genricas, es ese tema el que arrastra los motivos poticos que, con jugosas variantes, vertebran ambas composiciones. Son las variantes de esos motivos las que nos interesan. 1. Trtola o paloma. La trtola fiel de Fontefrida puede adscribirse segn Eugenio Asensio al lejano Physiologus y a toda su descendencia exegtica y clerical medieval.5 Ya antes Marcel Bataillon haba advertido esa deuda, pero en su magistral artculo de 1951 inclua referencias que parecen especialmente interesantes en relacin con nuestra cancin. Escriba Bataillon:
3 Versin de los Pliegos de Viena, editada por Giuseppe Di Stefano, Romancero, Taurus, Madrid, 1993, n 37, p. 196. E. Asensio ofreca en su artculo otras cuatro versiones anteriores a 1550. La versin que hemos citado es como sigue: Fonte frida, fonte frida, / fonte frida y con amor, / do todas las avezicas / van tomar consolacin / sino es la tortolica / quest biuda y con dolor. / Por all fuera a passar / el traidor del ruiseor; / las palabras que deza / llenas son de traicin: / -Si t quisiesses, seora, / yo sera tu servidor.- / -Vete de a, enemigo, / malo, falso, engaador, / que ni poso en rama verde / ni en rbol que tenga flor; / que si el agua hallo clara, / turbia la beba yo; / que no quiero aver marido / porque hijos no aya yo: / no quiero plazer con ellos / ni menos consolacin. / Dxame triste, enemigo, / malo, falso, mal triador, / que no quiero ser tu amiga / ni casar contigo no.-. 4 La versin de Valencia, adems de presentar a un pjaro en lugar de la paloma, cambia el estilo falsamente dialgico del texto gaditano por el simple enunciativo. Es como sigue: Yo soy como el pajarito, / que va a la mar y se baa / y con el pico remueve / la arena y no enturbia el agua. S. Segu, Cancionero musical de la provincia de Valencia, Instituto Alfonso el Magnnimo, Valencia, 1980, p. 629. El dato es de V. Atero, C.Gad. 5 De todas las aves es la trtola la ms amante de sus pareja. El macho y la hembra vuelan juntamente, y engendran sus polluelos. Si la muerte los separa, guardan su viudez hasta el final de su vida. Santiago Sebastin (ed.), El Fisilogo atribuido a San Epifanio seguido de El Bestiario Toscano, Ediciones Tuero, Madrid, 1986, p. 63.

Y no enturbias el agua
Ya haba notado Samuels Bochart en el siglo XVIII, tras largas indagaciones sobre los animales de la Biblia en la literatura patrstica, que el primitivo smbolo de la casta monogamia era la paloma, pero que, no se sabe por qu, la gran mayora de los Padres posteriores haban trasladado dicho rasgo a la trtola.6

663

En la antigedad precristiana Aristteles haba puesto a las palomas y trtolas como ejemplo de animales mongamos, pero Plinio el Viejo haba mencionado, resumiendo, exclusivamente a las palomas. Para Bataillon, de ah habra arrancado sin duda, el simbolismo de la paloma en la literatura patrstica.7 De manera que, frente al romance de Fontefrida, la paloma de nuestra cancin es deudora de una an ms lejana tradicin de saber, que nada tiene que ver con la verdad cientfica, por otro lado. Nos ha parecido curioso advertir, sin embargo, que en el amplio corpus del cancionero gaditano no hay ningn texto en que aparezca la trtola, aunque, curiosamente, canten muchos otros pjaros: calandria, ruiseor, jilguero, alondra, pjaro azul, pjaro blanco, pjaro verde, pajarito de oro, canario, guila, gaviln, golondrina, cuco y aves (sin ms). Las palomas son las que ms abundan.8 Y no es que la tradicin oral gaditana aborrezca del todo a la trtola, aparece en algunas versiones del romance de El prisionero,9 pero sin relacin con la fidelidad. Tampoco en la tradicin lrica antigua su presencia es destacada. En el magno corpus publicado por Margit Frenk nos hemos tropezado con ella una sola vez: Qu me llamentis la trtola triste, / que entre otras aves de pesar se viste?.10 Como vemos, la trtola aparece investida de tristura, quizs por su tradicional viudez y por esa consolacin que como consigna el romance de Fontefrida- toman las
6 Art. cit. p. 293. 7 Ibid. 8 Eres paloma turc, / te conozco en el arrullo; / por donde quiera que vas / no hay salero como el tuyo. (Versin de Tarifa, s/d); Eres paloma perdida / que no tienes palomar, / vente a la verita ma / que nunca te ha de faltar / el cario y la alegra. (Versin de Tarifa, s/d); Mara, paloma ma, / de la espiga sale el trigo; / no quisiera ms tesoro / que era casarme contigo. (Versin de Tarifa, s/d); Mara, paloma ma, / las palomas son del rey, / y t, Mara, eres ma / porque lo manda la ley. (Versin de Tarifa, s/d); Una paloma te traigo / que del nido la cog, / su madre qued llorando / como yo lloro por ti. (Versin de Tarifa, s/d); Paloma, no salga(s) al campo, / mira que soy tirador, / te doy un tiro y te mato, / para ti ser el dolor / y para m el quebranto.(Versin de Tarifa, s/d); ...Dicen que la mar pasara / la palomita en un vuelo / y yo quisiera pasarla / en los brazos de mi dueo... (Versin de Arcos de la Fra. cantada por J. M. Capote a V. Atero y P. Piero en 1983; En esta calle a lo largo / hay un gaviln tendido / que dice que va a sacar / la paloma de su nido... (Versin de Jerez de la Fra., cantada por M. Rego a M. Pea en 1994); [...] Si voy a ser el dueo / de tu persona, / ven ac y dame un beso, / blanca paloma... (Versin de Chipiona, cantada por I. Vegara a C. Vega en 1985; ... Palomita blanca y bella / del jardn de la ilusin, / dame la manita, iremos, / al nacimiento de Dios... (Versin de San Fernando, de 1988). En sentido religioso aparece en esta cancin infantil: Tres palomitas / en un palomar / suben y bajan / al pie del altar... (Versin de Arcos de la Fra. recogida en 1990). 9 Es una de las avecillas que le visitan: Una era la calandria / y otro el ruiseor, / y la otra la tortolita / que anda de terr(n) en terrn.... Versin de Espera, recogida en 1985. V. Atero, Romancero General de Andaluca I. Romancero de la provincia de Cdiz, Fundacin Machado Universidad de Cdiz Diputacin Provincial, Cdiz, 1996, p. 160. 10 Corpus de la antigua lrica popular hispnica (siglos XV al XVII), Castalia, Madrid, 1990 (2 ed.), n 838, p. 379. En adelante Corpus.

664

Nieves Vzquez Recio

dems avecicas y que ella a s misma se niega. Quizs esa asociacin con la tristeza y el pesar asentada a partir del Physiologus, segn parece- explique la supersticin andaluza que recoga el folklorista Alejandro Guichot a finales del siglo XIX: En la casa donde se cren trtolas suceden desgracias.11 Tal vez por eso no ha sido un pjaro especialmente atractivo para el cancionero tradicional. Las palomas, sin embargo, a pesar de su relacin simblica con la fidelidad, es un animal ms ambivalente: por un lado, asociada desde la cultura minoica a la divinidad del amor carnal, fue el ave consagrada a Afrodita Venus. Por otro, ha sido arquetipo de pureza, hasta llegar por la va judeocristiana a representar al Espritu Santo. Tambin, segn el relato del Gnesis (8, 1-12), anuncia el final de la catstrofe.12 De manera que la paloma parece unificar rasgos ms positivos que negativos, quizs por eso es el ave tambin ms comn en el cancionero antiguo.13 Ya en este cancionero encontramos textos en los que, igual que en nuestra cancin, la paloma acta como destinataria de la voz potica: Pues se pone el sol / palomita blanca / buela y dle a mis ojos / que por qu se tarda.14 Otro ejemplo del repertorio gaditano con esta misma funcin lo hallamos en una estrofa de una cancin de la guerra de Marruecos: Paloma que vas y vienes / por la tierra y por el mar, / ve y dile a mi amor all lejos / que mi vida es esperar.15 Sin embargo, a la luz del cancionero gaditano, esta funcin de confidente parece secundaria en relacin con la de la paloma como representacin popular de la mujer16 y, desde luego, la paloma de la cancin que estudiamos, investida de esos atributos tan especiales, parece venida de muy distintos lares, de una rancia tradicin potica y de saber. 2. De la fuente fra al mar. Si la fonte frida serva de marco natural negativo para presentar a la trtola en el antiguo romance (negativo porque la trtola no tiene consolacin en la fuente), en nuestra cancin su lugar lo ocupa el mar, con un sentido positivo, puesto que la
11 Alejandro Guichot, Supersticiones populares andaluzas. Biblioteca del Folk-Lore o de las Tradiciones populares recogidas en Andaluca comparadas con las portuguesas, I, 1883. Reed. en Editorial Castillejo, Sevilla, 1995. La referencia est tomada de esta edicin, n 38, p. 93. 12 Federico Revilla, Diccionario de iconografa y simbologa, Ctedra, Madrid, 1999, pp. 334-335. Esa ambivalencia se percibe en la enigmtica paloma de la Razn de amor medieval: la paloma blanca llega al huerto y quiere entrar en la fuente, pero cuando ve al protagonista, lo hace en el extrao vaso lleno de agua fra que est encima del rbol. 13 Corpus: Paloma era mi querida / y s que era palomilla (n 83); En el lao te tengo / paloma torcaz / en el lao te tengo / que no te me ir[s] (n 406); Aqu te tengo, / pxaro triguero; tngote en el lao, / palomo torcazo (n 407); Palombas, se amigos amades / no riades (n, 414); Las palomicas del palomar / ellas se vienen y ellas se van (n 2088); Bolava la palomita / por encima del verde limn / con las alas aparta las ramas / con el pico lleva la flor (n 2153); Palomilla blanca / que pone, que pare (n 2159). Otras aves de este Corpus, de recurrencia menor que la paloma, son: ruiseor, tambin muy abundante ( n 8, 456 A y B, 570, 571, 629, 835, 2303), pjaro (n 15, 1618, 2322, 852), gaviln (n 408, 2082), aves cantoras (n 1110), pjara pinta (n 1432), calandria (n 835), papagayo (n 1097), nsares (n 1936), guila (n 409), cuclillo (n 1818), grulla (n 2082), garza ( n 512) y pelcano (n 803). 14 Corpus: n 569. 15 Versin de Algeciras, cantada por F. Rivera y recogida por F. Vegara, C. Tizn y K. Haisel en 1985. 16 Vase la nota 8.

Y no enturbias el agua

665

paloma se baa efectivamente en l. Conocido es el valor de la fuente fra en la potica tradicional en relacin con la renovacin de la naturaleza y la fecundidad, numerosos estudios se han detenido ya en ese tpico, entre ellos los de Eugenio Asensio y Marcel Bataillon que venimos citando, y a los que nos remitimos. Interesa para nuestro anlisis, sin embargo, subrayar, como hace Egla Morales Blouin, que la tan frecuente agua fra de la tradicin debe interpretarse como significante de la situacin propicia al amor y la fecundidad.17 Podemos decir, no obstante, que en determinados contextos el mar se constituye en alomotivo de la fuente y dems lugares acuticos, es decir, en signo que tiene idntica funcin textual,18 pues todos esas figuras remiten en muchos contextos al mismo valor simblico profundo, que se corresponde con el del agua en general, en palabras de Mircea Eliade, el simbolismo de fecundidad, verificable en todos los planos csmicos.19 En realidad tambin podra decirse que la trtola, la paloma y las otras aves pueden ser equivalentes, del mismo modo que lo son las distintas formas de manipular el agua -beber, lavar o baarse-, en el sentido ertico, aunque, sin duda los baos de amor, de los que nuestra cancin se hace eco, constituyen, por la tan documentada tradicin folklrica sobre este rito regenerativo en festividades paganas, su ms connotada representacin.20 Otras dos canciones del repertorio de Cdiz muestran aves bebiendo: Ven, ven, / a la fuente a beber, / y all con picos de oro / las aves hacen coro...;21 Una paloma baj / a un arroyuelo a beber, / por no mojarse la cola, / alz el vuelo y se fue, / Qu paloma tan seora!.22 As que la paloma de la cancin que estudiamos se baa en el mar ejecutando un acto simblicamente idntico al de las avecicas del romance de Fontefrida, que manipulan el agua de la fuente, tomando consolacin, y contrario al de la trtola, que la rehuye.

17 E. Morales Blouin, El ciervo y la fuente. Mito y folklore del agua en la lrica tradicional, Ediciones Jos Porra Turanzas, Madrid, 1981, p. 193. Vase, tambin, por ejemplo, C. B. Lewis, The Origin of Weaving Songs and the Theme of the Girls at the Fountain, Publications of the Modern Languages Association of America, XXXVII, 2 (1922), pp. 141-181. La fuente fra, como sintagma lexicalizado, no falta en la tradicin oral de Cdiz; aparece, por ejemplo, en las versiones del romance de Don Bueso o en las de Las tres cautivas. Fuentes hay tambin en el cancionero: Arroyo claro, / fuente serena, / quin te lava el pauelo / saber quisiera... (versin de Arcos de la Fra., cantada por J. M. Capote a V. Atero y P. Piero en 1983). 18 Utilizo la terminologa de Alan Dundes, From Etic to Emic Units in the Structural Study of the Folktales, Journal of American Folklore, 75, n 296 (1962), pp. 95-105. Para la aplicacin de este concepto al romancero y la potica tradicional vase Nieves Vzquez Recio, Una yerva enconada. Sobre el concepto de motivo en el romancero tradicional, Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Cdiz Fundacin Machado, Cdiz, 2000. 19 Tratado de historia de las religiones, Biblioteca Era, Mxico, 1981, 4 ed., p. 179. 20 La antigua lrica popular ofrece abundantes muestras. Sirva de ejemplo: A los baos del amor / sola m ir, / y en ellos me baar (Corpus: n 320). Vase, entre otros, Julio Caro Baroja, La estacin de amor. Fiestas populares de Mayo a San Juan, Taurus, Madrid, 1983. 21 Versin de San Fernando, cantada por D. Bagaces a M. R. Garfano y S. Garca en 1995. 22 Versin del Campo de Gibraltar, s/d.

666

Nieves Vzquez Recio 3. Y no enturbias el agua.

