7.

“People Were Not Made to Be in God’s Image”:

A Contemporary Overview of Secular Australians
Andrew Singleton

I n 2006, the Australian federal government announced that it was funding a

program to place school chaplains in all Australian schools, at a total cost of
Aus$90 million. This was met with both praise and derision in the mainstream
press. For example, a columnist in one major metropolitan daily noted that
the plan potentially contravened the Australian constitution, while others
fretted that Christian philosophy would be taught to the exclusion of other
perspectives. The presidents of various rationalist and humanist societies wrote
a joint letter to one newspaper warning that the plan favored “zealous evangelical/
fundamentalist/Pentecostal groups.” Others applauded the initiative. One wrote
a letter thanking all the politicians involved and concluded: “I give all thanks
to God, who makes all things possible.”
Debate about the school chaplain plan constitutes just one instance in
which secular and religious perspectives on ethical, legal, civic and legislative
matters have been aired in public. Other notable examples include legislation
on stem-cell research, the availability of the abortion drug RU 486, and gay
marriage. And yet, as the responses noted above testify, various attempts to
“Christianize” public life continue to meet strong resistance, usually from a
committed few “secularists.” Most objectors seek to defend the secular character
of the Australian state, which is enshrined in the constitution.1
Debates about religion’s role in society have been part of public life since
the Australian colony’s inception. However, contemporary discussions are taking
place against the backdrop of some significant recent changes to Australia’s
religious demography. Australian census data reveal that over the past fifty
years, the percentage of the population affiliating with the major Protestant
denominations has declined, while the percentage identifying with religions
apart from Christianity (particularly Islam and Buddhism), alternative religions
83
84 Secularism & Secularity

(including witchcraft), neo-Pentecostal Christian groups, and those not affiliating

with any religion, have all grown significantly.2
Arguably, what it means to be either religious or secular is different in a
society that is now post-industrial, multicultural, and religiously diverse and in
which one’s religious identification is increasingly a matter of personal choice
rather than social obligation.
In these changing times, it is the religiously committed or the spiritually
inclined who are accorded the most public attention, rather than the secular.
After the 2001 Australian census many newspaper articles on Paganism
appeared, featuring lines such as: “Nature religions, including witches, druids,
are Australia’s fastest growing religious group,” “The Neo-pagans move from
strength to strength,” and “It’s the fastest-growing religion in Australia.”
Secular people have always been an important part of Australia’s social fabric.
Yet there remain a number of questions about who secular Australians today are.
• Are they younger or older?
• Are most former believers in God?
• Do they hold different values compared to religious Australians?
This chapter attempts to answer these questions.
Drawing on data from various Australian national censuses and the national
Spirit of Generation Y (SGY) research project,3 it presents a contemporary
overview of the secular members of contemporary Australian society. These are
people who reject religious and spiritual beliefs, practice, and affiliation. For
them, religion has little salience in their daily lives and their life orientation is
abidingly “this-worldly.”4
This chapter begins by describing recent changes in Australia’s religious
profile, which provides a context for understanding contemporary secularity.
Secularity cannot be identified and explained without a discussion of religion,
for the secular are those who are not religious. Next is an examination of levels
of religious and spiritual belief and non-belief in Australia, which is used to
identify the resolutely secular portion of Australian society—14 percent of the
13-59-year-old population (the age range of the SGY survey respondents). This
is followed by a socio-demographic profile of the secular, and then an exploration
of the ways in which this group differs from religious Australians.

The Context of Contemporary Secularity:

Australia’s Changing Religious Profile
In order to understand the context of Australian secularity, this section describes
changes in Australia’s religious profile from 1901 until 2001. The best picture of
 7. “People Were Not Made to Be in God’s Image” 85

religious change in Australia can be obtained by examining religious affiliation

data from various national censuses. Not affiliating with a religion is a partial
indicator of secularity. Figure 7-1 presents selected national census data on
Australian’s religious affiliation from 1901 to 2001. The most significant changes
have taken place over the past thirty years.

