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Noam Chomsky - Media, Politics, Action

Noam Chomsky - Media, Politics, Action

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12/23/2012

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6AGENDADECEMBER 1998
Propagandain a Free Press
The “Propaganda Model”Chomsky has helped develop anddefend exhibits several “filters”preventing sustained dissent fromreaching the public even in asomewhat democratic society.
Entrance cost into the media market: 
Labor newspapers and other grassrootsmedia once reached large audiences. Butdominant radio and TV licenses haveliterally been handed over to corporatetitans, and ‘advertiser strikes’ have madeindependent newspapers more costly to thereader than their corporate competitors.Result: most global media is consolidated inthe hands of a few mammoth corporations, aninterlocking cartel representing hugearmsmakers—like General Electric (NBC) andWestinghouse (CBS)—and labor abusers—like Disney (ABC) [see Reader Action, page21. And as with most hierarchically-organizedbusinesses, editors and reporters quickly learnwhat will and won’t please the boss.
Media as profitable businesses: 
To make money, major media outlets have to‘sell’ audiences to advertisers; the moreprivileged the audience the better the advertis-ing rates. Chomsky notes “
It would hardlycome as a surprise if the picture of theworld they present were to reflect theperspectives and interests of the sellers,the buyers, and the product
” … the productbeing audiences willing and able to spend big.There are other filters, like
the need for a steady flow of news 
, which government andbusiness are happy to provide in the form ofpress conferences and “experts”. Theseinteract with instances of
 journalistic self- censorship 
, and with
‘flak’ 
directed to-wards media elements that fall out of line,to form a sophisticated propagandasystem with little overt censorship, yetwith an effective range of mainstreamopinion and debate as narrow as anytotalitarian system.Chomsky stresses that this modelis not a ‘conspiracy theory.’Rather, it is an analysis of thebehavior of the major mediabased on their ‘automatic’institutional structure in thecontext of contemporarycapitalism.
Noam Chomsky on
Media
,
 