Deca Eugenio Asensio que la trtola de Fontefrida se presentaba con dos propiedades inesperadas para el autor, que no haba logrado rastrear en la tradicin anterior: no posarse en ramo florido y huir del agua fra adems de clara. El origen de estos elementos lo encuentra en las canciones de Mayo, de donde el poeta los habra tomado y sumado de forma sincrtica al smbolo clerical de la trtola.23 Parece, sin embargo, que esos raros atributos de fidelidad que el romance recrea no son exclusivos de la tradicin hispnica, el profesor Ion Talo los documenta en el folklore rumano:
Quand le mle de la tourterelle meurt, la femelle ne veut pas se remarier, elle cherche la mort, ne se perche plus que sur des abres secs et ne boit plus que dans des mares fangeuses.24

Con el agua turbia llegamos al elemento ms interesante de la cancin que estudiamos, porque en su hacer la paloma ejecuta un acto antittico al de la trtola: si la trtola bebe el agua turbia, la paloma, a pesar de remover la arena con el pico, no enturbia el agua. Pero qu significa exactamente la turbidez en la tradicin? Vicente Beltrn, refirindose al extrao clich expresivo de las cantigas de amigo gallego-portuguesas o cervo do monte a ugua volvia, seala que, al margen del smbolo del ciervo que revuelve el agua -extendido por todo el folklore europeo-, la persistencia del verbo volver en su acepcin de revolver o enturbiar garantiza la continuidad de una corriente formulstica soterraa capaz de llevarlo desde Pero Meogo hasta el Renacimiento.25 En las cantigas el significado de revolver el agua es el de tentacin amorosa o encuentro. El galn y la galana del villancico medieval buelven ell agua clara,26 es decir, se encuentran, y su gozo hace que el agua limpia se remueva, pero ntese que el agua previamente es clara. La tradicin popular parece haber ido oponiendo las aguas fras y claras como marco de la dicha amorosa a las turbias del amor problemtico. Dificultades anuncia el antiguo villancico: Turbias van las aguas, madre, / turbias van, / ms ellas se aclararn.27 Y en este otro, en el que concurre el smbolo del ciervo, tal vez pueda deducirse un tringulo amoroso, la amenaza de una infidelidad que la voz femenina rechaza: ...Cerbatica tan garrida, / no enturbies el agua fra, / que he de lavar la camisa / de aquel a quien di mi fe....28 En el cancionero gaditano el sentido negativo de lo turbio se manifiesta en un claro ejemplo: Dicen que las Isabeles / beben y enturbian el agua; / yo he visto una Isabelita / de beberla y no ensuciarla.29
23 Art. cit. p. 237. 24 Petit dictionnaire de mythologie populaire roumaine, Ellug, Grenoble, 2002, p.192. 25 Vicente Beltrn Pepi, O cervo do monte a augua volvia. Del simbolismo naturalista en las cantigas de amigo, Esquio-Ferrol, 1984, p. 26. 26 Corpus: n 1. 27 Corpus: n 855. 28 Corpus: n 322. 29 Versin de Tarifa, s/d.

Y no enturbias el agua

667

Esta breve trayectoria nos devuelve a Fontefrida y a nuestra cancin. Giuseppe Di Stefano, en sus notas al romance, recuerda que el amoroso ruiseor que enturbia el agua en la que ha mojado su cola es un motivo habitual de las chansons de femme30, evidenciando el mismo simbolismo del ciervo que enturbia el agua de las cantigas: tentacin y requiebro. Pero la triste tortolica viuda, que no se consuela en la fuente fra, que ha negado el placer, bebe el agua turbia, dotando a esta de un significado antittico respecto al de las chansons. Por ltimo, nuestra simptica paloma, aunque remueva con el pico el agua, nunca la bebe turbia. Cmo interpretar estas disparidades? Me parece que la sensual turbidez de las cantigas y de las chansons pertenecen a una lnea simblica distinta a la del romance y a la de nuestra cancin. Porque, qu significa enturbiar o no enturbiar el agua en estos dos ltimos casos. Marcel Bataillon documenta que la graciosa ocurrencia de que la trtola, que se nutre de arena, al beber agua la enturbia, es la que se incorpor ms tardamente a la iconografa de la trtola viuda durante la Edad Media y le cabe la sospecha de que tenga un origen italiano. En su erudito rastreo del motivo por los libros escolares espaoles del siglo XVI llega a una fuente italiana (la Parthenice Mariana del carmelita Battista Spagnuoli, 1448-1516, con comentarios de Josse Bade) que podra explicar el significado de tal ocurrencia: la trtola no bebe en aguas lmpidas para no entristecerse con la imagen de su compaero perdido. Bade lo explica por la perfecta semejanza entre hembra y macho, si la trtola ve su propia imagen en el espejo del agua, ve a su antiguo compaero.31 Nos parece muy atractiva esta explicacin, que entronca, por otra parte, con creencias muy antiguas y de difusin multicultural. J. G. Frazer ya hablaba de que muchos pueblos creen que el alma reside en la imagen reflejada en el agua o en un espejo y que en esa creencia se basa la extendida costumbre de cubrir los espejos o ponerlos vueltos contra la pared despus de morir alguno de la casa.32 Enturbiar el agua vendra a ser un acto equivalente a tapar el espejo. Este tipo de supersticin animista en torno al agua la encontramos tambin en Andaluca. El mismo Alejandro Guichot, antes citado, consignaba: Si una persona bebe inmediatamente despus de la otra en la misma vasija sorprende los secretos de la que bebi antes. Y an ms interesante es la creencia de que A las doce de la noche de la vspera de San Juan la joven que desee averiguar quin ser su novio pondr al sereno un lebrillo de agua clara, mirar dentro y ver el rostro de su futuro novio.33 De manera que quizs la trtola de Fontefrida remueva el agua para no remover su dolor ante el rostro reflejado del amado difunto. Y, entonces, por qu nuestra paloma ejecuta el acto contrario? Recuperando lo dicho al comienzo, en nuestra can30 Ob. cit. p. 196. 31 Dice la Parthenice: Sicut ubi amisso thalami consorte per agros / sola uolat turtur, nitidis neque potat in undis, / ne comitis prisci tristetur imagine uisa, / nec uiridi posthac fertur considere trunco.... Cit. por M. Bataillon, art. cit., p. 304. 32 La rama dorada. Magia y religin (1890), FCE, Madrid, 1992, p. 233. 33 Ob. cit., n 124 y 146, pp. 108 y 114, respectivamente. San Juan de la Cruz, por ejemplo, utiliza esta idea, en esa mezcla sublime que hace de lo culto platnico- y lo popular : Oh cristalina fuente, /si en esos tus semblantes plateados / Formases de repente / los ojos deseados / que tengo en mis entraas dibuxados! (Canciones entre el alma y el esposo. Estrofa 11 del ms. de Jan, Poesas completas, Bruguera, Barcelona, 1981, p. 5).

668

Nieves Vzquez Recio

cin una voz presenta a la paloma, en su ser, con los atributos de baarse y no enturbiar el agua, que parecen convertirla en perfecto destinatario de un hacer: responder sobre la fidelidad de la amada. Por qu esos atributos -o graciosas ocurrencias, como las llamara Bataillon- le confieren autoridad para responder? Los caminos simblicos son, en realidad, inescrutables, pero bien podramos pensar, despus de todo lo dicho, que esta paloma, connotada positivamente por la tradicin como fiel, pero tambin como animal amoroso y puro, se baa ritualmente en un bao de amor, en esas aguas que no enturbia porque en ellas espera el encuentro con el amado, cuya imagen tal vez le conceda el mar. No es la trtola viuda, sino su reverso, la paloma enamorada y segura de su amor, acreditada desde el punto de vista del goce amoroso. Por eso la voz potica le consulta sobre la fidelidad de la amada. Quizs la respuesta positiva est dada implcitamente en la primera parte de la cancin, en ese nivel simblico y figural en el que la paloma habita. Hemos comprobado pues, a travs del anlisis de algunos motivos simblicos, el extrao hilo latente que recorre la tradicin y que nos lleva, en su continua transformacin, desde no sabemos dnde hasta Fontefrida y andando los siglos a una cancin del repertorio tradicional andaluz, que da una nueva vuelta de tuerca a los lugares comunes. Como escriba Marcel Bataillon, la tradicin potica y la tradicin de sabidura concurren en un multisecular proceso de transmisin.34 Estos dos textos son una buena prueba.

34 M. Bataillon, art. cit., p. 292.

mpratul Traian ca mijlocitor ntre romanitatea oriental

i occidental1

Christian Wentzlaff-Eggebert
Universitatea din Kln
Aqu naci aquel rayo de la guerra,/ Gran padre de la patria, honor de Espaa,/ Po, felice, triunfador Trajano,/ Ante quien muda se postr la tierra/ Que ve del sol la cuna y la que baa/ El mar, tambin vencido, gaditano.2

Aceste versuri din renumita od Cancin a las ruinas de Itlica, de Rodrigo Caro, amintesc, ca i referirile lui Castiglione Superbi colli i numeroase alte poezii ale ruinelor din perioada Renaterii, de la Boscn pn la Du Bellay, poziia special a Sevillei n sec. al XVI-lea, cnd - favorizat economic de monopolul comercial cu posesiunile castiliene n Lumea Nou i intelectual de deschiderea fa de strinii din est i din vest - spre sfritul guvernrii lui Philipp al II-lea mai continua s existe un climat spiritual neobinuit pentru Spania acelei vremi, marcat de idei umaniste, pentru care sunt numii ca martori autori diferii, cum sunt Juan de Mal Lara, Fernando de Herrera i pictorul Pacheco. n antologia sa Poesia lrica del siglo de Oro3, Elias L. Rivers aeaz pe andaluzul Rodrigo Caro, nscut n 1573, mai tnr cu aproape 40 de ani dect Herrera, n

1 Acest articol a aprut n limba german n 1993, sub titlul Trajan als Mittler zwischen stlicher und westlicher Romanitt (cf. Kablitz, Andreas, Schulz-Buschhaus, Ulrich (eds): Literaturhistorische Begegnungen. Festschrift zum 60. Geburtstag von Bernhard Knig, Tbingen, Narr, p. 369-378). Publicarea lui aici, fr modificri de coninut, n traducere romneasc, se explic printr-un motiv aparte. E vorba de textul unei conferine inute de mine la Universitatea din Kln acum 25 de ani, la invitaia lui Ion Talo, n cadrul unei, pentru mine, neuitate seri romneti, care a stat la baza unei prietenii sincere. ntr-adevr, titlul conferinei a ctigat mai trziu o neateptat i foarte special semnificaie, cnd Ion Talo a acceptat propunerea mea de a participa la un proiect care avea ca scop cercetri de teren n domeniul literaturii orale din Spania, proiect pe care l-am realizat mpreun de-a lungul mai multor ani n colaborare cu Fundacin Machado i cu universitile din Sevilla i Cdiz, n Sierra de Huelva i n Nordul Marocului. n acest fel, Traian a fost i pentru Ion Talo mijlocitor ntre romanitatea rsritean i cea apusean, croindu-i drum spre fascinanta lume a romanei spaniole. Alturi de profunda cunoatere a tradiiilor populare din sud-estul Europei, aceste cercetri n domeniul literaturii orale a romanitii occidentale i-a facilitat compararea unor lumi ndeprtate din punct de vedere geografic i sublinierea elementelor lor comune. 2 Citat dup: Guillermo Daz-Plaja, Antologa mayor de la literatura espaola, vol. III, Barcelona 1960, p. 134. 3 Elias L. Rivers, Poesa lrica del Siglo de Oro, Madrid 51983.

670

Christian Wentzlaff-Eggebert

rublica Poesa barroca, e drept, nu fr a indica gestos tpicamente renacentistas4, aa cum subliniaz, la alt sevilian, Francisco de Medrano, clasicitatea sonetelor5 lui i cum, n cazul lui Esteban Manuel de Villegas, care pornete deseori de la Horaiu i de la anacreontici, se face vizibil o linie care, dac l urmm pe Rivers, conduce de la Garcilaso la poezia neoclasicist a sec. al XVIII-lea.6 Faptul c, n acelai timp, la Caro, ceva din ductusul versurilor i din aranjamentul sintactic trimite la Gongora arat - mult mai pronunat dect versurile citate aici despre Traian - primele versuri ale odei i e confirmat indirect i de Rivers.7 n cele ase versuri dedicate mpratului din Italica rsun ns desigur i formulrile lui Plinius cel Tnr, care, cu Panegyricus Traiano imperatori dictus, redescoperit de Giovanni Aurispa n Mainz, n 1433, pe la 1600 era nc imitat, deseori n latin, de ex. de Nicolaus Cragius sau, cteva decenii mai trziu, de Daniel Heinsius.8 Plinius elogiaz virtuile rzboinice ale lui Traian, ca fiind de-a dreptul supranaturale (Paneg. 12 .u.), vorbete ndelung despre - obinuitul - refuz iniial i despre acordarea, n cele din urm, a titlului de pater patriae (Paneg., 21)9, celebreaz pietas fa de Nerva (Paneg. 10, 3)10, l apostrofeaz pe Traian, acordnd expresiei O te felicem (Paneg. 74,1)11 un sens nou i avanseaz profetic triumful, n anul 103, dup primul rzboi mpotriva dacilor (Paneg. 17). Originea spaniol a mpratului nu are nici o importan pentru Plinius i e conotat, de nevoie, n menionarea de asemenea celebrului tat M. Ulpius Nerva Traianus (Paneg. 19,2).12 Faptul c, n poezia lui despre Italica, Rodrigo Caro aduce n prim plan aceste rdcini hispanice nu poate surprinde, cci ele sunt propriu-zis prilejul pentru menionarea fiului adoptiv al lui Nerva n aceast od. Surprinztor este n schimb sfritul pasajului dedicat lui Traian, unde, alturi de tierra (...) que baa/ El mar, tambin vencido, gaditano apare ara Que ve del sol la cuna: Dacia antic. E improbabil, dei nu imposibil, ca Rodrigo Caro s se fi referit la statele premergtoare Romniei de azi sau la Basarabia. Cci n ultimele decenii ale sec. al XVI-lea locuitorii vechii Dacii i ai Peninsulei Iberice au luat cunotin pentru ntia oar dup perioada roman unii de alii: n timpul rzboaielor mpotriva turcilor. Un spaniol, Julio Carneval, caballero espaol y gentilhombre este unul dintre informatorii lui Ascanio Centurio degli Hortensii pentru ale sale Commentarii della guerra di Transilvania, aprute la Veneia n 1565.13 ntr-o descriere a rzboiului pe mare de la Lepanto, n care, n 1571, flota turc a suferit o nfrngere nimicitoare,
Op. cit., p. 289. Cf., tot acolo, p. 285 Ibid., p. 355. Ibid., p. 19-20. Cf. C. Plinii Caecili Secundi Panegyricus, ed. de W. Khn, Darnstadt 1985, p. 3; n continuare vom trimite la aceast ediie prin prescurtarea Paneg. urmat de respectivul capitol. 9 Reinerea de a accepta onoarea, se arat, servete la sublinierea modestiei lui Traian; compar: Nonne his tot tantisque meritis novos aliquos honores, novos titulos merebare? At tu etiam patris patriae recusabas. Quam longa nobis cum modestia tua pugna, quam tarde vicimus! (Paneg., 21, 1). 10 Un comportament asemntor fa de tatl biologic prevede Plinius (cp. Paneg., 89,2 i 89,3). 11 Cf. Paneg. 88,4, unde Plinius se refer la acordarea celui de al doilea nume Optimus, pe care l situeaz deasupra lui Felix 12 Spania va fi ns menionat ntr-un cu totul alt context n Paneg. 14. 13 Cf. George Uscatescu: Relaciones culturales hispano-rumanas, Madrid 1950, p. 15-16. 4 5 6 7 8