Figure 7-1.
Religious Affiliation Among Australians for the Years 1901-2001

Religious Affiliation
Census Other Total Other No Not stated/
Year Anglican Catholic inadequately
Christian Christian religions religion
% % described
% % % %
%
1901 39.7 22.7 33.7 96.1 1.4 0.4 2
1933 38.7 19.6 28.1 86.4 0.8 0.2 12.9
1947 39.0 20.9 28.1 88.0 0.5 0.3 11.1
1961 34.9 24.9 28.4 88.3 0.7 0.4 10.7
1971 31.0 27.0 28.2 86.2 0.8 6.7 6.2
1981 26.1 26.0 24.3 76.4 1.4 10.8 11.4
1991 23.8 27.3 22.9 74.0 2.6 12.9 10.5
2001 20.7 26.6 20.7 68.0 4.9 15.5 11.7

Source: Australian Bureau of Statistics, Year Book Australia 2003.

Table based on one presented in the 2003 Year Book.

Bouma notes that until 1947 “Anglicans [previously known as the Church
of England], Presbyterians, and Methodists together comprised 60 percent of
the population, dominating Australian religious life” 5 (1947 being the first post-
war census). Between 1901 and 1947, Catholics constituted about 20 percent of
the population, and religions apart from Christianity generally totaled less than
1 percent of the population. Those affiliated with no religion also accounted for
less than 1 percent.
Among the most significant postwar shifts in Australia’s religious profile
is the sharp decrease in the percentage who affiliate themselves with the major
Protestant denominations, particularly the once-dominant Anglican Church,
whose percentage of adherents halved between 1947 and 2001. Other Protestant
groups, including the Presbyterians, have also experienced a decline: the total of
“other Christian” has fallen from 33.7 percent in 1901 to 20.7 percent in 2001.
86 Secularism & Secularity

But within this category, some Christian groups have improved their
market share, particularly the Pentecostals.6 These more fundamentalist groups
are now a conspicuous presence in Australia’s religious landscape. The largest
congregation in Australia is Sydney’s Hillsong Assemblies of God. Their annual
national conference has been attended in recent years by the Prime Minister,
Treasurer, and the state Premier, while an album of Hillsong worship music
reached the number-one position on the national (secular) album chart.7
The other major Christian group, the Catholics, have fared much better
than the Anglicans, having increased by 6 percentage points since 1947. Large
numbers of postwar immigrants to Australia were Catholic, originating first from
Southern Europe and later from Asia.8 Other contributing factors include the
higher birth rate among Catholics in the 1950s and 1960s.9 Postwar migration
has altered Australia’s religious profile in other important ways, notably the
percentage who affiliate themselves with religions apart from Christianity.
Adherence to Islam increased by 40 percent between 1996 and 2001, while
adherence to Buddhism grew by 79 percent during the same period.10
The most notable pattern in Figure 7-1 is the increase in those declaring
that they have no religious affiliation, which grew from 0.3 percent of the
population in 1947 to 15.5 percent in 2001. The large increase between 1961
and 1971 occurred in part because in 1971 the instruction “if no religion, write
none” was first introduced.11 Between 1981 and 2001, the proportion of the
population declaring no religious affiliation increased by almost 5 percentage
points. Many of those now identifying as “no religion” probably once would
have identified with one of the previously stronger Protestant groups.12
Between 1996 and 2001, the number who identified as Agnostics increased
by 100 percent, while the number of self-identified Atheists increased by 226
percent.13 However, the numbers who identify themselves on the census this
way are very few: 24,000 Atheists and 18,000 Agnostics were counted in the
2001 census.
People who choose not to answer the religion question on the census, or who
provide inadequate answers, are categorized as “not stated” and “inadequately
defined.” Apart from a sizeable dip in 1971, these two categories have represented
more than 10 percent of the population in censuses since 1933.
The contemporary picture that emerges from these census data is one of
religious differentiation and diversity, notably characterized by a “decline in the
hegemony of the English Protestant establishment,”14 and the growth of other
religious and spiritual groups. The religious marketplace in Australia is now
more segmented and less centralized than in any previous time.
The spiritually interested have more choices open to them, both from world
 7. “People Were Not Made to Be in God’s Image” 87

religions and newer alternatives. Significantly, amid these patterns of religious

growth, decline and differentiation, census data affirm that a sizable portion of
the Australian population is comfortable declaring that they have no religious
affiliation and that this preparedness not to affiliate has increased markedly in
the last thirty-five years.

