JOURNALISM AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN RURAL SINDH (1970-80) __JOURNALISM AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN RURAL SINDH (1970-80) Researcher Under the supervision of Riaz Ahmed Shaikh Prof. Dr. Ghulam Nabi SadhayocEEE———————— CERTIFICATE J certify that Mr. Riaz Ahmed Shaikh has completed his Ph.D research work under my supervision. He has collected both primary.and secondary data from authenticated sources available in the country. Thesis has been developed according to the standard required for Ph.D Degree. I strongly recommend that this thesis on the topic "JOURNALISM AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN RURAL SINDH (1970-80)" may kindly be approved. (Prof.Dr.Ghulam Nabi Sadhayo RESEARCH SUPERVISER M.A. (Sindhi) M.A, (Jour.) LL B, Ph: D Govt: Degree College Jacobabad4 6. lekuowledgement fatroduction History of Sinedis ast tourna isis Political changes Sper Phy Conciusiens Ritlie oO 222 246 254NOWLEDGENIE, Ab the outset E wish to express my gratitude to Dr.Mubarak Ali, a renowned historian and former Chairman, Department of History, Sindh ~ University, Jamshoro, who encouraged me to take up this study as my Ph.D. dissertation. Dr.Ghulam Nabi Sadhayo, my supervisor, took keen interest in the study and provided valuable guidance throughout the work. His suggestions and comments helped me to improve both the theoretical framework and content of this study. In completing this study, 1 am grateful to Mr. Abdur Rauf Nizamani who took out time to discuss various aspects of the study and gave his valuable suggestions. | am also thankful to Mr, Muslim Shamim, who critically examined the political development and the role of press, discussed in Chapter-3 of this study. A number of other persons have heiped me in this study. It is difficult to name them all because of their insistence on anonymity, but some deserve special thanks because of their invaluable help in this study, Mr. Hasan Abdi, Mr. Sohail Sanghi, Mr. Shaukat Siddiqui and Mr Tasneem Ahmed SiddiquiI wish to acknowledye with thanks the help of Mr. Muhammad Hussain Sheikh, Director, Institute of Sindhology, Jamshoro, in locating various books and other material needed for this study. 1 am also indebted to Mr. Abdul Majeed Paroogi ind other staff of the Library of Quaid-e-A am Academy tor the cooperation, Without hesitation, | must thank to Mr. Navara Hasan, Mr. Ahmec Raza Zubairi and Mr. Mansoor Soomro, who took exitenie pains to give my humble effort a presentable shape through their excellent Computer sping. Finally, 1 must thank to my family members, without their patience, encouragement. and help this study could never have been undertakenJournalism is one of the basic and important means of communication. By journalism, we mean the collection and editing of material of current interest Jor presentation through media or the editorial or business management of an agency engaged in the collection and dissemination of news. (1) Journalism is actually the information, education and guidance, as such information is one of the constituent parts of Journalism. Journalism is a whole unit and full-fledgec social discipline and news is the essence of Journalism, It stands for writing for the newspapers or magazines. It is the communication of in“ormation through writings in periodical newspaper (2) According to the Chambers diction: -y, Journalism means, “the collection and editing of material of current interest for presentation, publication or broadcast” (3). Accordii g to New Gem Twentieth 1Century Dictionary, Journalism means “ the profession of conducting or writing for Public Journals”(4) The word “ Journalism” is derived trom “Journal” which means a daily register or diary - book containing each. day’s business or transactions (5). ‘The word Journal also connotes a newspaper published every day or even lesser, magazine. ‘Thus Journalism means. the communication of information regarding the events of a day through written words, sounds or pictures. And a Journalist is a person employed in writing for a newspaper or magazine (6), The journalistic writing is, in fact, 4 contempora report of the changing scene in the society. It is mainly intended to inform the readers regarding what is happening around them, ‘There is a big impact of journalism and il can and afien does influence the course of events, which are being reported, because, it sometimes brings public opinion in focus and at other times even creates it, Thus the reports regarding communal riots. workers’ demonstrations, ising prices or a deteriorating crime situation can spark a reaction among the citizens and force a change in the local, state or national policies (7) In the modern age, the press is called the “Fourth Estate(S). It enjoys @ very important place in the socisty, The press protects the ordinary citizens against the injustice and ty canny of the rulers. It is thevoice of the people and watchdog of their interes in fact, the press embodies the freedom of speech and expression of the Citizens (9). JOURNALISM AND 19S ROLE IN SOCLAL CHANG ‘As we said earlier. the press plays a very important role in the modern aye. A newspaper caters to the aecds of different readers by publishing various types of news such as political, economic, social, scientific and development ete. The press helps greatly in the formation of the public opinion. Journalism, being x very effective tool ean play effective role in bringing change in a society but before proceeding in this regard, we must explain the term social change: SOCIAL CHANG No society in the world is completely static or totally changing The phenomenon of the social change is as old as civilization itself (10). ‘The process of social chanye is universal aad it is working and would be working in spite of the faw pace CH). The term “Social Change” is relatively simple, although as a sociological concept it is especially comprehensive. A social change is the difference in material objects and the attitude of using such things along the time and space (12) According to Merrifl, social change involves such ideas as interaction,movement, growth and function. He says “Social Change means that large number of persons are engaging in activities that differ from those in which they or their parents were engaged some times before (13), There is no fixed pattern for the study of Social Change (14), Nevertheless, certain theoretical descriptive and eyaluational aspects of courses in social change have beeome taditional, The interest of a Sociologist in the study of social change is lo