mpratul Traian ca mijlocitor ntre romanitatea oriental i occidental

671

Valahia e menionat ca aliat a Spaniei mpotriva Imperiului Otoman, la Lope de Vega gsim indicaii privitoare la Romnia, iar n 1620, Juan Lotiquio scrie La Historia de Transilvania y de otras partes de Europa, adic o istorie a Ardealului i a altor pri ale Europei.14 Odat cu scderea puterii Spaniei scade i interesul spaniolilor fa de Romnia; urme ale influenei n sens invers Spaniei asupra Romniei se afl, n secolele urmtoare, doar ocazional. Aa transpune Nicolae Costin, pe la 1710, sub titlul Ceasornicul Domnilor, opera filosofic Marco Aurelio con el Reloj de Prncipes a lui Antonio de Guevarra15, iar n 1794 apare la Iai, ntr-o prelucrare liber, Criticn, de Baltasar Gracin, bazat, la rndu-i, pe un model grec.16 n fine, o nuvel, Selestina, (1800) nu prea are legtur cu tragi-comedia spaniol a sec. al XV-lea. n anul 1839 e publicat traducerea lui Lazarillo, iar din 1840 apar diferite traduceri ale lui Quijote. Spre sfritul sec. al XIX-lea numrul exemplelor crete, dar interesul pentru Spania i literatura ei se statornicete i n sec. al XX-lea destul de reticent: n 1897 e tradus Pepita Jimnez, de Juan Valera, urmat de opere ale lui P. A. de Alarcn n 1902 i 1908, iar n 1910 apare Alcalde de Zalamea, de Caldern, n limba romn. Acestea, ca i alte informaii despre receptarea literaturii spaniole n Romnia, au fost adunate de Ramiro Ortiz, n bibliografia comentat Per la storia dei contatti Ispano-Rumeni (1710-1932).17 Completri la datele lui Ortiz apar n articolele lui Darie Novceanu18, Ioana Zlotescu-Cioranu19 i Domnita Dumitrescu20, precum i n amintita oper a lui George Uscatescu.21 Ptrunderea anevoioas a literaturii spaniole n Romnia ne este aadar cunoscut. n schimb se tie prea puin despre istoria literaturii romne n Spania. Ea a fost pregtit n anii 20 ai secolului trecut n cadrul unei ntoarceri pronunate a Spaniei la originile ei romane. n acelai timp cu ncercarea de a redefini contribuia proprie la cultura european se trezete n Peninsula Iberic i un anumit interes pentru Romnia, cellalt aussenseiter al Romaniei. n centrul acestei faze se afl poetul Ramn de Basterra. n ciuda publicaiilor izolate ale emigranilor romni, receptarea masiv a literaturii romne ncepe abia n 1958, prin publicarea unei colecii de poezii ale lui Eminescu, de ctre Mara Teresa Len i Rafael Alberti, la editura Losada din Buenos Aires.22 Receptarea acestei colecii rmne limitat la America de Sud, din cauza adversitilor politice dintre Republica Popular Romnia i Spania lui Franco. n aceast faz sud-american, pe lng Rafael Alberti i tovara lui de via,
Cf. op. cit., p. 15. Ibid., p. 21-23. Ibid., p. 24. Archivum Romanicum 18, 1934, p. 575-608. Darie Novceanu: Espaa e Hispanoamerica en Rumania, n: Cuadernos Hispano-Americanos 247-49, 1970, p. 580-588. 19 Ioana Zlotescu-Cioranu, Introduccin al Hispanismo en Rumania, n: Arbor 316, April 1972. 20 Domnita Dumitrescu, Viajeros rumanos por Espaa e Hispanoamerica, n: Cuadernos HispanoAmericanos 319-23, 1977, p. 183-197. 21 V. nota 13. 22 Mihai Eminescu, Poesas. Versin espaola de Mara Teresa Len y Rafael Alberti, Buenos Aires 1958. 14 15 16 17 18

672

Christian Wentzlaff-Eggebert

Mara Teresa Len, ncep s editeze i s traduc din literatura romn clasic i modern n special Miguel Angel Asturias i Pablo Neruda, care aveau s devin, mai trziu, deintorii Premiului Nobel pentru Literatur.23 Dup acest capitol sud-american, cu numeroase publicaii n Argentina i Mexic, urmeaz o nou faz a rspndirii literaturii romne n traduceri n Spania nsi, ncepnd din 1972, cu publicarea antologiei de liric romneasc a lui Darie Novceanu.24 Sunt retiprite parial mai vechi ediii sud-americane - cum e antologia Eminescu, publicat n 1973 de Mara Teresa Len i Rafael Alberti. Cteodat, aceste ediii ajung chiar la un public mai larg, cum e seria cartea de buzunar pentru copii Moby Dick cu povetile lui Creang Harap-Alb i Povestea porcului, care, n 1979 au cunoscut chiar o a doua ediie.25 Cel mai important mijlocitor n aceast etap este amintitul poet romn Darie Novceanu, care, doi ani dup bine primita antologie de liric romneasc, n care a inclus i opere de tineree, abia remarcate pn atunci, ale lui Tristan Tzara, a publicat n 1974 o antologie de proz modern romneasc.26 Cu privire la Traian intereseaz aici nainte de toate prima faz, adic perioada anterioar lui 1958 i, n special rolulul lui Ramn de Basterra. Basterra s-a nscut n 1888 n Bilbao, a studiat dreptul la Salamanca i a trit mai trziu ca diplomat n Italia, Romnia i Venezuela. A murit la Madrid, n 1928. Opera lui liric, publicat n timpul vieii n diferite colecii i care nu poate fi ornduit n vreuna din marile coli de la nceputul secolului, a fost cercetat amnunit de G. Daz-Plaja i publicat ntr-o ediie complet, n 1958.27 Unele colecii, ca La sencillez de los seres28, trateaz teme din patria lui basc, pe cnd n alte opere joac un rol tema romanitii, noiune utilizat de Basterra oarecum n alt sens dect aceea de latinidad. Aa de pild, n centrul volumului Las urbes luminosas29 se afl oraul Roma. Roma este i punctul de pornire al crii lui Basterra, La obra de Trajano30, n care Basterra descrie, sub forma unui reportaj de cltorie, experienele anilor trii n Romnia ntre 1918-1920. Lucrarea const din dou pri. n prima treime a crii, intitulat Rumania antigua. La tierra en que el sol nace- recurena la Rodrigo Caro nu poate fi trecut cu vederea - i Perspectiva humana, Basterra descrie, ntrerupnd mereu reportajul experienelor proprii cu excursuri istorice i anecdote, o cltorie din 1917, prin Bucuretiul ocupat, la curtea din Iai, prezentnd peisaje i locuitori din Regat i istoria acestuia. n partea a doua, dedicat acelor pri unite cu Romnia dup primul
23 Cf. Antologa de la prosa rumana. Seleccin y traduccin de Miguel Angel Asturias. Prefacio de O. S. Crohmlniceanu, Buenos Aires 1967 i 44 poetas rumanos, traducidos por Pablo Neruda, Buenos Aires 1967. 24 Darie Novceanu, Poesa rumana contempornea. Antologa bilinge, Barcelona 1972. 25 Ion Creang, Cuentos de Rumania, Barcelona 21979. Prima ediie a aprut nc n 1973, adic n acelai an n care a fost retiprit la Seix Barral antologia Eminescu editat la Losada (cf. nota 22). 26 Narrativa rumana contempornea. Prlogo, seleccin, notas y traduccin de Darie Novceanu, Madrid 1974. Cu privire la Tzara, cf. Antologa (v. nota 24), p. 141-169. 27 Cf. G. Daz-Plaja, La poesa y el pensamiento de Ramn de Basterra, Barcelona 1941 i Ramn de Basterra, Obra potica, Bilbao 1958. 28 La sencillez de los seres, Madrid 1923. 29 Las urbes luminosas. Poesas, Bilbao-Madrid 1923. 30 La obra de Trajano, Madrid 1921.

mpratul Traian ca mijlocitor ntre romanitatea oriental i occidental

673

rzboi mondial, n capitolul Rumania nueva. La ciudadela de los siglos se ocup n special de Ardeal, Banat, Maramure i Bucovina, iar un al patrulea capitol cu Dobrogea. n final, Basterra prezint, n rubrica Romania unida problemele economice i politice ale Romniei din anul 1920. Paginile cele mai importante pentru noi se afl n prolog, sub titlul El recuerdo de piedra i ncepe cu o aluzie referitoare la vechea Rom: Quien explora las ruinas de Roma, halla un signo que apunta al Oriente;31 el se refer, cum poate vedea cititorul n imaginea de pe contrapagin, la Columna lui Traian. Totul se afl sub motto-ul: Roma Tu regere imperio populos Romane, mementi, Hac tibi erant artes, pacisque imponere morene Parcere subiectis et debellare superbos. Virgilio.32 Terina intitulat de Basterra Roma este mutilat prin numeroase inexactiti: hac, pacisque i morene apar la el incorrect, adic: hae, pacique i morem, dar mai ales prin erant pentru erunt, imperfectul pentru viitor, renumitele cuvinte ale lui Anchise ctre fiul su din cntarea a asea din Eneida i pierd n ntregime caracterul profetic. Mai mult dect de form, e vorba despre coninutul poruncii lui Vergil adresat romanilor, pe care Friedrich Klingner l interpreteaz astfel: Vergi nicht, hab immer vor Augen, was deine auszeichnende Fhigkeit, dein Beruf ist, unterschieden von den artes, durch die die Griechen sind - bildende Kunst, Wortkunst und wissenschaftliche Erkenntnis der Welt! - imperium und pax in der Welt sind dir aufgetragen; Frieden zu stiften, ja, aber du bist es, der die Norm auferlegen soll; die Norm aber ist mit dem Wort morem, Brauch und Sitte, so gewendet, da man nicht Gebot und Drohung heraushrt, sondern die Gesittung, die dadurch gestiftet wird.33 Cartea lui Basterra La obra de Trajano vrea s fie mai nti o carte despre Roma antic, mai exact despre Imperiul Roman n vremea celei mai mari extinderi a Imperiului spre rsrit. Realizatorul acestei expansiuni este Traian, marele mprat din Spania, care e privit ca nnoitor politic i moral n interior, totodat ca aprtor mpotriva germanilor i a parilor, dar nainte de toate, ca mplinitorul Imperiului, prin colonizarea Daciei, unica lui realizare cu adevrat durabil: En consecuencia , de los tres ttulos que sucesivamente se otorgaron a Trajano, de el Germnico, el Dcico y el Prtico, solamente con el segundo permanece en la Historia. De sus tres obras en el Rin, el Danubio y el Eufrates, slo qued en pi, junto al Danubio, la Dacia romana: Rumania.34
31 32 33 34 Op. cit., p. 9. Ibid. Friedrich Klingner, Rmische Geisteswelt, Mnchen, 1961, p. 603. La obra de Trajano, p. 29.

674

Christian Wentzlaff-Eggebert

De neneles i se pare lui Basterra faptul c literatura spaniol a acordat mpratului originar din Spania o att de mic atenie; nici Cervantes, nici Quevedo sau Gongora nu l-au idealizat ntr-o form corespunztoare. i acest lucru nu poate fi explicat prin aceea, adaug catolicul Basterra, c Traian, n strdania lui spre ordinea interioar, i-a persecutat pe cretini, dovad c papa Gregor cel Mare a implorat salvarea sufletului su, Thomas de Aquino l las s savureze bucurii cereti, iar Dante i arat paradisul. Acum ns, continu Basterra, noua evoluie a acordat celebritii neterse a lui Traian o nou strlucire, cci: En un cabo de Europa, los descendientes de un pueblo abandonado y misterioso comenzaron a principios del pasado siglo a elevar su voz romance, relevando con su presencia la duracin de la empresa trajana en Oriente, anhelo del que brot a la postre una nacin nueva, que se dice hija de Trajano: Rumania.35 Pe el, pe Basterra, l-a ispitit s schieze n Roma, seara, pentru Provincia Spania (a Imperiului Roman), figura aceluia, care, cu mult nainte de Condottieri, mai devreme de republicile-ceti i a Casei de Savoya, a intervenit pentru interesele Italiei i, cu mult nainte de marealul Foch, a aprat cultura roman de venicul atac al germanilor.36 n prolog, ca i n ntreaga carte, in cumpna admiraia afectuoas pentru Romnia i mndria pentru patria spaniol. Cu contiina romanitii comune, fiecare detaliu istoric primete o nou semnificaie. Veriga principal de legtur o constituie experienele comune din antichitate, n care Spaniei, ca una dintre cele mai vechi provincii ale Romei, i-a revenit rolul de na, rol pe care-l ncorporeaz Traian. Semnul exterior al acestei legturi istorice este asemnarea dintre limbi, la care Basterra se refer mereu cu uimire. Cartea lui, La obra de Trajano, ar fi fost rapid uitat, dac unele dintre ideile ei nu s-ar fi ncadrat att de bine n curentele spirituale de la sfritul anilor 20, ale anilor 30 i 40 din Spania. Ramn de Basterra moare n 1928. Publicarea abia n 1970 a unei colecii postume a manuscriselor de dimensiuni mici37 indic orientarea lui ideologic nc mai clar dect cartea lui despre Romnia, din 1921. n eseul La Sobreespaa, catolicul conservator din ara Bascilor opune, cu puin timp nainte de moarte, naionalismului sec. al XIX-lea, care a dus la divizarea Europei i a Americii de Sud, continentalismul, viziunea unui gigantic stat de limb spaniol, n care rile componente ar avea doar o independen limitat, i care, n cadrul unui front al Occidentului mpotriva Orientului, ar fi crescut ambele imperii anglo-saxone.38 Tendina clar a unor asemenea aseriuni i-au asigurat lui Ramn de Basterra un loc, chiar dac modest, n toate istoriile literare publicate n Spania franchist, pn prin 1960. De obicei e catalogat

35 Op. cit., p. 30-31. 36 Cf. ibid., p. 31-32. 37 Papeles inditos y dispersos de Ramn de Basterra, ed. de G. Daz-Plaja, Madrid 1970.