Who is Secular?
While many who indicate on their census form that they have no religion are
probably secular in their life orientation, a declaration of “no religious affiliation”
seems an inadequate measure of how religious or secular someone is. Indeed,
defining who is secular or not is a difficult task. Can someone who does not
believe in God, does not identify with a religion, but believes in a higher power
and takes her horoscope very seriously be accurately described as secular? Or
someone who attended church when he was younger, is now “unsure” about
the existence of God, but still very open to the possibility that “something” is
“out there”? In both cases, there is not an unequivocal rejection of religion or
spirituality.
To be secular, however, is to be neither religious nor spiritual: rejecting
religious and spiritual beliefs, supernatural superstition, and religious practices,
like prayer or worship. How many Australians are like this? Drawing on data
from the national Spirit of Generation Y study, Figure 7-2 shows the extent of
non acceptance of religious and spiritual beliefs in Australia for those aged 13-
59.15 This table features three age groups: 13-29 year-olds, 30-44 year-olds, and
45-59 year-olds.
The beliefs in this figure can be characterized as either Christian-derived
beliefs or alternative-spiritual beliefs. Christian-derived beliefs are listed in the
top half of the table and include belief in God, belief in the existence of angels,
and belief in the existence of demons and evil spirits. Alternative spiritual beliefs
are listed next. These are: astrology (i.e. that stars and planets affect people’s
fates; the possibility of communicating with the dead directly or in a séance);
reincarnation (i.e. that people have lived previous lives); and the power of
psychics or palm readers. The figure also includes percentages for those who
have ever seriously got into esoteric practices: yoga; Eastern meditation; tai-chi;
and Tarot. “Seriously” was defined as “regular practice of the activity over an
extended period of time, study of the activity, meeting with others who practice
the activity or the purchasing of equipment associated with the activity.”
When assessing who might or might not be secular, it is important to
consider the uptake of alternative spiritual beliefs and esoteric practices. Given
the recent changes in Australia’s religious profile, those who are spiritually
88 Secularism & Secularity

interested are free to search widely for spiritual meaning. Some sociologists
describe the contemporary context, full of choices, as the “spiritual marketplace”
or “spiritual supermarket.”16
Figure 7-2 shows that approximately one fifth of 13-59 year-olds reject a
belief in God, while similar numbers hold that there is very little truth in religion,
and do not believe in life after death. Levels of unbelief in angels and demons
is even higher, almost 50 percent of those aged 13-59. The levels of unbelief are
similar across the three age groups for most categories, except a belief in life after
death, where those aged 45-59 are more likely to reject this belief. This is because
those aged 13-29 have higher levels of belief in reincarnation and many of those
who believe in reincarnation also believe in life after death.
Looking at alternative spiritual beliefs, the number who reject these
outright is considerable, with half the 13-59 year-old population rejecting belief
in astrology, the possibility of communicating with the dead, reincarnation or
in the power of psychics and palm readers. There is little age difference when it
comes to rejecting belief in astrology, but those aged 45-59 are significantly more
likely to reject the other alternative spiritual beliefs. The non-participation rate
in various esoteric practices is even higher still, with almost three-quarters of the
population aged 13-59 never having seriously gotten into yoga, tai-chi, Tarot or
Eastern meditation.
Overall, these data show that a substantial portion of the population
reject Christian-derived beliefs, while more than half of 13-59 year-olds reject
alternative spiritual beliefs.
Among these, who is “secular?” According to SGY data, 14 percent of 13-
59 year-olds definitely do not believe in God; do not believe in the existence of
angels or demons; do not hold any of the alternative spiritual beliefs listed in
Figure 7-2, and do not affiliate with any religion.
By the strictest understanding of the term, these are the most decisively
“secular” members of Australian society. They reject superstition, religious
affiliation, or a belief in the transcendent. For the remainder of this chapter
they will be referred to as “seculars,” a term that indicates that their worldview
and life orientation is non-theistic.1 7
The other members of the population can be considered to some degree
“religious,” “spiritual,” or merely “unsure” in their orientation. They range from
those who are nominally Christian (believe in God, still affiliate with a religion,
perhaps attend services of worship only once or twice a year), to those who
are committed Christians (those who attend services at least once a month,
definitely believe in God and Jesus, and pray at least once a month), those who
follow other world religions, Paganism or Wicca, to those who are seriously or
 7. “People Were Not Made to Be in God’s Image” 89

moderately into alternative spiritualities, to those who simply believe that there
is something “out there” and engage in one or two esoteric practices.18 While
some might choose to identify the nominal Christians as secular, these people are
not so secular as to have rejected a belief in God or some transcendental reality.
Such a claim about the extent of extreme secularity—just 14 percent are
seculars—may seem incongruous given that Australia is generally regarded in
the public mind as a “secular” nation, is secular according to the constitution,
and given that only 14 percent of the population aged 13-59 are committed
Christians (according to the criteria specified above). However, 68 percent of
the population at the last census identified with a Christian denomination.