observe fe rms, speed (high or Jow), cause (possible factors contributing to change), direction (whether it is positive or negative}, contest (whether it is balanced or imbalanced), source (origin), processes (course of action and pattern) and resistance (factots working against the growth of social change)(15) There is no single theory that could explain the most tedious and complicated phenomenon of secial nge. However, we can say that Social change is a comples «nd complicated! phenomenon, Social change means simply the process of becoming different in any sense (16) Journalisnr-being a tool of mass communication can play the role of a catalyst in the process of social change in any society. This role of mass communication is normally divided into five main ar (a) To motivate (b) To inform (c) To educate (d) To change or effect the behavior of the masses and last one is (e} fo act as a mitror to society (17).Journalism can piay vital role in motivating its reader for any targeted aim or change while making any motivating attempt, it must be clear that target is based on facts and may have relevance with the readers. For example use of mas media, mainly radio and a newspaper, in Tanzania to spread the concept of “Ujamaa” and thereby to generate support for yrass-root development within the country was successful to certain extent only because it evoked a resonant feeling among the masses of Tanzania, Whereas in the case of Pakistan during the political crises of 1969 and 1977 authoritarian governments attempted to ignore massive and visible dissatisfaction while purveying an official line (18) The information role of the journalisin is a function in which it can carry words and pictures. The educational! role ef the journalism has probably been the most widely publicized of olentials. lis aim is not only to spotlight the social, political and econom:e issue but also to educate, inform and instruct the mass (19) The potential of the newspapers to reach vast numbers of readers has given birth to a certain mythology about the effectiveness of this media in changing the behavior. There are various opinions about the f effectiveness of the Newspapers in alterin# opinions that have been hurtured and therefor ae very strongly heht by the receiving population (20). It can be seen to have changed only those opinions and those modes of behavior, which have been lightly held by the recipients of 5—_— information, Also. it can be effectiv.iy employed to make slight adjustments in the direction of action and thoughts of people. The use of newspapers and radio provide examples of successful mass media campaigns in the area of health educatio to alter behavior patterns. In Trinidad and Tobago, a six-week campaign in 1964 utilized radio and newspapers in an effort to reverse the deel ae in breast feedings (21) The fib role for the journalism is one of a mirror that would reflect the society it is part of. This rate, however, can be more of activist than suggested by mirror analogy and it involves parallel development of other social institutions (usiness, professional groups) that would support this role (22) The mirror effect works through informing “all” the members of society of what is happening in their country and thereby creating a basis for motivating them to participate in the development process be it economic, political, social or cultural. This is not an easy task since it Involves not only the participation of professionals in it but also the movers and sha kers in the parallel institutions, political, economic, social and cultural who have to push their country constantly through the Process of modernization towards an identified goal. The crucial element in this role is to 6“Allow the print media to depict the soviely as it really is, rather than, as it is perceived to be by a dominani proup or as this group would like. il to be perceived” (23) For example, in a country with sirong ethnic and linguistic diversity national unity is the very fact that il is acknowledged through the print media (24). In brief, a newspaper caters to the needs of different readers by publishing various types of news such as political, economic, social, scientific, development ete (25) SCOPE OF THE STUDY: The scope of this research is to study the process of social change and the role of Journalism (more specifically press) in the events, which took place in the province of Sindh durivg the decade of 70s. The prominent developments that shape the changes occurred during this peridd are: - (a) Approval of Sindhi Language Bill in 1972 by Sindh Assembly whose approval caused widespread farguaye riots in the province (b) Implementation of Quota system on the basis of the regional disparities and backwardness. 1t was introduced in the year 1970 and it was given constitutional cover ii: 1973 (c) New Sindhi Middle Class who was making its presence felt and struggling for the acceptance of its ro:e in the decade of 60s, now 7got significant standing and representation in federal and provincial departments during the Bluitto regime. (d) Centrifugal tendencies were also most expressive during this period. Sindhi Nationalist’ Leader G.MSyed’s book “Why Sindhudesh?” (Published in 1974) as well as the slogan of “Jeay Sindhudesh” gained currency (e) Z. A. Bhutto inwoduced land reforms in the decade of 70s. (First attempt was made in 1977 and second announcement. was made in 1977). (f) Z.A. Bhutto was deposed in July 1977 and later hanged in 1979. (g) Wide-ranging changes were seen in educational system. New professional and Vocational Institutes and Universities were added. (h) Process of Nationalization of Industrial and Financial Institutes during Bhutto regime (1972-77) left their impact on rural Sindh. ‘There are number of reasons to study the process of social change in Sindh in relation with Journalism. (a) Sindh like other parts of the ccuntry is divided into rural and urban population, but unfortunately, this bifurcation has turned into ethnic dimension as well as, leading to conflicts. Major constituent of rural Sindh population are local Sindhi whereas urban centers are dominated by the community which migrated from India in 1947 i.e. Muhajits inter alia other cor munities 8(b) Journalism in Sindh is also divided on ethnic lines, Sindhi Press largely supported the cause of rural Sindh, whereas Urdu Press by and large reflected the concerns of their own Middle Class. (c) Policies adopted by Sindhi and Urdu Journalism resulted in creation of doubts and biased feelings among both the communities, LITERATURE Ri EVIEW: Role of Journalism