mpratul Traian ca mijlocitor ntre romanitatea oriental i occidental

675

ca printe al hispanitii38 sau ca un entusiasta de lo hispnico.39 n schimb, istoriile literare strine din aceeai vreme, cum sunt cele publicate de Chandler-Schwartz40 sau F. Niedermeyer41, nu-l prea iau n considerare, deoarece ele nu pornesc de la aceleai premise. Cel trziu n 1960 apare Basterra i n opere spaniole ca un cap confuz regionalist, greu de clasificat42, are e tratat n puine pagini, un cap confuz con una ideologa personal de vascongado romano, de espaol imperial.43 n aproximativ aceeai perioad n care istoriile literare spaniole l accept pe Basterra, din motive ideologice, ntr-un fel att de prietenos, adic ntre 1928 i 1958, nfloresc i relaiile culturale dintre Spania i Romnia, fr ca, pentru primii ani, s existe un argument palpabil, dup cum pare s presupun George Uscatescu, cnd scrie: Desde que Basterra escribe su libro, se abren nuevas perspectivas al conocimiento del fenmeno rumano en Espaa. Se puede decir que alrededor del ao 1930 se inicia un verdadero intercambio cultural entre Espaa y Rumania.44 Primul punct culminant l constituie chemarea spaniolului Evaristo Correa Caldern la nou nfiinatul lectorat spaniol n Bucureti. n timpul celui de al doilea rzboi mondial, constelaia politic nlesnete ntemeierea unui Institut Cultural Romn la Madrid (1942-45) i a unor posturi de profesor pentru romn, la Madrid, Barcelona, Granada, Salamanca i La Laguna.45 Aceast masiv ntemeiere de lectorate romneti are ca rezultat o serie de publicaii, n anii 40, printre care menionm o antologie Eminescu (Ocaa 1945) i dou traduceri din Rebreanu. Unele dintre primele cadre didactice ale acestor lectorate lucreaz mult vreme n Spania, dar atractivitatea lor scade, din cauza relaiilor politice schimbate i a contactelor tot mai restrnse cu patria-mam, dup 1945.46 Aa se face c cele 11 publicaii ale Societii culturale hispano romne de la universitatea din Salamanca apar la sfritul anilor 40 i la nceputul anilor 50. Faptul c unele sunt scrise n romn - excepie fcnd o traducere din Caragiale - arat c ele se adreseaz unui numr foarte restrns de cititori.47
38 Op. cit., p. 177-181; n alt loc idealizeaz realizrile Bourbonilor, nainte de toate a lui Alfonso al XIII-lea. Spania, ca i Italia - zice el -, fac progrese clare. Mussolini, en Italia, significa el rebase del liberalismo, que fue una experiencia poltica para la muchedumbre, y la debida al nacionalismo ntegro, que consiste en servir a la estirpe, en servir a la raza (...). Primo de Rivera - continu Basterra - expresa tambin una difana afirmacin nacionalista. El ha sido la volicin lograda que ha tiempo se prometa el nimo nacional, trabajado por un anlisis de remordimiento(ibid., p. 111-112). 39 Diccionario de la Literatura Espaola, ed. de G. Bleiberg i J. Maras, Madrid 21953, p. 80. 40 A. Valbuena Prat, Historia de la literatura espaola, vol. III, Barcelona 1950, p. 569. 41 R. E. Chandler, K. Schwartz, A New History of Spanish Literature, Baton Rouge 1961, p. 379. 42 F. Niedermeyer, Spanische Literatur des 20. Jahrhunderts, Bern 1964, p. 39. 43 E. Diez-Echarri, J. M. Roca Franquesa, Historia de la literatura espaola e hispanoamericana, Madrid 1960, p. 1297. 44 F. Lzaro Carreter, E. Correa Caldern, Literatura espaola contempornea, Salamanca, Madrid, Barcelona 1964, p. 212-213. 45 G. Uscatescu, op. cit., p. 87. 46 Ibid., p. 88. 47 Un mic volum omagial din 1971, adic din perioada cnd Spania se gndete din nou la Romnia,

676

Christian Wentzlaff-Eggebert

n schimb, n 1958, prin traducerea lui Eminescu de ctre Mara Teresa Len i Rafael Alberti48, ncepe n America de Sud cea de a doua faz a receptrii, al crei imbold a pornit din Romnia, prin Eugen Jebeleanu i prin alii, datorit convingerilor politice comune, un rol important a revenit n special lui Pablo Neruda i lui Miguel Angel Asturias. Cu att mai surprinztor este faptul c Mara Teresa Len i Rafael Alberti recurg indubitabil la Basterra. n cuvntul nainte la ediia Eminescu din 1958, semnat de amndoi, ei scot n eviden, pe lng anumite paralele ntre romanticul spaniol trziu Gustavo Adolfo Bquer i Eminescu, asemnrile dintre limba romn i spaniol, ca i originea comun n Imperiul Roman: Es Rumania, dentro de una diffcil enclavacin geogrfica un pas latino. Su latinidad nos confunde cuando llegamos a ella y creemos apresar su idioma y hasta lo hacemos, pero inmediatamente nos rechaza dejndonos sordos. El valor de esta aproximacin es, sin embargo, muy grande. Entramos en un mbito de convivencia raramente sentido en otro pas.49 n alt loc amintete andaluzul Alberti c cel care a cucerit Dacia a fost un spanioldin Sevilla: Un sevillano ocup la Dacia, y como Roma abarcaba el mundo de Este a Oeste, el menos romano de los emperadores, Trajano el de Sevilla, conquist esa hermosa tierra.50 Rafael Alberti i Mara Teresa Len mbogesc informaiile lui Basterra, cnd prezint pe scurt dezvoltarea literaturii romne, despre care acesta, cu excepia ctorva texte folclorice, nu prea vorbise. De altfel, multe afirmaii ale lor arat ca detalieri ale expunerilor lui Basterra. Uneori se constat ns i deosebiri n aprecierea faptelor istorice. Aa a vzut bascul pe romni ca un popor aprut din unirea femeilor dace cu spanioli sau gali romanizai, pentru a constitui un bastion mpotriva pericolelor mereu noi, care veneau din nordul germanic i din estul slavo-asiatic. Din motive ideologice, pentru Rafael Alberti i Mara Teresa Len, Romnia este mai degrab prelungirea ultim a Imperiului Roman deschis spre rsrit, creia romanii i-au adus civilizaia lor, aa cum le-au adus-o, cteva secole mai devreme, ibericilor, fr ca prin aceasta s le distrug independena. Civa ani dup apariia acestei traduceri din Eminescu public Pablo Neruda traducerile de liric romneasc modern, pe care le-a pregtit pe Isla Negra din Pacificul de Sud.51 i la el ne ntmpin un sentiment aproape mistic al solidaritii cu poporul romn, motivat de apartenena la familia popoarelor colonizate de Roma, Spaniei, dar,
publicat de universitatea din Salamanca, prilejuit de aniversarea a 25 de ani de la nfiinarea Seminarului de romn dovedete n mod exemplar acest lucru; cf. Memoria. Veinticinco aos de actividad acadmica 1946-1971, Salamanca 1971. 48 V. Memoria, p. 15-16. 49 V. nota 22. 50 Op. cit., p. 8. 51 Ibid.

mpratul Traian ca mijlocitor ntre romanitatea oriental i occidental

677

n grad i mai nalt, Americii Latine, i Romniei le revine o poziie de aussenseiter ntr-un cerc, al crui centru l formeaz Frana n epoca modern: e vorba de poziia de un aussenseiter n dublu sens: din punctul de vedere geografic i din acela cu privire la insuficienta luare n considerare a contribuiei acestor popoare la dezvoltarea literaturii, artei i a demnitii umane. ntr-adevr, scrie Neruda, Romnia s-a descurcat mai bine cu poziia de aussenseiter. Romnia nu s-a limitat s se sprijine cultural pe Frana - cum au fcut muli intelectuali sud-americani -, ci, cu Tzara sau Caragiale, a realizat o contribuie proprie. n acest punct, America Latin ar putea nva de la Romnia.52 Cartea despre Romnia publicat n 1921 a capului confuz basc Ramn de Basterra, care, la rndul lui, citeaz pe Rodrigo Caro, i menine atualitatea, chiar dac nu nemijlocit, pn n 1967, la Pablo Neruda. Scris sub impresia Unirii Romniei dup primul rzboi mondial, La obra de Trajano a pregtit calea pentru primul val al relaiilor culturale ntre Spania i Romnia la nceputul anilor 30. Dup rzboiul civil din Spania, opera lui Basterra a fost luat deseori, datorit perspectivei naionalist-rasiste, ca punct de referin pentru revigorarea relaiilor dintre Spania i Romnia. Recursul spaniolilor exilai Rafael Alberti i Mara Teresa Len la ideile lui Basterra poate surprinde la nceput. S-ar putea ns ca Alberti s-l fi cunoscut pe Basterra: amndoi au participat la elaborarea planului pentru jubileul Gongora, din 1927, chiar dac Basterra n-a mai ajuns s colaboreze la realizarea lui. Cnd recurg la ideile romanitii i latinitii comune a spaniolilor i romnilor, n 1958, Mara Teresa Len i Rafael Alberti au prelucrat, ntr-o oarecare msur, lectura din tineree a lui Basterra, fr a lua n considerare istoria receptrii operei n Spania lui Franco. La rndul su, Pablo Neruda se va fi sprijinit, n 1967, pe Alberti i M. T. Len, i aceasta la nceputul celei de a treia faze a receptrii literaturii romne n spaiul de limb spaniol, fapt prin care cercul se nchide, iar Traian, altfel dect la Caro i ntr-un fel inimaginabil pentru Plinius, devine simbolul romanitii, care cuprinde ntreaga hispanitate, inclusiv a Americii pn la Isla Negra.

52 Cf. nota 23.

An Ethnographic Study of the Family in the Baraolt Basin (Erdvidk) with Special Regard to the Situation of Women
Erzsbet Zakaris
Folklore Archive Institute of the Romanian Academy, Cluj 1. The history of the family
Family is the tightest scene of human life. Not only that it has an important influnce on personality development, but it also determines the quality of life in many ways. The family form of today is a historical product. This form or method of human cohabitation has been passing through different stages of evolution throughout time. Although the appearance of family as a form of life might have taken place in the very early stages of human existence, family research is not an ancient discipline. Its beginnings date back to at most one, one and a half century, being related to the scientific activity of two English and one American anthropologist: J. F. Mc Clennan and Sir Henry Maine, respectively Lewis Henry Morgan. In spite of this relatively short period of time the works on family history and kinship have reached an unbelievable number. Almost 12,000 works appeared between 1900 and 1964, a number that has been multiplied since then. One important stage in the science of family history was the work of French sociologist Frdric Le Play on the structure of family, distinguishing three types in the European history of the family: the extended patriarchal family, with direct descendants and their families living together with the parents; the stem family, with only one descendant with family remaining with the parents; and the third and most developed type, the so-called unstable family, with all descendants starting a family separate from the parents. 1 During time scholars and research schools have approached the family types of Le Play in different ways. Some just overtook it, others improved it, others created new categories. Lawrence Stone for example after almost a century was defining also three family types, but using slightly different structuring criteria. According to him we can talk about a more extended open lineage family in the Middle Ages, about a more restricted patriarchal nuclear family during the 16th18th centuries, while the modern ages are characterised by a closed domesticated nuclear family. 2 The Cambridge-group of Peter Laslett also distinguished three types of households of the early modern ages, namely: the simple, nuclear or conjugal family, the extended family with widow or widower, brothers or sisters, cousins living together
1 Le Play, 1871. 2 Stone, 1977.

680

Erzsbet Zakaris

with the spouses , and the multiple family featuring several household units living together. According to Laslett, starting with the 16th century the nuclear family has been the most frequent family type, that as the scene of socialization also the adults growing up within the same structure wanted to sustain. 3 Without intending to be exhaustive I would like to mention the provoking hypothesis of American sociologist Marion Levy, according to which the dominance of conjugal family in all of the known societies of the world is neither a consequence of social psychology, nor a learned habit, but is simply determined by material factors. The high mortality rate of the preindustrial era unabled the spreading of the extended family structure. In the societies of transition technological evolution could have enabled such a structure, but the process of motorization had an opposite effect than expected, thus economical and psychological pressure led to a structure opposite to the extended family. Therefore the modernization of societies, the more and more idealistic circumstances for the spreading of the extended family strangely led to the frequency of the nuclear family. 4 2. About the history of Erdvidk (Baraolt Basin) We know that the history of Szeklers had some special features within the history of Hungarians. What was this specificity consisting of? First of all the stem society of the Szeklers settled down for defending the borderlands of the Hungarian Kingdom had gradually become a social order of military nature, but also keeping the characteristics of its ancient stem society and the possibility of self organization for centuries. However Szekler society had gradually assimilated to the structure of the Hungarian society. The most important characteristic of Szeklers comes from their social role, namely their military status. This function had been in force almost continuously, at least until the emancipation from serfdom in 1848. This explains the specific structure of the Szekler society and the fact that even feudalism and serfdom could enter their society much slower and a few centuries later than in other regions. However, the feudal system did not match with military duties. Only that family was able to provide soldier, accoutrement, horse, arms whenever needed, which was its own master on its own farm, without being burdened with all kinds of taxes and surrender. The two most important components of Szekler freedom were their right to be free of taxes and their right to self administration.5 During the centuries the specific character of the Szekler society has probably influenced the grade and speed of modernization and secularization. The turn of the century is considered as the time of the rise of bourgeoisie. This was not tipical of Erdvidk, because this region as a consequence of its relative isolation was lagging behind the evolutionary rhythm of Transylvanian economy. Taking a look at the national census of 1900, we can see that there were 19 villages of this region with 23,263 inhabitants, 85% of them being engaged in traditional farming. (In other parts of Transylvania the ratio was of 73%).6 This was so even
3 4 5 6 Laslett-Wall, 1972. Levy, 1960 Egyed 2006 Egyed 1965.