Figure 7-2.
Selected Religious/Spiritual Beliefs and Practices Among Australians Aged 13 - 59

Age Groups
13-29 30-44 45-59 All (13-59)
Selected beliefs and practices % % % %
Believe in God No 19 22 18 20
Unsure 32 27 25 28
Yes 48 52 56 52
There is very little truth in any religion 22 21 18 21
Does not believe in life after death 24 23 34 26
Does not believe in the existence of angels 37 34 43 38
Does not believe in the existence of demons 47 46 55 49
Does not believe in astrology 55 57 57 56
Impossible to communicate with the dead 52 53 68 57
Does not believe in reincarnation 46 45 58 49
Does not believe in psychics and palm 54 51 64 56
readers
Never got seriously into yoga 89 85 83 86
Never got seriously into Eastern meditation 94 88 90 91
Never got seriously into tai-chi 96 91 90 93
Never got seriously into Tarot cards 94 91 92 92
Never got into any esoteric practices 80 70 68 73

Source: Spirit of Generation Y Survey 2005.

Note: Percentages of belief in God may not add to 100 because of rounding and unreported
refused/“can’t say” answers.
90 Secularism & Secularity

Clearly, many more Australians than just the very religious are affected by
religion, even if their only point of connection is a belief in God or identification.
According to the 1998 Australian Community survey, 70 percent of the adult
population attended one religious festival, memorial service or rite of passage in
the previous 12 months.19

Characteristics
What is the background of the typical secular Australian? This person is more
likely to be male than female (65 percent are male). In comparison, the most
committed Christians (those who attend services at least once a month, definitely
believe in God and Jesus, and pray at least once a month) are more likely to be
female. This finding is not surprising; Australian research consistently shows that
women are more likely to be religious than men.20
Seculars are fairly evenly spread among the three age groups (34 percent
are 13-29; 35 percent are 30-44; 32 percent are 45-59). This finding is perhaps
unexpected, given that fewer young people believe in God, as seen in Figure 7-2.
However, young people are more open to alternative spiritual beliefs, and thus
many non-believers did not fit the strict criteria used to classify seculars.
Most seculars are Australian-born, as are the most committed Christians.
However, seculars are more likely than the most committed Christians to have
an Australian-born mother and father. This suggests that secularity is more
closely aligned with the dominant Anglo-Celtic culture. Indeed, the postwar
growth of denominations such as the Catholics is attributed in large part to
migration.21 Ninety percent of seculars live in an urban area, although this is
similar for committed Christians, largely because Australia is one of the most
urbanized nations on earth.

Not Believing in God

None of the group referred to in this chapter as seculars currently believe
in God. Of these, 53 percent have never believed, while 47 percent believed at
some stage in their lives. What is known about these former believers?
Many once identified with a religion: 37 percent of former believers once
identified as Catholics, 20 percent once identified as Anglicans, the remainder
with other Protestant denominations, non-Christian religions, or have never
identified. The largest group of these non-believers who once believed are
30-44.
It is also interesting to consider why these people no longer believe. In the
Spirit of Generation Y survey people were asked to provide open-ended reasons
why they no longer believed. The most common reasons for no longer believing
 7. “People Were Not Made to Be in God’s Image” 91

include: “doing further study, especially science” (16 percent of responses); “no
convincing evidence or proof ” (13 percent of responses); “disillusionment with
the churches” (11 percent of responses); and a category called “can’t accept that
God allows suffering” (9 percent of responses). Below is an example of each:
“Having learned some things about science and evolution I can see that
people were not made to be in God’s image and that led me to realize
that I don’t believe.” (18-year-old male)
“There’s all these images of what God might be like, but there are
no photographs. And how did Mary ever get with God, and how did
God’s son come to Earth?” (14-year-old female)
“The church is into making a lot of money, one of the biggest businesses
in the world.” (22-year-old male)
“Can’t believe that there would be a God who would allow tragedies.”
(30-year-old female)

Values, Purpose in Life, and Social Concern: Are Seculars Different?