in shaping and focusing the important events of the decade is the main emphasis of this sesearch that makes this work different from carlier works taken on the subject, some of which are compared below: - Evolution and History of Sindhi_ Journalism, by Dr Aziz-ur- a, a PhD. Thesis. ‘This thess evplains the history and development of Sindhi Journalism. However, it lacks analytical approach to the understanding of Sindh’s lagging ‘ehind in different fields like economic, education, industrialization ete. The thesis is also silent about the impact of Journalism on the Sindhi Society In “Modern nomy of Sindh,” (1981), Dr. Ishrat_Hussain explains only the economic conditions of sindh, whereas this book tries to look out all changes along with economi aspect.In “Today's Sindh”, Muhammad Mirza (1986), analyses the grievances of the Sindhis in the historical perspective. He found the sense of deprivation felt by Sindhis have -aken them to the extreme end of isolation, and has pushed them away from the affairs of the country. The theme of the book remains attached to the political clevelopments. [In “Sindh-Voice of Silence”, Dr.Mubarak Ali (1992), a renowned historian, studies the history of Sindh from a new and liberal angle. He correctly pointed out the contradiction wethin the Sindhi Society. He gave the account of the eniergence of Sindhi Nationalism and Sindhi Middle Class ete. But the book did not explain the role of Sindhi Press in the development and nourishment of these events In “Ethnonational Moyements of Pasistan” ¢ 1988), Tahir Amin, a Ph.D. thesis, analyses the rise and decline of Nationalist Movements in Pakistan. He examined the cross border support the movement got and threat to the country from them. He confines himself to the growth of these movements and their capacity to bring about the disintegration to the country. His work is silent about the role of the press in the entire movement SOURCE MATERIAL: The period covered by this the s is relatively recent (1970-80) Due to the introduction of the One Unit in mid 50s and its continuation for the next one and half decade, exetusive data for Sindh tarely exist. loPrimary source material was Newspaper. periodicals and library books Data provided by the various agencies government department and independent associations was also relied upon, Interviews were another means to obtain new thoughts about the development, which took place decade and its relations with newspapers during addressed the role of Journalism in the process of social change in rural Sindh in totality, including eeoomic growth, infrastructure development, educational opportunities anJ political developments ete While analyzing various developments in the field of education, it has been attempted to explain whether new opportunities improved the literacy rate in rural Sindh or it was only quantily change. Impact of nationalization from the point of view of rural Sindh has been analyzed. Agriculture is the backbone of the rural Sindh, Any change in the agricultural setup, naturally, affects the life in rural Sindh. The role of Journalism in the mechanization of agriculture and pattern of agricultural products has also been examined, The role of Journalism in the implementation of Land Reforms in true sense is also part of this work One of the purposes of this research is not only to see the role of Journal: sm in various cha nes took place in rural Sindh, but also to see whether its role was positive or negative, Did it stay neutral or played a Partial role in all these developments?RURAL SIND. DEFINITION:- Generally, population is divided it rural and urban centers on the basis of several criteria, There is no standard definition of an urban place (26). Despite the UNO’s recommendation that place with a compact population of 20,000 or more inhabitants be regarded as urban and the remaining as rural, countries have adopted their own operational definitions. The United States of America for example defines an urban place asa locality with a population of 25,000 or more and others as rural, In Pakistan, the population censuses prior to 1981 have used a definition of urban that includes all Municipalities, Civil Lines, Cantonments and any other area inhabited by not less than 5000 persons and consisting of continuous collection of houses (27). Some areas with less than 5000 residents were also included among urban centers if they possessed distinct urban characteristic (28) This definition was again changed in the 1981 Census which considered, in addition to the Cantonments, all Municipal Corporations, Municipal Committees or Town Commiitiees as urban, if they were so declared by the Provincial Government (29). But in the case of Sindh, the concept of urban and tural Sindh has been misused in the prevailing Political conditionsin this research we have consideied rural Sindh comprising all those ateas, which were declared as rwal Sindh for the selection of stitutes and served as basis for the students in professional educational recruitment in government jobs. Simply rural Sindh in the present study comprises of all districts of Sindh excepi urban centers of Karachi, Hyderabad and Suk’ During this decade, Sindh was divided into following districts, brief introduction of these distziets is iver below: - Most of this district was the part of urban Sindh, except few villages of Sindhis and Balochis, which were situated in the surrounding of the district. Most of the population of this district was composed of people who migrated at the time of partition. Most of them speak Urda, However, Gujrati, Maryati ete. Is also spoken by a section of thos population, Literacy ratio of this district was about 51% as per popubition of 1972 which raised lo 55% as per census of 1981. This is considered as the Hub of industries and backbone of the country’s finance. It was the country’s only commercial seaport during the period. 2 UYDERABAD: — Hyderabad district during the decade consists of the present day Hyderabad and Badin which was later on craved out of it as a separate district. Hyderabad City was declared as Urban S ndh, whereas remaining areas “> - 13were part of rural Sindh, {twas second big industrial area in the Province after Karachi. Hyderabad City has the majority of Urdu speaking people who migrated in 1947. The Sindhis dominate rural areas. However, district Badin and other fertile areas of distriets have strong pockets of Punjabi Abadgar and retired Army officials, Literacy ratio of this district was about 27% as per census of 1972 which increased further one percent in the next census Entire district Cf Thatta is part.of rural Sindh, The rural inhabitants dominate it. There are a few industrial units in Gharo and Sujawal, Literacy rao in the district was 20% as per census of 1972 which decreased to 17% in the next census. 