An Ethnographic Study of the Family in the Baraolt Basin

681

if we know that because of the geographic parameters in the Baraolt Basin is little ploughland of a low quality. Ley farming had survived for a long time, along with its different variants. The subsistence of the farming stratum was intensely helped by the common use of pasturage and woods, but this came to an end with division and scaling, the common lands ending up in the hands of the landholders.7 At this point the only pasturage and woods remaining in common use were at Cpeni, Doboeni, Valea Zlanului, Banii Mici and Herculian, while in other places these were heavily reduced, thus there were serious problems related to animal keeping, resulting the waning of the stock. This was also a part of a process in the Baraolt Basin according to which the power of the squatters was rising (in the shape of open scissors) and in the same time the more poor strata were becoming even more poor. It can be considered a consequence of the little ploughland that the Szekler having a joy in boring and carving went for an activity proper to the local circumstances, to complete their income and to secure their subsistence. The people of Filia, Doboeni and Vrghi were completing their incomes with lime burning and sleeper carving, those of Herculian with pottery and coppery, those of Brdu with the making of barrel pieces, those of Banii Mari with tile burning, those of Bodo with the making of wheels and wagons, respectively with masonry, while those of Biboreni with the selling and transportation of mineral water. The centre of the region is Baraolt, a place of fairs, being the most adequate to revive different types of handicraft. In 1914 there was a corporation here including 162 craftsmen. There were 3 factories based on alcohol production, one on cheese production, there were 7 shops, 3 undertakers, 2 printing houses, 2 doctors, a boys and a girls school lit by electricity, a hospital and a drugstore. 8 3. The period in question and its society The period I am interested in was delimited in fact by the method of research. As the interviewed women used to talk by the nostalgic paradigm of it was something else back then during my fieldwork, I have become very curious about this back then and about how it was something else. These people used to talk joyfully mostly about this past time, a time evoked by their childhood and youth; this period being the standard, being referred to regarding any aspects of changes of their lives. This period means roughly the first part of the 20th century, from the years before WWI to WWII, or to the following years of political and socio-economical changes, up to the beginning of popular democracy. The importance of the mentioned period for me is given by the fact that it was the last one when at its basis and in spite of all the historical changes, of the rise of capitalism and burgeoisie there was a functioning self sustaining society based on traditional farming, that is cultivation of land and animal keeping. Both the economic history of the region and the memory of the informants seem to sustain this idea. In the period in question there was no important squatter stratum in the Baraolt Basin. Because of the geographic parameters, we find relatively small lands at the
7 Op. cit. 8 Cserey-Binder 1992

682

Erzsbet Zakaris

outskirts of the villages, so a large estate in this region should have been of about 140-170 acres that only a couple of families had possessed. We could also count only a couple of land owners with a medium size estate (70-80 acres) per village, but there was an important number of owners with an estate of 7 to 15 acres, who were still able to sustain their families from their lands. All those with a more restricted land would have to complete their incomes with day-labour or part-used lands. So the society of the Baraolt Basin includes only an infinitesimal number of squatters, opposite to an important number of land owners with a restricted estate. The latter one included well-to-do and almost well-to-do inhabitants. Besides them, there were numerous poor inhabitants, some having no land at all in their possession. All of them were engaged in cultivation of land and animal keeping (the difference was made by the quantity of land and stock, plus the jurisdictional status). Consequently the economic structuring of the local society means in fact a difference that can be revealed in the jurisdictional relation to the cultivated land, but not in the mentality and rule of everyday life, so this aspect cannot be unveiled in the differency of local life courses either. Besides these elements the society of the local village was completed by some families that were not sustained by the cultivation of land: mostly unwealthy intelligentsia, the priest and the teacher, being payed by the locals with a tax of 150, respectively 100 pounds of cereals, craftsmen blacksmith, miller, furrier, tailor, ropemaker, carpenter, painter and so on, merchants and those 5 or 6 shepherds, who were always having the most poor and most numerous families in the village. We know from the book of dr. Kroly Ks on the painted furniture of Vrghi that in 1956 there were surprisely many carpenters in the Baraolt Basin compared to the other regions of Transylvania. There were 5 in Vrghi, 2 in Tlioara, 2 in Doboeni, 3 in Filia, 3 in Brdut and more than 20 in Baraolt. 9 4. The type, structure and size of the traditional family in the Baraolt Basin In the Baraolt Basin the natural way of traditional lifestyle included also the moment of starting a family and living in it. In the period in question most of the local families were of the stem family type if we follow the typology of Le Play , with a relative spreading of the nuclear family, both types functioning as economic units. Nuclear family is an entirely restricted unit, including only the spouses and their children, while the stem family includes an additional generation. In the Baraolt Basin the elder parents usually kept the family of their youngest son at their side. Although this practice had been sustained for a long time, it had gradually changed in a way according to which the young couples remained in the same yard, but they tried to live in separate houses and in separate households, thus only the organization of agrarian works was carried out together. This common organization of works included also the families of the other children, living in the same settlement, but in separate plots, therefore within important agricultural works first of all the parents and the children were the ones to help each other, besides other members of the local community. We can rephrase that in the Baraolt Basin, too the primordial function of
9 Dr. Ks 1972.

An Ethnographic Study of the Family in the Baraolt Basin

683

the family, as of the smallest coexistential unit, was familial organization of works and to produce, to assure economic power related to self sustenance, all this besides the fact that the family, as a cohabitational form, was the most important scene of the education and socialization of children, respectively the sanctified frame of sexual life. In those times familial unity was validated exclusively by the Church. Although the contribution of the village hall was also needed, people considered it a formality, something unimportant. Being a determining economic unit, the starting of a family was exclusively predominated by the economic visions of the parents, even if this aspect had been showing a weakening tendency. The primordial aim of marriages was keeping the estate together, or even to augment it. Families meant material stability, economical frame and protection for their members. The local restricted estates influenced the size of the families, too for some extent. People tried to limit the number of children according to the possibilities, but this did not mean by far the practice of singletonism recorded in Clata region. According to the memory of the informants, in this region, too people tried to use different practices of birth-control in order to influence the size of their family, especially the home-made methods of abortion, as one could witness a minimal level of sexual education in that period of time. In spite of all this, the data provided by the local registers show the fact that comparing to our days there were families with many children and the formation of very numerous families was impeded by the frequency of infant mortality. Although 8-10 children were born in the families of those times, only 4-5 of them had reached adulthood, because of the 30-40% infant mortalty. As an example, we can extract the case of the children of Mikls Lzr (married in 1860) from the registers of Doboeni: The name of the child Mrton Sndor Jzsef Mzes Jzsef Istvn Blint Blint Blint Born 1865 1868 1870 1871 1874 1877 1880 1882 1884 Deceased

1871 1884

1881 1883

Or from the same village, the ratio of the descendants, victims of infant mortality in the family of Istvn Benk:

684 The name of the child Istvn ron Jakab Erzsbet Jakab Erzsbet Mihly Vilmos

Erzsbet Zakaris Born 1908 1910 1913 1914 1919 1922 1924 1927 Deceased

1913 1914 1923

In the families of the Baraolt Basin power was in the hands of men (by sex) and of the elder (by age). We have to make a difference between neolocal nuclear family, where power was in the hands of the husband, and the two-generation stem family, where power was related to sex and age, so while he was alive, the eldest father was in charge, followed by his wife, but only until she was able to work. The elder were respected even after that phase, for example they would be sitting at the head of the table until their last day, they would be first to have their meal, but as they practically could not take part in production, their advices remained private oppinions, always listened by the younger ones, but the decisions were taken by the latter ones according to their own conception. In the period in question the elders were really tied to their environment. Old age wasnt such a drastic fracture in the life course of the individual than in the modern society. Obviously the ages, when the elder couldnt be very useful for the family and needed a support in almost everything, werent really bearable back then either, but even this condition could be more easily beared in an organically united family than alone. According to the attitude to death, Aris divides tender death from forbidden death. The former is particular for traditional societies, while the latter for modernity. Tender death means accepting death as a natural fact, making this being accepted by the family as well, and the preparing for this fact. According to the author modernity is the age of forbidden death, where the society which cannot accept death as a fact, entirely ignores its thought, it doesnt deal with it, therefore death always means a far too big trauma and spiritual affliction for the bereaved.10 Experience shows us that in the traditional society of the Baraolt Basin the practice of tender death was in force, so the families were living together with the thought of death, the elder were preparing for it together with their family and relatives. This was the natural way, or the concept of beautiful death, which was quite general in the traditional Hungarian culture. 11 In the Baraolt Basin, just like in the Hungarian villages in general, the physical environment, the life-space of the family was represented by the dwelling house and the outbuildings, all being placed on a separate plot. In the period in question the majority of the houses were made of wood, with a foundation made of stone (except
10 Aries, 1960 11 Kunt 1987.

An Ethnographic Study of the Family in the Baraolt Basin

685

for the manors and public houses, which were made of brick). The dwelling houses usually had a kitchen and a room, that is the space of cooking was separated from the clean room, but however numerous was a family, the scene of their everyday life was exclusively the kitchen. Usually all members of the family were sleeping here. It is probable that the bench-bed, a combination of bed and bench was created in order to ease the sleeping problems of the more numerous families, as it offered an excellent place to sleep in its drawer-like part. It was closed during the day, thus functioning as a real bench. Some pieces of furniture and utensils were also home made. Whatever couldnt be manufactured because of the lack of competence or material, was bought at the fairs. All the crockery used at cooking was bought from the potters of Corund and Herculian, or exchanged for cereals. About the house types and interiors of those times we have a complete description in the work of dr. Kroly Ks: The Painted Furniture of Vrghi. 12 5. About couples Most of the informants spoke about the fact that in the past a very strong endogamy was in force in the villages of the region. Before people used to say that until they find a piglet in the village, they wont go for a pig elsewhere. (Man, born in 1896, Tlioara) Young men did not get married with girls from other villages. They were also in guard at the dance occasions on which young men from other villages were present, too, trying to be sure that strangers do not have fun with the local girls, or better, they dont even get the chance to meet or to be together with the girls. It was a constant urge to keep the young men of the other villages at a distance. The grade of marriages within the same settlement was so high that practically half of the village was related to each other. People were glad about it, they even urged the marriage between relatives, because that way the estates were not divided. Before youngsters were sent to relatives, so the land would not be divided. And then, as democracy has come, there was no need for land either. In the past they married even to the relatives. Well, if we take it that way, half of the village is related to each other. Either from the fathers side, or from the mothers, but half of the village is related. (Woman, born in 1928, Racoul de Sus). One of the consequences of endogamy could be a custom told by the informants: when a local girl is taken to another village as a bride, after the religious ceremony, coming out of the church the way is tied across with something, so the groom has to redeem the bride. In fact the material importance, the chance of material rise was standing behind the fact of strong endogamy, as the most important criterion for choosing ones pair. Rank married rank, land with land used to say the elder. In a self sustaining farming community land was an essential issue. Keeping and gaining more land fortune was the purpose of life, so it is no wonder that the most simple and easier way of augment, or maybe the only practical way as no one was willing to sell the lands, so there was no chance buying some, except for accidental occasions was naturally exploited by everyone, and parents were trying to marry their
12 Dr. Ks 1972.

686

Erzsbet Zakaris

children with all this in view. Back then people used to watch the estate, the fortune, too, and it was gathered this way. Rich farmer would proposed a rich girl, if he tried a poor one, the parents didnt let him. So he could marry whoever the parents wanted. (Woman, born in 1902, Racoul de Sus) There was no extreme case in the Baraolt Basin as the one quoted by Mrta Fgedi as an anecdote related to the marrying costums of the Matys (Hungary): the working son comes home, and his mother awaits for him: You got married son! The answer: Who did I take?13 But my informants do remember a case when the parents came together, agreeing on the marriage of their children without even consulting them. But the most frequent practice was that the parents picked out a girl and they tried to make their son accept her. Back then parents came together and agreed that you see, you must propose this one! And if it was good, it was good, if not, it was good, too. It had to be that way. (Woman, born in 1927, Biboreni) If the young man decided according to his own will or feelings, the parents made an effort to at least gouge as much dowry from the girls family as possible. At writing, before the wedding, when the groom and his parents went to the brides house to put in writing the dowry of the girl, if they were not entirely satisfied, they had the possibility to ask for more, exposing their demands and expectations. There was a time to bargain. The brides parents were also thinking over it, bargaining. Everybody in the village knew, what he could expect from the girls parents. They gave a piece of land as well, because there was land. There were some who left the whole thing, and one went to the writing, they agreed upon the time, the one night when they wrote everything down, fortune, lands, everything. And there were cases when the writing was over, the young man started to ask for more, to say what he demanded, then the parents were thinking about it, and there were some who gave him what he wanted, and some who didnt. (Woman, born in 1903, Bodo) It happened that the young wife was bundled off from the house of her fatherin-law, because she hadnt had enough land included in her dowry. In these situations her father promised more, and she was taken back to her husbands place. There were many to divorce. Because of the fortune. It happened like: your father didnt gave us enough land, go back home! Then the others got scared that she will be sent home, so they gave more land. (Woman, born in 1935, Filia) If the young couple knew that their parents wouldnt let them get married because of the material differences, and they had enough strength and will to oppose their thought, the young man ran away with the girl. This happened very rarely, and in these cases the parents first or last calmed down and agreed upon their marriage. Analysing the confessions of the informants we can state that from the four types of marital variants possible by fortune, that is: 1) wealthy young man + wealthy girl, 2) weatlhy young man + poor girl, 3) poor young man + wealthy girl, 4) poor young man + poor girl, all of them were recorded in the Baraolt Basin, too, although it was quite hard to draw the limit between wealth and powerty, as the mentioned categories were hardly divided from the informants point of view. For the wealthiest farmer probably everyone else with less land was poor, while for the poor families
13 Fgedi 1988

An Ethnographic Study of the Family in the Baraolt Basin

687

all were wealthier if they had something more. Besides the families with a little portion of land, all craftsmen were considered poor, as they had been living from something else than land (e.g. the miller, the tailor, the wheel-maker, the furrier, the shoemaker etc.), just like the teacher with no fortune at all, or the clerks. The latter were called slim pants, as they didnt wear such thick baize moggans as the farmers or the shepherds. Some girls concentrating on fortune were trying to conquer only the young man with baize moggans, while others knowing that a lot of fortune comes along with a lot of work preferred craftsmen, because in their case the hard agricultural works were less. Men were always wearing moggans. Thick ones, made of baize. White ones, gray ones, what one wanted. What the father was wearing, the son was wearing. That was the custom. The farmers were wearing the same. If one was wearing pants, people used to talk about him. They said, he is a shoemaker. The poor kind is like that, slim pants they used to say. If they went to the girls: We dont want slim pants! We want thick baize moggans!. Because the farmers and shepherds were wearing such things, there was the fortune, that was what most of the people were going for. But there were some clever ones, thinking that at slim pants it will be better, because at the rich ones one had to work a lot! It was heavy work there! Not all the girls were eager for that. I was afraid of the thick baize moggans myself, because you had to work hard there. But not with the others. Because at a shoemaker or a tailor there was only needlework. (Woman, born in 1935, Filia) Very often the young couple that was joined because of the fortune was living an unhappy life. In the village of Tlioara loveless marriage, arranged for the fortune not to be divided, was to blame for the birth of a handicapped child. There was a proud young man here. He was a handsome man. And because of the fortune... more and more... until he had to propose her, regradless of the fact that he didnt love her. They had never lived in peace. He couldnt become inloved with her, they got married for nothing. And she gave birth to two awkward children. (Woman, born in 1912, Tlioara) We can observe that variant no. 2), that is the marriage between a wealthy young man and a poor girl was quite frequent one in spite of the strong protests of the young mans parents. If the marriage couldnt be stopped by any means, the young wife had to endure a lot later on in the house of her husband. Not really from her husband, but more from his family, from her father-in-law and mother-in-law and even from her brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law. One of my informants was telling me with a lot of pitty about his wife: She always said to me: If I just hadnt marry you! Although there was never a conflict between us. She complained how much they had made her feel that she wasnt a high rank girl. (Man, born in 1938, Tlioara) In this case the girl had to be the most self giving and the most obedient daughter-in-law. If she was able to gain the benevolence and recognition of her husbands parent by her efficiency and work, they could live in peace and love. But this was quite rare. The wife always felt that they were looking down to her. In the past the custom was that the father of the girl was the one to have a new pair of boots made for her as a part of the dowry. One poor girl had another pair of boots made for her in order to take care of the one given by her father, so her husband had been talking about it all her life: You havent had a pair of boots, I had that made for you! And there was a cause of irritation. (Woman, born in 1935, Filia) In spite of all the in-