In an age characterized by religious differentiation and choice, it is worth
inquiring into the ways seculars might differ from those who are more religious,
particularly with respect to values, ways of achieving peace and happiness, and
the purpose and meaning of life. SGY respondents were questioned about these
areas. “Values” surveyed included the importance to respondents of things
like having an “exciting life,” money, ways of achieving peace and happiness
included listening to music, being in nature, taking drugs, etc; questions about
the meaning and purpose of life included the extent to which one feels life has
meaning, and feeling like one belongs.
The following analysis considers the responses of young Australians (those
aged 13-29). The data indicate that there are differences between the very
religious and the secular.
When it comes to the ways in which people obtain a sense of peace and
happiness, young seculars (aged 13-29) are just as likely as the committed
Christians (those who attend services at least once a month, definitely believe
in God and Jesus, and pray at least once a month) to rate work or music as
being important or very important to them. Seculars are more likely than
committed Christians to rate “being in nature” as important or very important
to them. Seculars give a much lower rating to meditation as a source of peace
and happiness. Unlike committed Christians, who largely eschew recreational
drugs or drinking, a minority of seculars rate drinking or taking drugs as being
92 Secularism & Secularity

moderately important for a sense of peace and happiness.

Young seculars and committed Christians are fairly similar when it comes
to questions about life’s meaning and purpose, with the most notable differences
being that seculars are less certain that their lives fit into “some sort of great
scheme of things,” and much more likely to agree with the statement that it is
important to enjoy “life here and now.” Clearly, enjoying life here and now will
be important if one believes that this is “all there is.”
When it comes to values, having an exciting life is more important to young
seculars than the committed Christians, while values such as having friends,
caring for the environment, and social justice are rated highly by all. The most
notable area of difference is the value placed on the importance of leading a
spiritual life; young seculars do not rate this as important whereas the young
committed Christians do—an entirely expected outcome given the seculars’
this-worldly orientation. Overall, secular and religious young people appear
different in ways consistent with being religious or not religious: on valuing
a “spiritual life,” feeling part of the scheme of things, and rejecting drugs and
alcohol.22

Conclusion
This chapter has presented a profile of Australians whose worldview and set
of beliefs can be characterized as abidingly secular. The data suggest that this
is about 14 percent of the 13-59-year-old population. Rather surprisingly, the
most secular Australians are not more or less likely to be younger or older.
About half are former believers in God.
Although scholarly interest in secularity is often concerned with its growth,
it is equally interesting to ponder the question of how seculars and the religious
will coexist in the future. While the percentage of Australians identifying with
a Christian denomination is decreasing, the Christian groups who are growing
are typically vigorous in their proselytizing and fundamental in their theology.
These groups have also shown a proclivity to try to influence public morals and
values, as evidenced by recent political debates. Whether the increasing efforts of
the religious to influence public life provokes more impassioned responses from
seculars remains to be seen.

Endnotes
1. Section 116 of the Australian Constitution states: “The Commonwealth of
Australia shall not make any law establishing any religion, or for imposing any
religious observance, or for prohibiting the free exercise of any religion, and no
religious tests shall be required as a qualification for any public office or public trust
under the commonwealth.”
 7. “People Were Not Made to Be in God’s Image” 93

