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The Principal of Organization to the Light of Anarchism
Luigi Galleani
Saverio Merlino sees, according to us, the decomposition and agony of theanarchist movement in the conflict between the individualist and the organizers onthe ground of immediate action and in the intimate contradiction particular to thetwo streams of thought: those, the organizers “are not able to find a compatibleorganization with the anarchist principles”: those, the individualists, “miss theconcept of retaliation which was the spirit of anarchist action. They can’t find abetter way to act and they are not able to sustain an organization that they deny.”That these organizers can’t find some form of organization compatible with theanarchist principles is perfectly natural and logical: and this, its argument, we arefully in accordance with Merlino not comprehending more because theindividualists are not able to sustain themselves without the organization, in thesame opinion of Merlino, if it is not able to rout out a compatible organization withthe anarchist principles.It seems to us, however, around this denomination of anarchist organizers, adistinction is necessary over repeated declarations and constant attitudes that theyexpress and assume.They are anarchy organizers, if we do not do things equally, for them which theybelieve benefit to the necessity and to the possibility that the anarchists organizethemselves methodically, by a stable consensual program, in one political partythat can distinguish from other proletarian parties’ nature and that would be able, if necessary, to steady the characteristic distinctions, to make one be worth in thecompromises, in the alliances, in the coalitions that are in the needs of the momentand in the fortunes of the struggle against the dominant class, some that they areagainst are intolerable, while others they would be able to advise.Other anarchists call themselves instead, organizers, not only because they wantthe specific organization of the anarchists in a political party, but also because theymaintain that the base of the anarchist movement would have to be theorganizations existing of factory workers and if they were accompanied withomens, stimulation and the open revolutionary character, they would have to rise.At these two streams of thoughts, which differentiate themselves only in degrees,and that action would always need to have the collective character, Merlinoopposes- if we do not interpret his thought badly- the anarchist who prefersindividual propaganda prefers the individual act of the affirmation and of rebellion.
 
We profess ourselves modestly, but precisely to oppose the anarchists that callthemselves organizers, those that want to organize the anarchist party would beconforming it. They want to assist the anarchist party on its actual economicorganization, which they think they’d be able to create better programs which in theend would be for their own characters and ends.The party, any party, has its program that is its own constitution, has its assemblyof delegates groups or sections of its parliament; its government has in the directbody, in or the executive panels has its government, so it is a gradualsuperimposition of the bodies for which how long a real and true hierarchysucceeds between the various levels of those bonded groups: the discipline,violations, or the contradictions they discount themselves with congruentpunishments which can either be censure or expulsion.The anarchist party is not able to be like any other; worse, a government like anyother; a slave like every other of its constitution which all the constitutions andcodes would be promulgated, passed from the events, the needs, and thepersisting and mutable need of fighting; the absurd and illegitimate government likeevery other which represents itself based on delegation, while it is good, clean andpresent, in the experience of the anarchists above all, that every delegate will onlybe able to represent their own ideas and statements, those which are infinitelyvarious and different around any argument of actual legislations andrepresentations: the government like every other obtrusive and arbitrary invader will be preoccupied with direct responsibilities so they’ll be carried away, or everylevel of hierarchy always contended with more generous and nobler ends- to adoptmeasures, decisions, limits which the card-carrying need, obeying discipline,contrary to their views and interests; the government absorbs like every other because it wants and has for every function a body (though it may do little or nothing), and all the original initiatives become hidden and subversive.Does propaganda need to do this or something else? There is a planningcommittee appointed and he (Merlino) will think about it.. Do you have to do this or do you have to do something for solidarity? And would the analogous panel behere to think and to provide for us? Is there an initiative of affirmation or of action?And is there not a committee expressly appointed from this that one needs to passunder the penalty of disorderliness, confession and blame?How many have lived or passed through the organization who would defend therights and the aspirations of the proletariat and who would rise to defend itsprerogatives can say we exaggerate?Nor that would be worth the while to oppose who drew themselves form anarchy, of the selected individuals who know that they want and have the measure to choosetheir own way, and have the stomach to climb it (an anarchist government). Theanarchists are, like the outgoing of all the preceding parties, the sons of theBorghese society and they carry the stigma from it, and the crowd thataccompanies it is not better or perfectly natural in its majority the ways and the
 
means that collect the minimal amount of exertion in order to attain the greatestresults. In the hour of inevitable compromises, we have too many because wehave to elect some volunteers. Accepting a salary, paying the rent of the house,with all of our revolutionary pretenses, with all of our anarchistic aspirations, werecognize and we legitimize in a manner most tangible and painful to the capital,the interests, the revenue, the profit, and the size so that the parasites are takingadvantage of our fatigue and our sweat.From compromise, business transaction and betrayal our hands and neck are tied.But, where it is possible, the compromise, we need ] to avoid, to refuse and toexclude the transaction; we need to be “us” in the rigid character outlined from our beliefs, from our faith, and these are not drawn from omens of good wishes for ananarchist- if we do not know to advance without guiding hands, withoutprosecutors, without guardians who are inseparable from the concept of organization, she (the organization) would be the politics of the anarchist party, shewould be the organization of the various arts and the crafts of the workers.- Are the workers against the organization, also? - It is not a question of for or against: the anarchist movement and the worker movement beats the parallel waysand the geometrically consisted of parallel lines that are not made to meet or tocoincide ever.The anarchist, assumes himself/herself at least, to have reached (under the whipof experience, or cross the enquiry, the study, the meditation) the belief that socialunease in nature and misery is in servitude, the involuntary and obligatedignorance from which the work and the produce- all the produce from which thefullness and the splendor of life is made of which one will never get to enjoy, of which they enjoy and they will enjoy only if they don’t ever curve their backs on theplough, nor ever callous their hands, nor they don’t tire the brain on a problem or on a book—they descend from a primeval monopoly, fundamentally: from thecornering, to the work of a greedy minority, of the ground, the fields and minerals,those products of the ground are modified in the elements of life, of security, of joy;of the railways and shops that these products spread for all the latitudes inexchange of other products, or against the gold of the realm that is the tool of wealth, of power, of tyranny that the privileged with the lucky unpunished exerciseover the rest of humanity; like that church that consecrates this usurpation like aparticular benediction of god, like the state that is legitimate in the parliaments, inthe codes, in the tribunals, and defends it with its rules, with its army; which themorale, the hypocrite and dewy moral flow, the thief merges this camp into a circusof religious devotion.The anarchist challenges this monopoly, and as nude negation is not useful, thepick ax thrusts the roots of the bad plant and forces itself to cut those off,sentencing the copper (money) and the fruit with the damned tree that theyproceed from: all of all; not more individual property of means of production and of 
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