688

Erzsbet Zakaris

conveniences and difficulties the girls tried to get married to a wealthy young man, to a lad that was well off. The most rare variant was the marriage betwen a poor young man and a wealthy girl. Most of the boys had not even the guts to go to the wealthier girls. They didnt even go to a wealthier girl. They didnt go in for it. (Woman, born in 1927, Biboreni) They were not keen about seing a poor young man trying to approach, to have fun with a wealthy girl. Back then if a young man was dancing with a wealthy girl, he got beaten up.(Woman, born in 1912, Aita Seac) One of my informants was a wealthier girl marrying a poor young man, against the will of her parents. They had been living in peace, but she could never talk about her problems to her mother. Although she had no easy life. She had never been in service at anyone, being the oldest child, her workforce was needed on the fields. She was working a lot, working hard, so her parents had always bought her everything, had always done everything to please her, everything for her joy. She married a poor young man because of her love. She gave birth to ten children, plus she had to take care of her mother-in-law as well. She had been struggling a lot, she had a hard life. She went out every day to visit her parents, but she didnt/ she couldnt complain to them. The most common oppinion was that a young couple of different social stratum would never have a peaceful marriage. There was quite a rare case when no one was complaining about this to each other. Based on the collected material we could draw the conclusion that the happiest marrieges were tied between poor young men and poor girls. As there was no constraint, no bargain, no material debate. The couple was joined together by their honest and true love. We were both so poor, that we had no problems at all. We married each other because of our love and affection. We didnt went after a fortune. Neither did our parents. [...] If I were young, I wouldnt go for a fortune now either, neither for fortune nor for anything else. I would stand beside the man I love. (Woman, born in 1927, Biboreni) Analyzing the points of view of choosing ones pair the image of the local social structure is outlining in front of us. It seems like in the first third of the century the main criterion of choosing ones pair was the size of the land. Although there was a touch of the memories of the regions specific social structure, of the aristocratic ranks, of the remains of the Szekler privileges, all these were not determining any more. 6. The starting capital of the family: the writing, the dowry One night within the period between the asking for the girl and the wedding itself, the young man and his father went to the girls house to make a writing on the dowry of the girl. The informants are talking mostly about the practical use of the so called perefernum-letter or dowry-letter. According to them such a document must be written because if the spouses will quarrel, it must be clear what are the things the wife can take away with her. The dowry-letter is a precise inventory of all the goods the girl is bringing into her marriage from her parents house. The dowry had to be composed of woven itmes and bed linen, filling two carriages, containing at least 2 sheets, 6-10 pillows, 2-3 dozen towels and clothes, 2025 pieces of woven sacks, complete furniture, even the clothesline had to be there,

An Ethnographic Study of the Family in the Baraolt Basin

689

different vats, pots, that is every item one can imagine necessary in a household. According to tradition the young man was bringing the house, the largest part of the estate and the farming equipment in the new household, while the girls duty included all pieces of the interior, dishes, all woven items and clothing articles for wearing and decoration. Plus two young bullocks, one cow, two piglets, and at least one and a half hectare of land. During my fieldwork two such dowry-letters came into my possession which expose the dowries of two generations of the same family. Andrs Andork took Mria, the child of Andrs Romn as his wife in 1872. The dowry goods of the girl were worth of 740 forint and 5 krajcr, consisting of 26,45% textiles (11,89% bed linen, 12,6% clothes, 1,89% other textiles used in the household), 3,81% furniture, 3,30% different household items, 25,67% live stock and 40,54% plough-land and hayfield. But at his turn Andrs Andork gave no land away. Her daughter Rebeka, getting married in 1892, had a dowry worth of 448 forint and 58 krajcr, consisting of 60,23% textiles, 8,58% furniture, 7,8% household items and 21,84% live stock. Her second daughter Anna, getting married in 1900, received a dowry worth of 832 korona and 58 fillr, consisting of 66,34% textiles, 11,31% painted furniture, 12,12% household items, 10,80% live stock. Unfortunately we dont know the things his son, Albert Andork had received in 1919, at his marriage, but the girl becoming his wife came with a dowry worth of 18.790 korona (showing a 2,5% inflation compared to 1900). This consisted of 46,26% textiles, 14,68% furniture, 7,5% household items and 31,93% live stock. We can also see that while the two girls of Andrs Andork had looms in their dowry, other items appeared in that of Eszter Nagy, getting married in 1919, namely: sewing-machine, coffee mill, coffee-cups with saucers, china plates. The dowries of 1892 and 1900 had been also featuring china plates, but no coffee-cups yet. The value of the furtinure had been also rising during the years compared to the complete value of the dowry: in 1872: in 1892: in 1900: in 1919: 3,81% 8,58% 11,31% 14,68% In the period in question the dowry of the girl was transported by oxen wagon to her new place, regardless if it was the parental house of the groom or a new built house they were starting their common life in. The custom was that the bride tied a cloth onto the horns of the oxen, too, which remained in the possession of the farmer with the oxen. The dowry wagons were sent before the wedding only if the young couple was moving into a new house or to their own house. Otherwise, if they stayed with the parents, the wagons went off only after the wedding ceremony, in order to make some room for the guests, to start the party. The transportation of the dowry was an extremely important part of the wedding, as it was the moment when the woven items and the bed linen marked by the hand work of the bride were exposed, so the public oppinion acknowledged and sanctified the quantity and quality of everything, proving that the diligence and the ability of the bride are corresponding to the aquirements of the local community. This public exposure of the dowry was also appropriate for proving the social rank and material situation of the girl. Therefore it also served as a gauge for the social prstige of the newly formed family.

690

Erzsbet Zakaris 7. The woman in the new family. Status and relations

According to tradition the girls of the Baraolt Basin got married, leaving their parental house. The boys used to build a house for themselves and their families with the help of the parents. The youngest boy brought his wife to his parental house, being the support of the aging parents. The accodomation of the young wife was not an easy process. But she couldnt run away from it, the public oppinion of the village requested this step from her. She had to tolerate things, to forget about her insults and to ignore her proud. Well, the young wife had to swallow up many times. She couldnt do anything else. (Man, born in 1938, Tlioara) She was belonging to her husbands family, so she had to get used to the life style of this family, to learn the customs and everyday life of this new location. By the nature of this new situation the wife was the one to adapt. Women being more communicative and caring by nature, they were the ones to look after the aging, often ill mother-in-law or father-in-law, sometimes even for many years. The most difficult situation was that of the poor girl marrying a wealthy young man. In the one hand the mother-in-law, knowing that the rank of the girl did not correspond to the rank of the family, had desperately tried to request an adequate adaptation to the prstige of the family. However, after the marriage the young wife was belonging to the family of the husband by the outer criteria, e.g. in church she was sitting at the place of her husbands family, so she had to be assimilated in the shortest time in all the imaginable aspects. The determining relation of the new cohabitation was not the one between husband and wife, but between wife and mother-in-law. According to my informants not even in the cases when the accomodation process wasnt overshadowed by social differences had the young wife an easy life. A young woman being used to work under her mothers hands had to get used to work under the hands of another woman, the mother-in-law, especially if it was not the case of a neolocal family, but of a life lived in the same courtyard, the same house, usually in the same room with the husbands parents. We had been living together for 13 years. She (the mother-in-law) was sleeping in one bed and me with the children in the other one. Yeah, that was like it, sometimes we were four persons sleeping in the same bed. There had to be room for those 11 children. (Woman, born in 1912, Filia) I came here. My father-in-law and my mother-in-law were living here together with one of my husbands brothers. We built a house for him together, so he got married and we stayed like this. [] Most of the cooking was done by my mother-inlaw, cause I could go to work then. [] She was a very neat, blessed woman. She was taking care of my three children even better than I could, cause I was on the fields all the time. (Woman, born in 1935, Filia) As it was one more working hand in the family, the works were reassigned. Not programme-like, of course, but depending on how stubborn was the daughter-in-law or hard handed the mother-in-law. Of course, the undertaking and executing of the works were determined by the physical force of the two women. In many families the mother-in-law had remained the leader of the household. My mother-in-law was leading the household. I was seen here like a girl. (Woman, born in 1935, Filia) For a long time the daughter-in-law was taking a part in the household works as an as-

An Ethnographic Study of the Family in the Baraolt Basin

691

sistant to the mother-in-law. She was doing whatever the mother-in-law had assigned her. However, we can state as a general feature that the physically heavier works were the duties of the young daughter-in-law. I was washing the dishes, doing the laundry, cleaning up the place. The cooking was done mostly by my mother-in-law, because you see, the laundry and cleaning was heavier duty. (Woman, born in 1919, Tlioara) In fact until the mother-in-law had all her strength, the young wife was considered and dealt with as a simple workforce in the new family. The organization of life, the assignment of the works was still the duty of the mother-in-law, respectively of the elder couple. Thus if the young wife was not pregnant and in bed, she was the one to go out on the fields, and the mother-in-law was staying home, cooking. Time passed by, the mother-in-law has become older, so has work become to her, therefore again she was the one to stay at home and look after the children. The younger wife was especially doing the laundry and cleaning besides working on the fields. Given her good pedagogical sense, the mother-in-law has tactfully made her daughter-in-law dare to bake the bread by herself. [..] I kneaded the bread then me and my mother-in-law put it in the oven. We did this like twice. Once she said: Well, my son, take out the coal and I shall come, too, but I have to borrow something from the neighbours, but it will take just a minute. So off she went to call the neighbour over to see how I put the bread in the oven. I was calling her for quite a time, like please come, mother, because I took out the coal, but she didnt come. So I started. I had seen what she used to do, so I did the same. When I put in the last one, we used to throw some flour on the coal, to make some flame. People say that it will make the bread grow better. So I closed the oven. In that minute she arrives together with the neighbour. Well, my son she says anyone of those wanna come out? I will hit it back, if it wants to come out! None of those I say... So she didnt have to put the bread in anymore, I did it on my own. (Woman, born in 1927, Filia) But in most cases women used to complain about their mothers-in-law finding mistakes very easily in their work. Accomodating herself to the new family was supported also by the formation of the forms of address. The daughter-in-law usually used the same forms as her husband: mumdad or motherfather, and later on as her children addressed their grandparents: grandmagrandpa, nannypa. But when she was talking about them in the third person she just called them my mother-in-law, my father-in-law. The mother-in-law used to call her by her name, or sometimes, if she was more severe, she added the form my son to her name (e.g. Rose, my son), or if she was nicer, she added the form my heart (e.g. Rose, my heart). Naturally the young woman was still strongly tied to her mother. The relation between mother and daughter is a very strong one, slackening quite hard. Many of my informants told me, that if they had the chance, they visited their mothers on a daily basis. It is interesting that this was so even when the mother was not too keen about her daughters marriage, and the daughter didnt dare to complain about her many problems. Whoever couldnt meet her mother during the rush of everyday life, tried to devote her spare time to being together with her. However, their separation gave birth to the same strong or even stronger sense of absence for the mother, too. Youve got unused quite well said my mother. But I went there often. Every Saturday night, every new years eve. And I had always spent pancake day together

692

Erzsbet Zakaris

with my mother. (Woman, born in 1935, Filia) Young wifes mention their fathers-in-law undoubtedly less than their mothers-in-law. And this is maybe natural, too, as neither everyday life nor the holidays would create such common scenes of life where they could directly sense the attitude of their fathers-in-law towards them. Another reason might be the fact that men usually passed away before their wives, so many young wifes had been living within the same courtyard with their fathers-in-law only for a couple of years. From the confessions of the informants it seems that men didnt really interfere with the bussiness of women, they were a bit harsher and unbending with their daughters-in-law than their wives. One of my informants was brought to the wealthy house of the husband as a poor girl. Her mother-in-law passed away very early, and her stubborn father-in-law couldnt accept her in spite of her taking care of him for long-long years. However she had tried to correspond to the requirements, doing everything in her power and even so there were many occasions when she was very sorry about getting married in that family. If any member of the family made her feel that she wasnt one of them, it was a heavy spiritual challenge for her even after many years. Once with the birth of her children, the relationship between the young wife and her mother slackened, as she had less and less time to be in contact with her. Her relations with the members of her new family has also changed, as there were stronger ties to her husband and his parents. Therefore she was much more appreciated by her father- and mother-in-law. The birth of a descendant was able to ease many smaller conflicts and even the frustration because of rank differences. Maybe the attitude of the wife has become more assimilating than before, her child made her to adapt better and to be more indulgent. She becomes more familial with the birth of a child. She becomes different, even her thinking is different. She adapts better. Then she visits her mother less and less, because the trouble is at home, the trouble has been born. (Woman, born in 1935, Filia) The situation of the woman was slightly different within a nuclear family. A nuclear family was born when the new family was a neolocal one, that is the young couple moved to a new place, away from the parents of the husband, living all by themselves. In this case the adaptation of the young woman was much easier. She had to adapt only to her husband, to get used to live with him. But this way the new house was also a new environment, so the cohabitation was a new situation for both of the spouses. There were no elders with their consolidated life style to have to get used to, there was no rude or tender guidance. The new family could furnish their space of life, could organize and live their everyday life by their own ideas, based on their agreement. No wonder that the youth being closer and closer to our times were making an effort to move to a new location, to a new house, being not even in the same courtyard with the elder generations. The actual image of the villages mirrors this endeavour very well. If we take a look at the villages of the Baraolt Basin from the view of architecture and settlement structure we can observe a dominance of courtyards with only one dwelling house. We can still observe that one certain street is inhabited by one certain large family, showing that the structure of the tizes including stems was a characteristic of this region as well.14 This is also demonstrated by several still surviving common courtyards where we find 3-5 houses built
14 Duka, 1978

An Ethnographic Study of the Family in the Baraolt Basin

693

for related families behind the same gate, e.g. in Racoul de Sus and Filia. As a summary we can state about the structure and life of the families of the Baraolt Basin that although it is mostly similar to those of Szeklerland, Transylvania, the Hungarian-speaking area or even to the European family in general, their history, jurisdictional custom, the local customs and traditions enable in certain connections the outlining of a specific image. The study of the similarities and differences might represent a next challenge for the author or for any other scholar interested in this topic. Bibliography Aris, Philippe, 1960 Centuries of Childhood. A Social History of Family Life Cserey Farkas, 1800 A magyar s szkely asszony trvnye Kolozsvr Cserey Zoltn-Binder Pl, 1992 Teleplseink in. Hromszk napilap Sepsiszentgyrgy Duka Jnos, 1978 Cskszentllek tzeseirl, in. Npismereti Dolgozatok 186-195 p. Bukarest Egyed kos, 1965 Erdvidk rgen s ma. Falvak dolgoz npe Bukarest Egyed kos, 1975 A parasztsg Erdlyben a szzadforduln. Trsadalom s agrrtrtneti ttekints, Bukarest Egyed kos, 1980 Trsadalmi krds Udvarhelyszken az 1848-49-es forradalom idejn In Aluta Egyed kos, 1981 Falu, vros, civilizci. Tanulmnyok a jobbgyfelszabadits s a kapitalizmus trtnetbl Erdlyben 1848-1914, Bukarest Egyed kos, 1988 Szomszdsg s letmd a korbbi Erdvidken In. UTUNK XLIII.53 Egyed kos, 1997 A korszersd s hagyomnyrz Erdly. Tanulmnyok s ms irsok a XVII-XIX. szzad trtnetbl I-II kt. Cskszereda Egyed kos, 2004 Erdly metamorfzisa a hossz 19. szzadban I-II Cskszereda Egyed kos, 2006 A szkelyek rvid trtnete a megtelepedstl 1918-ig Cskszereda Fl Edit, 1944 A nagycsald s jogszoksai a Komrom megyei Martoson. Kisalfldi kzlemnyek, I. Budapest Fl Edit-Hofer Tams, 1969 Proper peasants. Traditional life in a hungarian village, New York Budapest Fl Edit, 1997 Arnyok s mrtkek a paraszti gazdlkodsban, Budapest Fgedi Mrta, 1988 A gyermek a maty csaldban, Miskolc Garda Dezs, 1992 Termels s munkamegoszts a gyergyi fldmves csaldban In.Nprajzi Lthatr I. 1-2. Gazda Klra, 1998 A szkely npviselet, Budapest Gies, Frances and Joseph, 1987 Marriage and the Family in the Middle Ages, New York Imreh Istvn, 1973 A rendtart szkely falu, Bukarest Imreh Istvn, 1979 Erdlyi htkznapok 1850 1950, Bukarest Jvor Katalin, 1966 Egy parasztcsald munkamegosztsa egy nyrsgi faluban. Kzlemnyek a debreceni Kossuth Lajos Tudomnyegyetem Nprajzi Intzetbl,