4. NAWABSHAH:- This distiet of Sindh has one of the best agricultural lands in the province, Nawabshah City has mixed population of Sindhis & Muhajirs. Sindhis dominated other villages. A significant portion of agricuitural lands was allotted to the Punjabi setticrs, M1 had fiteraey ratio of 22% according to the 1972 census, which increased by ane percent in the next census Bigger feudal families like Jatois, Syeds and Jamalis are political figures of the disirici. District is fi nous for its cotton production and Sugar Canei 3 DADU: This district is pit of rural Sindh. It was considered as bell of Nationalist forces. Sindh’s nationalist figure G.M. Syed belongs to this area. Dom nating population of this area is consisting of Sindhis. Literacy aio of the district was 24% according to the 1972 census, which decreased to 21% in 1981. On the one side dis known for its fertile lands like Mehar, Radhan ete. whereas on the other side it has barren hilly ranges like Kohistan and Fahnas ete. 6. THARPARKAR:- During the decade under consideration this vast district was comprising of present day three districts i.e, Mirpurkhas, Umerkot, and Tharpatl.ar. Desert areas of Umerkot and Tharparkar have stationed majo:ity of Hindu population of the province. Whereas cities and towns like Mirpurkhas, Juddu, Kot Ghulam Muhammad, Tando Jan Muhammad and Digri ete have strong pockets of Muhajits and Punjabi abadgars beside local Sindhis. Except bigger cities literacy ratio is poor and area lacked basic infrastructure, It was always: considered as a very sensitive district being a border area, During he War of 1971 a large portion of the district including important Cities like Nangarparkar, Islamkot, Chachro etc. were captared by the Indian Army and remained under their domination till the Simla accord was signed. Therefore the Muslim population cI the captured areas migrated toother safe areas and Hindus le for India temporarily, Literacy ratio of this district was 15% as per census of 1972, which increased by one percent in the next decade. 7 SANGHAR: District Sangizar is adjacent to Mirpurkhas, Nawabshah and Khairpur beside Sirdhis. {t has strong presence of the Punjabi abadgars and cities fike Shahdadpur and Tando Adam have a substantial Mubajir presence. Political arena is considered to be dominated by the Hurs of Pir Pagara. Hindus constitute about 20 percent of the total populition of the district. This area has fertile fands of ta Khipro, Shahdapur, Shahpur ete. Cotton and Sugareane are the main earniny: crops. Literacy ratio of this district was 19% as per population census of 1972, which remained stagnant in the next ten years, SURIKUR: Aller Karachi and Hyderabad, Sukkur is the third important station of the prownee. it acts as a main trade center for the upper Sindh. City population has strong presence of Urdu speaking Muhajirs beside Sindiis, whereas rural areas are. mostly Sindhis. Sukkur is part of uroan Sindh and remaining area including Ubaro, Daharki, Ghotki, Mirpur Mathelo ete. are part of rural areas. Government establishec a Cantonment area at Pano Agil, fourth one in the province, «ter Karachi, Hyderabad and Chor, despite strong protests of Sinchi Nationalist forces. Daharki 16f see and Mirpur Mathelo hrave stationed acca factories. Being situated at the river bell and on the main Raibwey track (Rohri main Junction) it enjoys multi dimensional benefits Literacy ratio of this district was 26% as per census of 1972, which remained the same at the end of the decade: 9. KHAIRPUR:- — Khairpur is the neighboring district of Sukkur, ft was the capital of Khairpur Branch of Talpur rulers of Sindh. This state joined Pakistan afier the partition and is now inerged with the province of Sindh, During one unit it was third division of the province along with Karachi and Hyderabad. This district has fertile lands and is famous for Pirs, like Pir of Rani Pur and Pir of Pagaro. This district has. alongwith the, Sindhis areas a dominating population of Batochis, but now they consider themselves a part of the Sindhi nation. The population of Shia sect has strong concentration here. Disirict is famous for its Dates. Literacy ratio of this district was 21%e as per population census of 1972 which remained almost stagnant in the next census carried outin 1981 10, SHIKARPUR:- District Shikarpur has remained famous for its trade and commerce even prior to Mughal rule in the sub- continent. The Hindu population of the area, which migrated in 1947, had developed its tinss with the Central Asia, Arabsand Europe. They had established educational institutes of best quality. The Shaikh and Soomro families of the district constitute major portion of the provincial bureaucracy of the province. It remained the pari of the rural Sindh. Literacy ratio of this distriet was 26% as per census of 1981. It was part of Sukkur district in the year 1972, i LARKANA:- The district is famous for political leadership of the Bhuitos, Khoros and the Kazi families. Along with local Sindhis Baluch tribes like Chandio, Magsi and Brohis etc, have their considerable ratio in the disiriet population, During the Bhuito government many facilities like Chandka Medical College, Rato Dero Sugar Mill (although not feasible) were added to the district. Due to (he histories! site of Moenjodaro, it is also served by an Airport, Literacy ratic of this distriet was 27% as per population census of 1972, whieh decreased to 22% as per next population census report iW JACOBS This bordering district between Sindh and Baluchistan, once called “upper.sindh Frontier District” was named after Brig, Gen. Jolin ‘'acob, who acted as its political Agent afler Sindh’s conquest in 1843. He developed this district as a buffer estate beiween Baluchistan and British India. The area has strong population of Baluch tribes like 18Khost Jakhranis and Bijranis ete. Political leadership is in the hands of these Baluch tribes. Mostly Baluch traditions are followed in the district. {t is considered one of the most backward districts of the province, it is the only area, which had no industrial infrastructure previously, and neither it was developed later on except few Rice Mills. Literacy ratio of district, was 16% as per census of 1972, which considerably decreased to 11% in the next population census. IvPOPULATION BY NUMBER OF LITERATE BY DISTRICT