Politics
,
 Action
by Aaron Stark
n December 7, 1998, Noam Chomsky will be 70 yearsld. Alternately ignored and reviled in much of theainstream national discourse, Chomsky’s critiques of .S. society address crucial questions of ideology andower; of propaganda and of the institutional roots of ur society’s ugliest flaws. His prodigious work hasnspired several generations of activists, with its highegard for evidence and its power to induce both horrornd hope in readers. Much of Chomsky’s work has beenn examination of the role of intellectuals—their rela-ions with and typical subservience to institutions of state and private capital. Chomsky’s more hopeful writ-ngs, however, recall old notions of freedom and jus-ice latent within human nature itself. These differentspects of Chomsky’s thought are usually not balancedqually within any particular work. But it’s necessaryo keep them both in mind—horror and shame evokedy crimes committed in our name, and hope in the pos-sibility of a society more worthy of the label ‘human’.
Corporate Media
Some of Chomsky’s most valuable insights into con-temporary society come from his analysis of the role of mass media (major newspapers like the New York Timesand the Washington Post) in a democracy. Some praisethe media for service to the public, for devotion to truth,and for independence. Some even say the media go tooar in their search for truth—one acclaimed review of media coverage of the Vietnam War argued that themedia’s alleged anti-government bias effectively lostthe war for the U.S. (
 Necessary Illusions
, p. 6). But if ike Chomsky one examines the structure of media in-stitutions and their actual day-to-day performance, aery different picture emerges. Chomsky finds that withew exceptions, the mass media confine themselves toresenting a picture of the world skewed in favor of ealthy and powerful elites. The debate over policiesnd issues appearing in major media is thus narrowlyounded, with many positions simply unthinkable.Consider just one of Chomsky’s examples: how the.S. media treated the 1990 Nicaraguan elections. Af-er years of US-sponsored Contra attacks on “soft tar-ets” like health centers and schools, after an economicmbargo that had caused millions of dollars in dam-ges, and after a threat by the US government that allhis would continue if their favored party did not win,t was clear what the result of the elections would be.evertheless, the vast majority of the mainstream pressiscussed these elections as if they were a free expres-sion of the will of the Nicaraguan people. At the liberalxtreme of the mainstream discussion, Tom Wicker of he
 New York Times
recognized that the Sandinistas lostbecause the Nicaraguan people were tired of war andsick of economic deprivation,” but concluded that thelections were “free and fair” and untainted by coercion.For details on mechanisms that distort media, seehe bubble
Propaganda in a Free Press
.Why is the confinement of discussion within theounds of elite ideology necessary? Chomsky attributeshis to the relative freedom of thought and expressionvailable in Western capitalist democracies: “
Since thetate lacks the capacity to ensure obedience by force,hought can lead to action and therefore the threato order must be excised at the source.
” So typical
Free Markets, Democracy & Human Rights
The belief that U.S. power is intrinsically benevolent,motivated by a desire to do good, underlies mainstreamdiscussion of U.S. government policy, both foreign anddomestic. From time to time, true believers acknowl-edge that we do make mistakes, but consider them theproducts of good intentions. These assumptions are sobasic that they usually do not need to be explicitly stated,except in the process of refuting arguments challeng-ing the dominant way of thinking.As with his analysis of the role of the media,Chomsky examines the actual behavior of the U.S.rather than taking these assumptions on faith. He ar-gues that we can discern systematic patterns in U.S.foreign policy that derive from the pursuit of specificgoals deeply rooted in U.S. institutions. Chomsky hassometimes described these specific goals as the “FifthFreedom”, a reference to President Roosevelt’s WorldWar II-era announcement that the Allies were fightingfor Four Freedoms: freedom of speech, freedom of worship, freedom from want, and freedom from fear.The Fifth Freedom, “
the most important [is] the free-dom to rob and to exploit
” (
Turning the Tide,
p. 47).Within regions controlled by enemy powers, violationsof the four freedoms bring anguished concern and callsfor action. But within the vast regions controlled by theU.S., Chomsky argues, “
it is only when the fifth andfundamental freedom is threatened that a suddenand short-lived concern for other forms of freedommanifests itself 
” (
Turning the Tide
, p. 47).One of Chomsky’s sources of evidence for this claimrelates to human rights. Conventional wisdom holds thatU.S. foreign policy is dedicated to preserving and ex-tending human rights around the world. However,Chomsky and coauthor Edward Herman (an economistat the University of Pennsylvania) conclude that “
thedeterioration of the human rights climate in someFree World dependencies [including Brazil, Iran,Guatemala, and Chile; after US-sponsored coups]correlates rather closely with an increase in US aidand support
” (
The Washington Connection and Thir World Fascism
, p.43). These findings build on similarresults from earlier studies by Lars Schoultz, a leadingacademic specialist on the relation between humanrights and US foreign policy in Latin America (Schoultz,
Comparative Politics
, 1981, cited in
Turning the Tide
,pp. 157-58). One possible explanation of these patternsis that the U.S. government simply hates human rights.Chomsky and Herman’s alternative explanation bringsin another factor— the investment climate; related totax laws of a country, to the possibility of investor profit,and to the nature and scale of government controls onwages and trade unions, among other things. They note
For most of the sample countries,
US-controlled ai has been positively related to investment climate aninversely related to the maintenance of a democratic order and human rights
(
The Washington Connec-tion and Third World Fascism
, p. 44). To put it crudely,countries with governments that are willing and able tokill union organizers and others who work for the rightsof the poor and oppressed, generally offer the prospectof more stable profits than countries with governmentsconcerned about the well-being of their population—the concern is for the Fifth Freedom, not human rights.For a glimpse into what U.S. policy planners tell oneanother about such things, as opposed to what they tellus, see the sidebar
For Your Leaders’ Eyes Only
.What about the ‘communist threat’, often raised asan explanation for such policies, when they are at allacknowledged? Chomsky cites a 1955 study by theWoodrow Wilson Foundation and the National Plan-ning Association which concluded that the primarythought and opinion (especially among the educatedsectors of the public) must be kept strictly in line withthe tenets of the state ideology. But what is this stateideology, and how would honest discussion of its conse-quences “lead to action” that might be a “threat to order”?

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