694

Erzsbet Zakaris

19. Debrecen Juhsz Antal, 1971 Csald s munkaszervezet. In Tp trtnete s nprajza, Tp Dr. Ks Kroly, 1972 A vargyasi festett btor Kolozsvr Kunt Ern, 1987 Az utols tvltozs. A magyar parasztsg hallkpe Budapest Laslett, Peter Wall, Richard ed., 1972 The history of the family. In. Household and family in past time. Comparative studies in the size and structure of the domestic group over the last three centuries in England, France, Serbia, Japan and Colonial North America, with further materials from Western Europe, Cambridge University Press Le Play, Frederic, 1871 Lorganisation de la famille Paris Levy, Marion, 1960 Modernization and the Structure of Societes, Princeton University Molnr Mria, 1965 A prvlaszts s hzassg nprajzi vizsglathoz In. Nprajzi Kzlemnyek X. 1-2. Budapest Morvay Judit, 1956 Asszonyok a nagycsaldban, Budapest Nagy Olga, 1998 A nk szerepe s helyzete a paraszti trsadalomban in Kriza Jnos Nprajzi Trsasg vknyve 5 Stone, Lawrence, 1979 The Family Sex and Marriage In England 1500-1800 New York Szab Lszl, 1993 Trsadalomnprahjz. Debrecen Szab Lszl, 1997 A munka nprajza. Debrecen Trkny Szcs Ern, 1981 Magyar jogi npszoksok, Budapest Zakaris Erzsbet, 2000 Asszonylet Erdvidken Marosvsrhely Zsdenyi Judit, 1975 A tardi n lete a csaldban s a falukzssgben In. A Miskolci Herman Ott Mzeum Nprajzi Kiadvnyai VII. Miskolc

Rural-ness and the Global Language of Rights: Transylvanian Peasants Entering EU1
Filippo M. Zerilli
University of Cagliari
1. Introduction Drawing on ethnographic material concerning the remaking of private property in post-socialist Romania, this paper explores how the notion of rural (in Romanian la ar, which interestingly also translates into the Nation) is currently undergoing significant transformations within specific political and social spaces. It particularly focuses on social practices and discursive strategies a Romanian Greek Catholic community adopted in order to recover its church in a Transylvanian village, and make clear how it has at least partially succeeded in translating its claim into the universalising (global) language of human rights.2 Seeking to unmask reification of a number of binary oppositions largely used by multiple social actors, including academics and the media (such as urban/rural, modernity/tradition, local/global), the paper also attempts to show how diverse local practices and projects (such as organising a hunger strike, the construction of a new church, the making of an ethnographic museum, or the increasing migration flows) reshape internal and external boundaries of the village, clarifying how the idea of rural-ness is creatively used and modified through political agency. Whereas the paper focuses on how local subjects cope with difficulties and opportunities disclosed by neo-liberal European enlargement process, it tries also to deal with the question of how people from the village categorise themselves and relate with outsiders (such as regional, national, and international social actors, including the ethnographer). This raises a number of important social and political issues and help to explore how relations of identity and difference are mutually constituted and made socially meaningful. All along the paper I assume that the rural far from being a natural, geographical or simply administrative unit opposed to the urban, it is an increasingly politicised
1 I am grateful to Professor Ion Talo for inviting me to join this collection of essays celebrating his outstanding scholarly career. This paper is dedicated to the Greek Catholics of Mihal, a Transylvanian village towards which Ion and myself we both have good reasons to feel in debt to. This is a revised version of an oral communication I presented at the 4th International Association for Southeast European Anthropology Conference, Region, Regional Identity and Regionalism in Southeastern Europe, Timioara, 24-27 May 2007. Funding for fieldwork was provided by the University of Cagliari. Usual disclaimers apply. 2 The anthropological interest for human rights has expanded increasingly in recent years. Among many titles see at least the recent collection edited by M. Goodale, Human Rights. An Anthropological Reader, Blackwell, Malden & Oxford, 2007.

696

Filippo M. Zerilli

symbolic arena. Actually, it is useful to state from the onset that I do not pretend that what I am observing in a specific locality could be taken as a typical or paradigmatic case of the current transformations of an imagined peasant life-style in Romania. Among many others, the village of Mihal is simply a particular site from where one can look at how some people actually deal with difficulties and opportunities created by material and ideological post-socialist global processes such as privatisation, marketisation, and democratisation. As an anthropologists I am less interested in how those processes could be theorised than how they are actually experienced and lived by real persons doing real things.3 After all, what we can observe (and possibly experience and live together) as ethnographers and citizens alike, it is not some abstract entities such as the market, religion, property or human rights, but rather how single individuals and groups identify, cope, engage and come to terms with discourses and practices related to those ideas and concepts, and how (ideological and material) symbolic changes might be produced in these social and political processes. Accordingly, I will immediately turn into the multi-sited research field I am engaged with4, not without having stressed before that the practice of fieldwork, no matter how we might conceive it rests the specific feature of any anthropological venture. This is probably and hopefully a statement that sounds trivial to many colleagues; however, precisely because the banalities and ambiguities of social life along with the study of common sense represent a major source and at the same time a challenge for the enlargement of our anthropological understanding, I guess it is always important to stress that the practice of ethnography is the quintessence of the discipline of anthropology.5 In order to bring the reader into the realm of ethnography I will first recall how I have incidentally met a group of Greek Catholics villagers from Transylvania in the global city of Bucharest.6 Subsequently, the paper moves into the rural setting, namely the village where the same group of villagers were (and actually are still) engaged in a complex politics of othering (a never ending process of identification and differentiation) remaking the village internal and external symbolic boundaries, notably articulating religion and Europe as meaningful rhetoric devices. The paper finally turns to the local history of the village and a number of related identity images the villagers themselves tell, embody and perform, showing how European-ness, and more particularly human rights talk have been appropriated and vernacularised by a specific religious group, that is made socially and politically meaningful according to local practices, expressions and values. As a conclusion I
3 An expression I borrow from a distinguished essay by S. Ortner obviously alluding to the practice theory approach developed in the early eighties. See S. Ortner, Theory in Anthropology since the Sixties, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 26, 1984, pp. 126-166 (cit. p. 144). See also Esquisse dune thorie de la pratique (Droz, Genve, 1972) and Le sens pratique (Minuit, Paris, 1980) both authored by P. Bourdieu. 4 The reference to multi-sited ethnography is obviously G. Marcus, Ethnography in/of the World System: The Emergence of Multi-Sited Ethnography, Annual Review of Anthropology, 24, 1995, pp. 95-117. 5 This is a position wonderfully articulated by M. Herzfeld, Anthropology. Theoretical Practice in Culture and Society, Blackwell, Malden & Oxford, 2001 (see notably pp. 1-20). 6 The reference to the notion of global city as a site of emerging transnational networks is obviously S. Sassen, The Global City. New York, London, Tokyo, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 2001 (originally published in 1991).

Transylvanian Peasants Entering EU

697

will argue that both, the countryside and the city, rural and urban, local and global along with other similar apparently irreconcilable dichotomies, refer to specific and not exclusive forms of sociability and at the same to reified notions that help people (including anthropologists) to make sense of the worlds they inhabit.7 2. Greek Catholic peasants protesting in the global city of Bucharest While I was developing a research project concerning the conflict over the restitution of the now recovered Greek Catholic church Sfntul Vasile-Polona in Bucharest8, I received a phone call from an informant and friend of mine inviting me to join a delegation of Greek Catholics from Mihal, a Transylvanian village of roghly 2,500 people in the Alba district.9 They came to Bucharest in order to protest against violation of human rights, notably the right to freedom of religion and the right to property protection.10 It happened in May 2003, and actually I was already familiar with those peoples claims since a couple of years, when the explosion of a violent interconfessional conflict in Mihal (a village the press described as a fire zone, zona de foc) kept page titles in several national newspapers such as Ziua, Romnia liber among many others. The idea to display the abuses the Greek Catholics from Mihal were suffering despite the end of socialism was inaugurated a couple of years earlier (2001), on December 1st in Alba Iulia, interestingly same place and date of the Day of the
7 Although in the rest of this paper I have decided to make use of a somewhat biographical narrative, I hope it will be not taken as a symptom of what a number of years ago Clifford Geertz depicted as a diary disease (see C. Geertz, Works and Lives. The Anthropologist as Author, Polity Press, Oxford, 1988, p. 91); rather, this is a deliberate choice I made in order to recognize and reflect upon the social fact that as cultural observers we too are in the picture (as P. Bourdieu once said) as human and cultural subjects. In other words, I wish to stress also through writing the ethnographers cultural and categorical involvement within the research field in order to make clear how a number of commonsensical opposition (e.g. urban vs. rural) are produced, reproduced, manipulated, and deconstructed by multiple social actors including the observers, all playing at local and global level in order to reach strategic (i.e. political) ends. 8 See F.M. Zerilli, Diritti canonici e diritti umani. Propriet religiose e politiche dellidentit nella Romania post-socialista, Romnia Orientale, vol. 18, 2005, pp. 143-171. 9 Officially recognised in early 18th Century Transylvania the Romanian Greek Catholic Church (Biserica Romn Unit cu Roma) was outlawed and banned during socialism (Decree n. 358/1948). While Greek Catholic bishops and priests were imprisoned and persecuted at that time, Greek Catholic assets (mainly churches but also schools, residential buildings, lands etc.) were taken by the state, and more often by the Orthodox Church. After the events of December 1989, the Greek Catholic Church (ca. 1% of the population) was declared lawful as other religious minorities (Decree-Law n. 9/1989). By way of Decree n. 126/1990 the first post-socialist government stated that joint commissions of representatives of the Greek Catholic and Orthodox Churches shall decide if places of worship (lcaurile de cult) were to be returned to the Greek Catholics. Due to strong resistances exercised by the Orthodox Church (ca. 80% of the population) the commissions were only lately formed and their action resulted largely ineffective: up to nowadays of 2.500 Greek Catholic churches less than 10% have been returned, while only few of them were given back following the dialogue between the two Churches. Interestingly, while properties were returned to other religious minorities following governmental decisions based on their status of ethnic minorities, Greek Catholics could not benefit of such decisions because of their Romanian ethnic origin. A good number of church restitution requests are pending before national courts, while a number of cases have reached the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg. 10 See respectively Article 9 of the European Convention of Human Rights, and Article 1 of protocol n 1 to the Convention (available at http://www.echr.coe.int/).

698

Filippo M. Zerilli

Nation celebration (Ziua Naional a Romniei). This was of course a deliberate choice, taken in order to stress Greek Catholics loyalty to the Romanian Nation, in a context in which this religious confession was often represented as not authentically or genuinely Romanian by many Orthodox oral and written sources, both at local and national level.11 On that special occasion, the same group of people I met in Bucharest organised a protest meeting in front of the main regional state institution (Consiliul Judeean Alba) in the historical town of Alba Iulia. Subsequently, in order to reach a wider public audience, the representatives of the Greek Catholic parish of Mihal organised multiple visits to the capital city in order to let their voices be heard at national and international level, that is by the national government (particularly by the Ministry of culture and worship), but above all by the official representatives of most European countries. Interestingly, at that time Prime Minister Adrian Nastase and his government were negotiating the accession of Romania in EU. In such a context it is not hard to imagine the embaressing effect a group of people staying before European embassies in Bucharest promoting a hunger strike with huge banners on their bodies saying we want to pray in our church (vrem s ne rugm n biserica noastr) could produce. Interestingly, every time Mihal villagers came to Bucharest all but priest (who came in its clerical costume) were dressed in traditional peasant costumes from Transylvaniaas one informant stressed, an aspect barely noted by the press which was rather inclined to underscore and in fact instrumentalise the villagers property and religious claims. When I arrived at the meeting place in Bucharest medias headquarter (Piaa Presei Libere), a group of six persons were in fact taking off their traditional costumes preparing themselves to drive back to their village with an omnibus borrowed from the Caritas organization in Blaj. Before they left the city in order to drive back to their village we had the time to share a drink in a small coffee shop in the Lipscani district. It was there, that our first informal conversation took place, one during which the priest and his faithful celebrated the agreement they have just signed with the Ministry of culture and worship (Ministerul culturii i cultelor). After a while, the topic of the conversation shifted from their claims for human rights to other general issues concerning village life in Mihal. At one moment the elder of the group told me in a serious manner: You know what is the main point? In Mihal people work very very hard, they are good farmers [gospodari], peasants [rani], they earn nothing with agriculture but they live thanks to it, because they have chickens, pork, all what they produce. But they have no money at all.This is actually a common statement in rural Romania, and probably in other rural settings, a statement that ironically seems to fit well into a broadly conceived classical anthropological definition of peasantry, one in which the household is seen as the unit of production and consumption at the same time.12 From this moment
11 Abuses and discriminations against Romanian Greek Catholics after the demise of socialism are well documented by non-governmental organization Associaia Pentru Aprarea Drepturilor Omului - Comitetul Helsinki (APADOR-CH). Their annual reports are available at http://www.apador. org/. 12 Peasantry is a major topic in anthropology since the debate over the theory formulated by the Russian economist A. Chayanov in the early twenties. A short review of the most relevant literature is provided by R. Wilk, Economie e culture, Bruno Mondadori, Milano, 1997 (originally published in 1996), pp. 44-49. For a critical assessment of the notion of peasantry see M. Kearney, Reconceptualizing the Peasantry. Anthropology in Global Perpsective, West View Press, Boulder, 1996. On peasantry in post-socialist contexts see P. Leonard, D. Kaneff (eds), Post-Socialist Peasant? Rural