AND LITERACY RATIO. IN SINDH, 1972 & 1984 4972 1981 JPROVINCEIDIT TOTAL | LITERATE TCITERACY| TOTAL ~TITERATE [LITERAG STRICT |POPULATION| POPULATIO) RATIO. |PoPuLATICN|POPULATION| Ratio (10 YEARS & [1 (10 YEARS | | (00 YEARS & : ABOVE) |__ABOVE) i 2 pS Tee eee 7 y | _9,589,444| 12,832,648| 4,036,304] 31.45) i 470.388; 99.271! __ 634,011 137,353] 21.66] 5 464,256; 75,888 654,161 71,630] 10.94 i o29,e39[ 241,922] 724,590 190,868] 26.34 ) ie 600,652] 130,382 27.71 740,179| 163,758] 22.121 : ee: 487,392 94,082] 612,878] 17.047] 19.24] | i 718,932 114,034 1,020,671 167,436] 16.4] L | 528,709| 128,078] 704,856 191,822| 21.53] i 1,520,088] 410.436] 271,376,081 304,492/ 28.66) p ee 458.243] 93.084 20.31 7.586] 88,512 17.78 E ei __| 15,008] 76,404 14.83] ; EN 854,312] 103,728) 22.7| 1,056,076 242,978| 23 t re 2876443] _1.318,507[ _51.2]__3.206,152[ 2,134,090] 55.04 | NOTE. Uiteracy is defined as the ability fo read with understanding short statement of every day a of life to any language TOTAL NUMBER OF LITERATE Literagy is defined as the abitity to read with understanding shor statement of every day Literacy Rati «100 Total Population (10 years & above) Shirkarpur District is included in Sukkur District in 1972 Census, SOURCE: District Census 1972 and 1981REFER C ol 04. 05. 06. 07 08, 09, Mirza Muhammad Yousaf, —i:xploring Journalism, A-1 publications, Lahore, 1993, P-33, Ibid The Chambers Dictionary, Chambers Harrap Publishers Ltd., Edinburgh, 1997, p-904 New Gem Dictionary, Collins Clea’ Type Press, Oxford,1965, p- 281 Yousaf, op-cit Oxford Dictionary, (third edition), Oxtord University Press, Oxford, 1988, p-438 Prof. Muhammad Naseer, Qatal-Wa Gharat Ka Bazzar Aur Azad-i- Izhar, /rftage, Itaqa publications, Karachi, December, 1989, p-82- 102 Dr. Mahdi Hassan, ‘The Fourth Esizie, /raqa, Intaqa publications, Karachi, March 1995, p-54 Zamie Niazi, He Press in Chains, Royal Book Company, Karachi, 1993, p-131 Muhammad Iqbal, fitrocuction fo Sociology, Dogar publications, Lahore, 1987, p-131K. Singh, Principles of Sociology, Prakashan Kandra, Lucknow, 1977, p-254 John F. Cuber, Sociology, Appleton Century Crofts, Newyork, 1955, p-139 13. FE, Merill, Society and Culture, Prentice-Hall Inc. Englewood, Cliffs, N. J., 1957, p-469. 14, John Erie Nordskog, Social Change, McGraw- Hill Book Company, New York, 1960, (Preface) 15: Naseem Bano, Social Change in Society, Sindhological Studies, Institute of Sindhiology, Jamshoro, August, 2000, p-88 16. Eric, op cit, p-I. 17. Dean TJamison and Emile G.Mc Ananey, Radio for Education and Development in John Eric (ed.), op-cit, p-7 18. Shuja Nawaz, Mass Media and Development in Shahid Javed Burki and Robert Laporte Jr. (ed.), Pakistan's Development Priorities, Oxford University Press, Karachi, 1986, p-326. 19. Shahwar Junaid, Communication Media and Statecraft SIC Publishing Consultant Rawalpindi, 1988 p-5 20, Elhu! Jacques, propogandes or propozanda in John Erie (ed,) op cit, p-87 21. Jamison, Emile, op cit. 22. Shuja Nawaz, op cit23. 24, 25. 26. Junaid, op cit, p-14 Shuja Nawaz, op cit Junaid, op cit, p-18. Feroze Ahmed, Ethnicity amd Politics in’ Pakistan, Oxford University Press, Karachi, 1999, p-i49. Pakistan Statistical Year Book-1987, Federal Bureau of Statistics, Karachi, p-635 Feroze, op cit Ibid.Q) EARLY HiST¢ The word “SINDH” is derived from the Sanskrit word * Sindhu”, the name given by the Aryans to the river indus (Greek Sinthos, Latin Sindhus). Lovally the river is still known as Sindh (1), Sindh is the delta of one of Asia’s longest river — a region which in the past seems to have been far more fertile and richer than nowadays judging by ancient reports and archaeological evidence (2). Al-Beruni was the first to make a detailed study of the different eras, which were used, in the Hindostan Sub-Continent from ancient times (3). He had devoted one full chapter to this subject in each of his two works, Indicia and Canon (4). Sindh is situated between the Iranian plateau and the Indian Sub-continent, each representing a different cultural complex. These two geographical facts have considerably influenced the history and culture of Sindh from the prehistoric times onwards. Not only did the fertility of Sindh draw the covetous attention of its neighbors but in addition a delta can always be approached much more easily from abroad than an inland area. Consequently Sindh has undergone the vicissitudes of many wars ofconquest and its cullural heritage has sullered accordingly. Sindh’s history has been determined by its geography (5) ‘The existence, five thousand years ayo, ofa highly advanced urban civilization in Sindh, Moen-jo-Daro and other cultures of Indus civilization presuppose the creation and appropriation of a large agricultural surplus product in the hinterland which had settled in agriculture for at least 2000 years prior to the maturation of the Harappan culture (6). Because of its border location, Sindh has been a receptacle of different ethnic, linguistic and religious groups. A number of historic events since the Arab conquest in 711 A.D. must be considered decisive in understanding the contemporary Sindh. One such event is the gradual expansion of islam, leading up to the fabulous Muslim rule in Sindh, nous Muslim Afier the end of Arab Rule, Sindh came under the indig rule, Sumra(1058-1349 AD) and Sumas ( 520 AD) ruled here for about three centuries. They both belong (o the indegenious population. Whereas Argun (1520-1555 AD), Turkhans (1555-1592 AD), the Mughals (1592-1737 AD), Kathoras (1700-1782 AD)and Talpur Amir (1782-1843 AD) remained rulers for more than three centuries. The indigenous and foreign rulers did not bring any revolutionary change in the socio-economic structure of the Sindh. Peasant, cultivator, artisan andcraftsman remained as poor as they were previously (7). Sindh had no other reason of importance for the Mughals except that it was situated on the way to Kabul and Qandhar and they took its full advantage (8) BRITISH RULE IN SINDH ‘The British after conquering Sindh, brought wide ranging, changes in the administration of Sindh. From revznue to Education, Judicial and irrigation, all administrative aspects were over haled. The British adopted the policy of permanent fand transfer to the feudal, so as to create a loyal class (9). This created inherited permanent feudal class in Sindh (10) The British changed the medium of instruction from Persian to Sindhi, which was adopted during Arghun period. New Sindhi script was lis introduced. In 1866 Civil Courts were ed. The most significant step taken by the Britishers was the administrative