2. Every Australian census has had a question about religious affiliation.

3. The Spirit of Generation Y (SGY) is a national study of spirituality among Australian
young people in their teens and twenties conducted between 2003-2006. The re-
search consisted of a survey of a nationally representative sample of “Generation Y”
(born 1976-1990), with comparison groups from “Generation X” (born 1961-75)
and the “Baby-Boomer” generation (born 1946-60), supplemented by extended,
face-to-face interviews. The sample for the national survey was a national prob-
ability sample (N=1619), stratified by age and location (state, and metropolitan/
non-metropolitan). The age-range principally targeted was those born 1976-1990.
A “control sample” of persons born from 1945 to 1975 was included for comparison
purposes. Unless otherwise noted, the data referred to in this paper are weighted,
restoring the oversampled age groups (13-24) to their population proportions. The
(weighted) sample is designed to be representative of the national population in
age, gender, state of residence, and residence in capital city/rest of state. For a full
description of the results see Mason, Michael, Andrew Singleton and Ruth Web-
ber, The Spirit of Generation Y, (John Garratt Publishing, Melbourne, forth­­coming).
A technical report on the survey and survey questionnaire are available at:
http://dlibrary.acu.edu.au/research/ccls/spir/sppub/sppub.htm
The SGY research team gratefully acknowledges the financial support of the following
project sponsors: the Australian Catholic Bishops Conference Board of Management
for Pastoral Projects, the Catholic Education Commission of Queensland, the
Catholic Education Commission of Victoria, the Catholic Education Commission
of Tasmania, the Catholic Education Commission of Canberra-Goulburn, the
Catholic Education Office of Sydney, the Catholic Education Office of Parramatta,
the Broken Bay Diocesan Catholic Schools Office, Catholic Education South
Australia, the Catholic Education Office of Lismore, the Salesians of St John Bosco,
the Council for Christian Education in Schools, Lutheran Schools Australia, the
Lutheran Church National Office, The Salvation Army (Southern Territory), the
Seventh-Day Adventist Church (Australia), the Victorian Council for Christian
Education, the Uniting Church in Australia National Assembly and the YMCA.
4. Pasquale, Frank, “The ‘Nonreligious’ in the American Northwest,” in Barry A.
Kosmin and Ariela Keysar, eds., Secularism and Secularity: Contemporary Interna-
tional Perspectives, ISSSC, Hartford, CT, 2007.
5. Bouma Gary D., “Globalization and recent changes in the demography of Austra-
lian religious groups,” People and Place, vol. 10, no. 4, p. 17.
6. see Bouma 2002; Bouma Gary D., “Globalization, social capital and the challenge
to harmony of recent changes in Australia’s religious and spiritual demography:
1946-2001,” The Australian Religious Studies Review, vol. 16, pp. 55-68.
7. Chart position is determined by the number of units shipped to accredited record
stores, not by sales volume. Hillsong has an accredited store.
8. Bouma, Gary D. and Andrew Singleton, “A comparative study of the successful
management of religious diversity: Melbourne and Hong Kong,” International Soci-
ology vol. 19, no. 1, pp 5-24.
9. Bouma Gary D. 1992, Religion: Meaning, Transcendence and Community in
Australia, (Melbourne: Longman, 1992), p.88.
94 Secularism & Secularity

10. Dennis Trewin, 2003 Year Book Australia, Number 85, Canberra, Australian Bureau
of Statistics, 2003.
11. Ibid.
12. Bouma Gary D. “Globalization and recent changes in the demography of Australian
religious groups,” People and Place, vol. 10, no. 4, p.19.
13. Bouma, 2003, p. 63
14. Bouma, 2003, p. 59
15. The age range of the SGY survey respondents. See n. 3
16. Roof, Wade Clark, Spiritual Marketplace: Baby Boomers and the Remaking of
American Religion, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999); Lyon, David, Jesus
in Disneyland: Religion in Postmodern Times, (Cambridge: Polity, 2000). For discus-
sion of this phenomenon in the US and UK, see Carrette, Jeremy and Richard King,
Selling Spirituality: The Silent Takeover of Religion, London: Routledge, 2005); Hee-
las, Paul, Linda Woodhead, Benjamin Seel, and Bronislaw Szerszynski, The Spiritual
Revolution: Why Religion is Giving Way to Spirituality, (Oxford: Blackwell, 2005);
Partridge, Christopher, The Re-enchantment of the West: Alternative Spiritualities,
Sacralization, Popular Culture and Occucultre, London: T & T Clark, 2004); Roof,
1999; Wuthnow, Robert, After Heaven: Spirituality in America since the 1950s,
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998).
17. For a good discussion of appropriate terms, see Pasquale, 2006.
18. For a full description of the range of “religious” and “spiritual” types, see Mason,
Singleton, and Webber, forthcoming.
19. Bellamy, John, Alan Black, Keith Castle, Philip Hughes and Peter Kaldor, Why
people don’t go to church, (Adelaide: Openbook, 2002), p. 6.
20. e.g. Bellamy, et al. 2002.
21. Bouma, 2002; 2003.
22. cf. Smith, Christian with Melinda Lundquist Denton, Soul Searching: The Reli-
gious and Spiritual Lives of American Teenagers, (New York: Oxford University Press,
2005).

Acknowledgements
This chapter has been developed within the context of the team research project: “The
Spirit of Generation Y: The Spirituality of Australian Youth and Young People aged 13-
29,” conducted jointly by ACU National, Monash University, and the Christian Research
Association. Members of the research team are: Michael Mason (ACU National), Ruth
Webber (ACU National), Andrew Singleton (Monash), Philip Hughes (Christian Research
Association). Very special thanks are due to my project colleagues for the countless hours
spent in discussion and their contribution to my understanding and analysis of secular
Australians. Thanks also to Ceridwen Spark for comments on an earlier draft.