Transylvanian Peasants Entering EU

699

on, I was wondering to which extent human rights talk such as freedom of religion and property protection intersected with that particular peasant life-style, a condition apparently so diverse from the one I was acquainted with by doing fieldwork among Greek Catholics in Bucharest. This is how it happened to me to decide to accept Greek Catholics invitation to pay a visit to their village, in order to explore how human rights claims articulate with and within a specific rural context. The following year I went to Mihal for a summer of intensive fieldwork. 3. Europe, local politics and religion in Mihal On January 1st 2007 Romania accessed to the European Union (EU). While this is not the place to retrace the history of relations between Romania and the EU,13 it is worth recalling that the period between 2004 and 2005 was a crucial moment for the negotiations that led to the Treaty of accession (signed in 2005). At that time, while I was conducting fieldwork in Mihal, the question of the restitution of religious property was far to be resolved. This is clearly said in the annual Report the European Commission published in 2004: Although the restitution of agricultural land is almost completed, a more speedy and transparent approach is needed to further the restitution of buildings and religious property14. Interestingly, when I arrived in Mihal for my first visit (July 2004), the interconfessional conflict between Orthodox and Greek Catholics was apparently completed. In fact, under the pressure of the enlargement negotiations the Minister of culture and worship, the art historian Rzvan Theodorescu, promoted an agreement between the official representatives of the two churches: in order to bring the conflict to an end in Mihal, the Orthodox church agreed to return a parish house to the Greek Catholics (where the member of this confession arranged a small chapel to attend religious services), while the government (a coalition led by the Social Democrat Party, PDSR) promised to provide funding for the construction of a new Greek Catholic church. Meanwhile, Mihal elected a new municipal Council, which nominated a Peasant National Party (PN-CD) mayor whose engagement in favour of the Greek Catholics despite his Orthodox bilateral family origin has been widely known in the village since the early nineties. In a earlier brief visit to the village, just before the elections I was able to assess how the Greek Catholic priest was appearing next to the mayor in political advertising during the electoral campaign. Thus, the Greek Catholic priest overtly promoted the new winning coalition, precisely as the Orthodox priest did before him supporting the previous party coalition led by the Social Democrat Party (PSD). While I could hardly affirm that all Greek Catholics of the village expressed their vote in favour of the coalition led by the PN-CD, the limited number of ballots that decided the election results (only 38 votes) certainly increased the significance of the Greek Catholic political commitment in its favour. Unsurprisingly, a few months following the local elections the newly elected Council facilitated the administrative
and Urban Constructions of Identity in Eastern Europe, East Asia, and the Former Soviet Union, Palgrave, New York, 2002. 13 See D. Papadimitriou, D. Phinnemore, Romania and The European Union. From Marginalisation to Membership, Routledge, Abingdon, 2008. 14 Cf. Commission of the European Communities, 2004 Regular Report on Romanias progress towards accession, p. 147 (available on-line at http://ec.europa.eu).

700

Filippo M. Zerilli

process for the recovery of property assets legally belonging to the Greek Catholic Church. As a matter of fact, some of the people I met one year earlier in Bucharest as representatives of a religious minority suffering human rights violations were now leading the village towards European accession. One of the peasant that only few months before I saw claiming human rights protection before international and state institution in Bucharest was now functioning as the village mayor. Dressed with blazer and tie instead of traditional Transylvanian cloths, when I first met him in Mihal he was sitting at his desk in an office displaying all the panoplies of local, national and sovranational powers, including the European Union flag right in the middle of the wall behind his chair. In that context the city and the countryside as well as national and sovrantional symbols were largely overlapping and blurred categories. Moreover, the conventional distinction between politics and religion also appeared considerably blurred at both national and local level. Interestingly, while local official discourses tended to deny all interferences between religious faith and the mundane world of political affairs (the sacred and the profane, the irrational and the rational, the immaculate and the dirty), a good number of informal talks and practices I was able to document while observing the construction site for the new Greek Catholic church clearly revealed how the Greek Catholics group associate their religious tradition to Europe as a source of progress, modernisation, democratisation and ultimately local development. According to another Greek Catholic priest I discussed with during fieldwork, the intimate relationship between Greek Catholicism and European enlargement should be assumed as a natural fact:
We [Greek Catholics] want to develop the politics of faith, of love, of comprehension, of the unity of the Romanian people, of the enlargement of the European Union. [...] The Greek Catholic church is longing to enter the EU, this church is part of a universal church, it is not national, it is a way through which we can get quick access to the EU, because we are part of a universal church and the EU defines itself in its universalism..., we sustain this idea of universality because we are universal, we are Catholics (italics mine).

Thus, because of their European origin and the universality of their faith Greek Catholics presented themselves as well positioned in order to address questions of political development beyond the border of the traditional sovereignty of the nationstate. Unsurprisingly, this belief produced a number of important consequences for multiple local discourses and actions in Mihal. Take for instance how Greek Catholics conceptualise the increasing number of migrants moving from Mihal to Western Europe. No matter of their religious affiliation (Orthodox or Greek Catholic), the movement of Mihal people across European borders is often described as a welcome phenomena for the whole village in terms of its economic and cultural development. Accordingly, returning migrants from Western countries are often represented as those bringing back to their village modern, civilised (and civilising) European practices and mentalities, as a number of informants put it. An old lady from the Greek Catholic parish explicitly drew this point to my attention when she said: Be careful: our young people go to Spain, to Italy, to Catholic countries, they

Transylvanian Peasants Entering EU

701

are not going anywhere!. Therefore, the contemporary movements of people from the village across Europe are made socially meaningful in religious terms. Interestingly, likewise people from Mihal move towards Europe, the village itself must be eventually included within a European space, even before Romania officially accessed the UE. During fieldwork it happened to me to observe that many foreigners (strini) from European countries were invited to stay at the recently restored 1920s Greek Catholic parish house. By those invitations the Greek Catholics signify their purpose to imagine Mihal within a European network of social relations. Most importantly, in the house next to the construction site for the new church (almost completed at the time of this writing) an ethnographic museum has been furnished under the aegis of the regional Council. In the words of the Greek Catholic priest of Mihal who endorsed and coordinated the project, the museums aim is to preserve the traditions of the villagers and show their time immemorial habits, their simple and genuine life-style. I am not able to predict if the museum will also display the Transylvanian costumes worn during the protest meetings in Bucharest. However, according to the priest himself the ethnographic museum is explicitly supposed to attract visitors and tourists to Mihal bringing the village beyond its provincial borders into a larger sovranational space, making it accessible to a cosmopolitan (European) community. 4. Performing shifting peasant identities It is difficult to correctly assess the meaning Mihal Greek Catholics attach to their struggles for rights without taking into consideration what the villagers themselves feel, think and say about themselves, among them as well as to others (including the ethnographer). To give a sense of what does it mean to be from Mihal according to Mihal people or, in other words, to understand how the villagers themselves imagine and construct their local identity in contrast with outsiders, it is worth having a look at the history of the village. To this purpose I will shortly refer to a monograph celebrating the 713 years anniversary of Mihals existence, a book published by the local historian Ioan Breaz-Nucu in 2001, when the Council of the village was still run by a party coalition led by the Social Democrat Party (PSD). This interesting work retraces the history of Mihal from its first documented appearance, in 1288, up to the end of socialism in 1989. Throughout the book the author, himself a son of the village of Orthodox confession, underscores the active participation of the villagers to the major historical events of Transylvania and Romania, among which we may shortly recall the Horeas Revolt in 178415; the struggles for independence during the 1848 Revolution; the unification of Transylvania and Romania in 1918; and finally the opposition to land collectivisation during socialism.16According to Breaz-Nucu on all those circumstances people from Mihal demonstrated their bravery, pride and combative character. Regarding what is known as the Butchery of
15 This is a highly controversial subject of Romanian historiography, on which see K. Verdery, National Ideology Under Socialism. Identity and Cultural Politics in Ceausescus Romania, California University Press, Berkeley, 1991, pp. 215-255. 16 See I. Breaz-Nucu, Monografia Mihalului, Editura Altip, Alba Iulia, 2001, passim. For a comprehensive history of Romania, among may titles see C. Durandin, Histoire des Roumains, Fayard, Paris, 1995.

702

Filippo M. Zerilli

Mihal (Mcelul Mihalului), namely the bloody massacre opening the struggles between Romanians and Hungarians during the Revolution of 184817, Breaz-Nucu quotes a XIXth Century report compiled by the regional Hungarian authority:
From ancient times Mihal was the nest of the most rebellious and least obedient of men with evil inclinations; on the other hand, they are lairds. In the past they have given proof of insubordination []. They refuse to recognise any authority; they seek to occupy the land belonging to the lords and to expropriate their pastures.18

The events of 1848, concludes the Mihal historian, showed the government of the time that it is better not to mess around with people from Mihal, especially when their lives and the defence of their rights are at stake.19 While one can assume that the history of the village is differently known, weighted and articulated among the villagers themselves according to age, gender, education, knowledge, and interest of each that is to their specific socio-historical positionality within the village the identity image legitimised in Breaz-Nucus monograph is constantly performed and reproduced in everyday social relations, discourses and practices. This is confirmed by frequent short stories and jokes concerning two objects pertaining to work in agriculture: a special pocket-knife (called cosor) and the tractor, the number of which is often considered a genuine demonstration of the villagers pride. While the cosor, a slightly curved knife mostly used to trim vineyard is often taken to symbolise Mihal pride and its people war-like character in the past, the tractor throws Mihal local identity into the modern contemporary era. Unsurprisingly, the important number of tractors (250), combine-harvesters (around 30) and other agricultural machine tools actually far above the average in close by villages is frequently evoked by Mihal people as the unquestionable evidence of their renowned individual initiative, property-minded attitude and devotion or even self-denial (as some villagers say not without irony) towards agricultural work. Times may have changed, say the villagers, but we are still the same. Thus we deal with an historically legitimised local identity embodied in everyday social practices such as owning and working the land, activities which most of the people I was able to discuss with consider a fundamental feature in order to understand the image the villagers communicate of themselves. Interestingly, making of their struggle for freedom of religion and right to property a civil project of local development meeting European standards and values, Greek Catholics refine this particular local image opposing their modernising attitude against Orthodox conservatism. In fact, despite their explicit refusal to portray the conflict over religious property in Mihal as a controversy between two religious communities, Orthodoxy works as the imagined other in relation to which Greek Catholics construct their own social and political aspirations in order to transform and civilise Mihal into a modern and pluralistic village, open to European principles and practices. Interestingly, in order to accomplish this civilising mission, one in which secular and religious values are
17 I. Breaz-Nucu, Monografia Mihalului, p. 81. 18 Ibidem. 19 Ibidem, p. 90.

Transylvanian Peasants Entering EU

703

obviously blurred, what is needed is not a supernatural being, but some real men (brbai adevrai) as one informant from Bucharest put it people who know how to interpret the direction of history because of both, their religious traditions and their local knowledge and virtues. In fact, if the project at stake can be achieved it is not only thanks to Greek Catholic religious identity, but because the leading social actors are enmeshed in village life and habits, and after all because they embody the identity traits of being from Mihal and are able to translate such characteristics into the emerging global language of human rights. Indeed, local subjects engaged in this political endeavour make appeal to social logic, practices and values that make sense and are widely shared in the local context. However, they are also creatively producing and eventually transforming the context in which they act, regardless of the social consequences the process they have put in motion will produce. As I have shown in more detail in another paper, the competition over religious property and the making of a new church is supported by the parallel construction of a Greek Catholic ethic, one that is self-promoting more skilled than the Orthodox one in interpreting the spirit of neo-liberalism from which it develops ideas, language and attitudes. Interestingly, the socially standardised characteristics of Mihals local identity are performed and rephrased in terms of entrepreneurial capacity, market economy, competition, and above all recognition of the fundamental (i.e. natural) value of property rights. Simultaneously, local attitudes and merits are appropriated by the Greek Catholic faction, one that considers itself proficient in interpreting the needs of the village as a whole. A rapidly changing village which, according to this very same emergent ethic is simply waiting to be modernised, decommunised, and democratised, in a word Europeanised.20 5. Concluding remarks As in other localities in post-socialist Europe, in Mihal the de-privatisation of religion21 has induced a number of local subjects to engage with place-making and identity tactics and strategies. Interestingly, these are promoting a spatial and social reconfiguration of the village, one that goes far beyond the meaning associated with the places of worship, including how the village itself is experienced, imagined and constructed within an increasingly globalised and changing world. In this context rural-ness appears as an object subjected to different process of commodification (remind the traditional Transylvanian costumes strategically worn to protest, the making of a local ethnographic museum, the pocket-knife and the tractor as symbols of peasant identity), while at the same time it is associated with particular forms of sociability in the double sense of mutual cooperation and conflicting social relations, around which people imagine themselves and act organising their every-day life and activities. In other words, if the rural, like tradition is an object of commercialism, it could also be a particular way people relate and imagine themselves as belonging to a peculiar social and cultural landscape. After all, despite its undeni20 See F.M. Zerilli, Real Men in Postsocialist Transition. The Greek-Catholic Ethic and the Spirit of Neoliberalism in a Transylvanian Village, in S. Mahieu, V. Naumescu (eds), Churches In-between. Greek Catholic Churches in Postsocialist Europe, LIT Verlag, Mnster, 2008, pp. 233-254. 21 See C. Hann, Problems with the (de)privatisation of religion, Anthropology Today, 16(6), 2000, pp. 14-20.

704

Filippo M. Zerilli

able transformation, a rural life-style coexist with the process of its objectification. Contrary to widespread assumptions, people in Mihal are not simply facing a transitional process to be framed into an evolutionary or developmentalist framework: one that assumes a predictable trajectory from tradition (often identified with rural practices) to modernity (often identified with urban practices). The tension between a presumed disappearing rural or even peasant life-style, and the disruptive effects of what is often phrased as modernity, is in fact a symbolic construction villagers and social scientists both use in strategic and heuristic terms (in order to situate themselves in the local or academic arena). Really, between the two poles of this and other similar binary oppositions we should be able to recognize a problematic continuum. And this is precisely why the rural could be and actually is subjected to appreciation as much as to polemic contestation: for local and non local actors it is a value to preserve and a condition from which one has to move away and possibly get rid off. This deeply human and unresolved tension produces social practices and discourses that could appear to some as contradictions. Nevertheless, they are hardly perceived as such by those personally experiencing such tensions during their every-day activities and talks. In this framework, I recall when I asked an informant who took part to the hunger strike in Bucharest why given that most of the villagers affirm that work in agriculture is not profitable any longer, they nevertheless continue working the land. He stared at me incredulous and said: Well, how could we not work the land? Otherwise people would laugh at us! (Pi, cum s nu lucrm pmntul? Altfel ne rd oamenii!). Hence, traditional forms of local identification such as owning and working the land are by no means in contrast with emerging modern forms of legal or cosmopolitan identification such as those disclosed by the global language of human rights and its local appropriations. This final consideration encourage us also to rethink critically how the relations between local and global practices are often conceptualised by locals and cosmopolitans alike, including anthropologist.22

22 See H. Moore, Global anxieties. Concept metaphors and pre-theoretical commitments in anthropology, Anthropological Theory, 4(1), 2004, pp 7188. A brilliant anthropological assessment of globalisation is offered by A. Tsing, The Global Situation, in J. X. Inda, R. Rosaldo (eds), The Anthropology of Globalization. A Reader, Blackwell, Malden & Oxford, 2002 (originally published in 2000), pp. 453-485.