annexation of Sindh to the Bombay Presidency in India. ft remained in that shape till 1937, Afier a long struggle for its separation from Bombay, it was given a status of separate province. As per requirements of the British, several important changes were introduced. Mechanization took its footings. Technology, in the shape of railways was introduced. However, another point of view says that due to the divisio : of labour imposed by colonial rule, Sindh was relegated to the role of an agricultural hinterland, 26(especially Punjabis) were given on concessional rates, The Sindhi Landlords, themselves favored the settlement of farmers from outside the province in order to keep the Hari in “his place” (16). In 1928 rate of one hectare of land for government employees was Rs.6/= whereas its market price was Rs.44.6. It resulted in heavy purchase by the Punjabi government employees. ‘They not only purchased government land but also bought it from the needy sinall leadlords. Six years before the completion of Sukkur Barrage, the Punjabis, Marvaries, Rajisthani and other immigrants purchased about 10559 hectare of land from Sindhi Muslims and 1330 from Sindhi Hindus (17) This sale of land created a class of absentee landlords. The government employees used to live in cities and land was looked after by their appointees, This further developed into a “contractor system” (18). Under the British rule the polarization of the Sindhi rural society into a class of landlords and a class of untenured peasants had been greatly accelerated. The class of peasant proprietors, in numbers, remained limited in comparison with the tenants and share croppers Relationship between the haris and fewlals (or money lenders) were based on “Batai System”. The oppression of hatis at the hands of feudals was high during this period that forced the government to constitute“ari Enquiry Committee” on 3° March 1947. A member of this Committee, Muhammad Masud, ICS, submitted his famous minute of dissent, which highlighted the miserable condition of Haris in Sindh (19). PARTITION OF __SUB-CONTINENT AND CHANGES _IN DEMOGRAPIUIC uP: The partition of subcontinent in 1947 played immense role in changing the setup of area presently called Pakistan (20). Its immediate outcome was transfer of huge population across the borders, As far as Punjab is concerned, the bulk of refugees who entered West Punjab were not alien to that area.. They were shaped by the same broad social and administrative traditions, which the locals had experienced during the hundred years preceding the independence (21) whereas the case of Sindh was totally different. There were tribes on the frontier who, though gradually being settled, were not inclined to education. Hindus constituted 20 percent of the population and most of them were concentrated in towns (22). An ethnic Sindhi Muslim “Salariate” was virtually non-existent. The Sindhi urban society was mainly composed of Hindu Amils who :raditionally provided cadres for the state apparatus of Muslim rulers of Sindh and “Bahibands” (a community of Hindu traders). Most of them migrated from the urban 29centers of the province to India during riots in January 1948, The population of Sindh was thus radically ard irrevocably restructured (23) The migration of Hindus across the borders simultaneously with the arrival of many millions of Muslim refugees seeking shelter and jobs, began a new phase in the history of the province overnight it became the most plural province in the young country (24). The vacuum left by urban and commercial Hindus was filled not by Sindhis but by well educated mobile Muhajirs whose mother tongue become the national language and who began establishing their own business, industries and financial concerns in Karachi, Hyderabad and Sukkur (25). The allotment of lands of evacuee property and positions in the new government departments created a better organized, articulated and innovative community which, rather ihan adopting the indigenous cultural influences, started establishing their own separate identity (26), With the exodus of the Hindu moneyed class to India in 1947, Sindhis believed that their adversities were over (27). But thousands of well- educated, movable and resourceful population transformed the political and economic contours of Pakistan and Sindh favourable to them 028). Sindh, which had been a semi-isolated region, was rapidly transformed into an ethnic plurality (29).Perhaps the policies adopted by state duly endorsed by the new emigrants and number of Sindhi feudal lords against the mainstream Sindh further caused the bitterness between them and the Sindhis (30). A few examples to support the assumption are the separation of Karachi from Sindh, creation of One Unit, discontinuation of Sindhi language as medium of Instructions, allotment of lands at Guddu and Kotri Barrages to non-Sindhis. Ayesha Jalal says “Hundreds of thousands of acres of newly irrigated land in Sindh.,.. were parceled out to both military and civil officials- Punjabis in the main. Since there was nothing to prevent them ' reselling the land at fantastic prices in the open market, senior government employees found themselves climbing the economic ladder with startling ease... (31) These events produced many reactions including that of nationalism, Even the extreme right winger (32) like A. K. Brohi, Moulana Khair Muhammad Nizamani, Syed Sardar Ali Shah joined at one platform, Due to constant pressure of nationalist forces not only in Sindh but other provinces as well, Gen, Yahya Khan clecided to dissolve one unit in 1970. But this revival of provincial systern eave birth to another rift inSindh. Muhajir and Punjabis living in Sindh were not in favour of reviving the provincial entity (33). They were considering their interests, safe in One Unit (34). They thought that, with the revival of provincial system, extreme nationalist forces would get hold of the province. Later events further developed this rift which would be discussed in detail in the coming chapters. HISTORY OF J Hi ORY The history of Journalism in Sindh is old as the other parts of the Sub-continent. The portable type of Gothenburg printing machine reached Sub-continent in 1674 when the first printing press was established in Bombay (35). Sindh, with is long-standing relations with other parts of the world, had become aware of portable type and other technological invention but it required pract appliance in the linguistic necessity of Sindh (36). Sindh was among the last provinces in Indian Sub-continent to fall to British’s and as soon as they annexed it to British Empire in February 1843, they began grooming policies through all available media, foremost of these being the press (37). They discouraged use of Persian and encouraged English language. KUF.RACHE ADVERTISER wasthe first newspaper, which appeared in 1845, It retains the honour of being the first newspaper of the territories now forming Pakistan (38) Initially, it was a bi-weekly newspaper, basic aim behind its publication was to defend the policies of Sir Charles Napier. “Sindhian” was the second newspajer, which appeared in 1853. It was also in English fanguage and was bi-weekly with A. W. Strench as its Editor. The original Sindhian was later converted into “Sindh News” and then into the “Beacon” and lastly into “Sindh Times” (39). As regard the contents of the newspaper, it aimed at objective reporting about the affairs of the Province in order to assist the administration in the formulation of their poliey (40), “Sindh Kossid” was another important newspaper, This bi-weekly which used to appear on every Tuesday and Friday started its publication on 6" June 1854. The former Editor of Sindhian, John Briggs, was appointed as its Editor. ‘The war of independence 1857 brought several repression from the government over Indian Press and the Sindh’s press was no exception to it. The promulgation of Press Gagging Act of 1857 laid more restrictions over the printing presses and newspapers. Newspapers raised voiced against it, but to no avail.Sindh News and""Daily Phoenix were (wo. other English newspapers, which started their publication in 1854 and 1856 respectively. In-fact, the English newspapers were the need of British rulers for not only running the local administration smoothly, but to communicate administrative steps taken in Sindh to other parts of India. It was this need, which made the commissionerate and other agencies of the government to help establish a sound-fosted press in the province Alongwith the English, which was being patronized as per government policy, Persian, which used to be the official and court language of the province, was not ready to leave the ground in spite of indifferent attitude of government. In the same period Mirza Mukhlis Ali established a lithographic press at Karachi in 1885 and started publishing a Persian newspaper “Mufarrah-ul-Quloob”. Newspaper received support from the British officials (41). Simultaneously several other Persian newspapers like “Matha Khurshid” and “Akleel” appeared, but they could not last very long, as majority of Sindh’s population was not familiar with this language. As a result of government’s encouragement, Sindhi language started replacing Persian language. The ‘first Sindhi-Persian bilingual weekly, sponsored by goverment, started its publication on 15" May 34& 1858 under title “Fawwad-ul-Akhbar”. Newspaper carried articles regarding education and government pelicies (42). Although these newspapers had their own importance, but as per Hafiz Khair Muhammad Odhi, these papers, instead of depicting real facts and highlighting the suffering of common man, became the spokesman of the feudal and few Ulemas who were adept in Persian (43). The Sindhi Press took another stride when a complete Sindhi newspaper “SIND SUDHAR” started its publication from Karachi in 1866. This newspaper was started by the government of Sindh, The main objective for this paper was to act as a government’s spokesman. However, it started publishing informative articles on different social topics beside publication of government orders, news and notifications This paper attained wide circulation. Rao Sahib Barayan Jaganath, Mirza Sadiq Ali Beg, the elder brother of Mirza Qaleech Beg and Sadhu Hiranand jointly edited it, Later in 1884, it was taken away from the government’s control and handed over to a social organization “SIND. SUDHAR?” (44) that was founded by Jetha Ram, a known social worker. His family established the D. J. College nf Karachi in his memory in 1887. After transfer of its management into private hands, newspaper improved a lot. its contributors included , N, Pooncheji, MuhammadQasim Halai, Fazil Shah Hyderabadi, Ghulam Muhammad Gadda, Mir Ali Nawaz Alvi, etc. “It started discussion on political, economic and social issues. “Moeen-ul Islam” was the first complete privately owned Sindhi newspaper. This was brought out by Mirza Muhammad Sadig. The period extending to 1855 witnessed remarkable progress in printing methods. It changed from lithography to ‘etterpress. In 1862, there were only 4 typographic presses in Karachi and one in Kotri, Whereas, in lithography, 5 presses in Karachi and one in Sukkur were established, The batch of more than a dozen were added to it in 1885. During the same period, besides Karachi, Hyderabad and Sukkur also appeared as the major publishing stations Afier getting himself separated from “SINDH SABHA”, Hasan Ali Effendi established Sindh National Muhammadan Association in March 1884. He was a great adinirer of Sir Syed and was deeply influenced by Aligath Movement. Besides establishing “Sindh Madrasat-ul-Islam” at Karachi, he also started a weekly newspaper “Miaven Majmay”. It appeared as defender of rights of Sindhi Muslims. Prominent Sindhi Scholars Allah Baksh “ABOJHO” and Shamsuddin “BULBUL” remain attached to this newspaper.l i \ In the next few years & number of cther new newspapers appeared on the scene. In the year 1890, Sadh Hiranand started publishing “Sarswati”, Lekhraj Tilokchand brought out “Pirbhat” from Sukkur in 1891. Virumal Begraj started “Sindhi”. Haji Ahmed Memon started “Aftab-e-Sindh” from Sukkur in 1895, This paper became the champion of the Muslim cause under the editorshij: of Shamsuddin “Bulbul”. It took up issues with the Hindu press on various fronts. ‘This paper carried the message of Aligath Movement in Sindh. This paper took stern notice of the activities of Christian missionaries (45). In the same period several other papers like “Kair Khawa” from Larkana, “Musafar” from Hyderabad and “Sindhi” from Sukkur came up. Virumal Begraj, editor of “Sindhi” succeeded in achieving respect among, the literate circles especially among Hindus and became the President of Sindhi Hindu Mahsabha. He was placed behind the bers bwvice for a total period of about 5 years for writing against the government and state, In 1896 two important paper “Joa.” and “Parbhat” started their publications. Publishers of both the news»apers were Hindus. Lekhraj Talwak Chand, editor of Parbhat was a rerowned writer. His newspaper earned a lot of fame where: hoot ki-Awas” published by Parma NandMawa Ram, who, later on, converted to Christianity and utilized his paper for propagating the preaching of his new religion In 1899 Muslims started the newspapers named Al-Hag, Al-Hilal and Aftab-e-Sindh. Al-Haq was initially started from Sukkur, however later on shifted to Hyderabad. This newspaper focused its interest on socioeconomic conditions of Sindh. It reported objectively and commented freely on political developments. Previously there was no difference between Hindu and Muslim press but in the last decade of 19" Century keeping in view the interests of both communities, both the presses adopted extreme lines and in fact Al-Haq, Al-Hilal and Aftab-e-Sindh were the rejoinder to Hindi Press. Al-Haq especially maintained a pro-Muslim editorial policy (46). This paper saw several renowned Sindhi scholars like Shams-ud-din Bulbul, Muhammad Hashim Mukhlis and Hakim Fateh Muhammad Sehwani as its editors. In 1904, an eminent poet Muhammad Hashim Mukhli, who previously had been editor of Al-Hilal, brought periodical “TuhFi- Ahbab”. In 1906, Allama Asadullah “Fida” started his monthly magazine called “Bahr-e-Akhlaq” (47).SINDH WASI was the first Sindhi daily newspaper of 20" Century edited by Kanwal Singh Pohumal. [ts publication was commenced in 1908, In 1909, Muhammad Hakim Musblis issued another periodical “Jaffer Zathi” and “Kich Kot” from Hyderabad. Hakim Fateh Muhammad Sehwani started his another publication “ALslah” (48). The division of Bengal in 1905 by the British Government was the first major point of difference between the press in Sindh. It divided the Sindhi press in Hindu and Muslim press. A number of fresh newspapers from the Hindu community appeared i.e. “Mata”, “Sindh Shawak” and “Voice of Sindh” were few papers, which were representing Hindu point of view. The year 1916 watched another point of conflict between both the communities. A group of extremist Hindus wanted to revise the script of Sindhi language from Arabic to Deynagri. For this purpose a specific newspaper “Hindu” was launched from Hyderabad. Muslim press immediately responded io this threat Soveral papers like “Sahifa- e-Qadri” edited by Moulvi Muhammad Sadiq Raniput, “Al-Kashif? edited by Moulana Din Muhammad Wafai 9rought out from Larkana. 1916 w the emergence of impovtant Sindhi newspaper from Hyderabad, Races Ghulam Muhammad Bhurgari, a veteran Muslim Leaguer started “Al-Amin™, It was a daily newspaper. Shaikh Abdul& Majeced Sindhi was appointed as editor cI’ the paper. It was considered a complete newspaper as besides coveraze of news items, it contained articles on political, economie and soeial issues Khilafat Movement was a milestone in the history of struggle movement against British government. During this movement the Hindus and Muslims struggle jointly against them. This movement gave rise to new forces of freedom movement through press. It took the task of building public opinion in such a ccmmendable way that Muslim leadership of India considered it right to convene Khilafat conference at Hyderabad in 1921 (49). In order to cover this important event Haji Abdullah Haroon launched a daily newspaper “Al-Wahid”. There is no doubt that this newspaper is considered as the most important newspaper ofits time. It set the new trends in the history of journalism. It preached people to participate in national affairs and generated discipline in their approach. Shaikh Abdul Majeeed, Din Muhammad Wafai, and Qazi Abdur Rehman were its few eminent editors. It worked as the real spokesman of Muslim League and especially from 1938 onward it Pursued the case of Muslim League and Pakistan with great vigor (50), In 1923, Moulana Din Muhammad Wafai initiated “Tauheed” from Larkana. In the same year another important bi-weekly newspaper— “Sindh Zamindat” appeared, ‘Those who remained on the editorial board on different occasions were Pir Ali Muhammad Rashdi, Moulana Abdul Ghafoor Sindhi, Agha Nazar Ali, Dur Muhammad Owaisi and Hafiz Khait Muhammad Odhi(51). As per Hasamuddin Rashdi, actually this publication was started by the Sindh Muhammadan Association under the Pattonage of British Government to neutvalize the impact of Al Wahid (52) ‘The Khilafat Movement left very imaressive and lasting effects on the society and a number of newspapers appeared in a very short span of time, In 1924, “Mussalman” appeared from Mirpurkhas. Muhammad Hashim Mukhlis edited it. In the same year “Shikarpur Gazette” and “and “Al-Hanif” started their publications from Shikarpur. “Ittahad” appeared from Nawabshah, Moutana Abdul Khaliq Morai started “Taragi” in 1925. Pir Ali Muhammad Rashdi, “Aseer”, started “Ale Rashid” and “Andaleeb” started their Journey from Larkana. Ali Muhammad Rashdi started another paper “A|-Hazab” in 1927, Moulana Noor Muhammad Nizami Started “Noor-ul-Islam” from Tando Allahyar, In 1935 Agha Badruddin of Shikarpur came out with “Ashian-e-Adab” Hakim Fateh Muhammad Sehwani started “Al-Islah” in 1936 (53). In1938, Syed Sadaruddin Shah Bukhari, a renowned Sindhi Scholar started “Al-Jamat™. In 1940, Bahart Jeewan Saitha Mandal, Hyderabad started “Baharat Jeewan” from Hyderabad. In that monthly magazine renowned Muslim and Hindu scholars like Moulana Shadi, Dildar Hussain Muswai, Ali Mubammad Marri, Thakur Kulphani, Ram Panjwani, Nanak Pir Panjwani etc. were regular contributors to the paper In 1941, Muhammad Usman Diplai started a monthly Magazine “Ibrat” from Hyderabad. He used this magazine for the cause of Independence struggle. This paper was converted into a weekly in 1946. He sold out this paper to Qazi Family in 1951 and they converted it into a daily newspaper in 1958. During the same period, Moulvi Khair Muhammad Nizamani started “Bab-ul-Islam” “Awam” and “Ghazi”. In 1942, Hari Das Premchand started “Janem Bohmi” from Mirpurkhas (54), The Congress party started “Suraj” ia 1945, as its mouth organ. It used to attack the policies of government as well as Muslim League. In order to counter the Congress’ propaganda, a Muslim Leaguer Agha Badruddin initiated daily “Ingilab” in 1946 (55). The governmentapplied a forced closure of Ingilab for political reasons. It practically encountered the adverse propaganda of e:slremist Hindu press Munshi family of Hyderabad started Hilal-e-Pakistan from Hyderabad in November 1946. Moulana Shadai was it first editor. The main aim of this paper was to counter anti-Pakistan propaganda. This paper still exists. With the partition of Sub-continent and creation of new country in 1947, several changes took place into the character and role of journalism. After achieving independence and a separate country, newspapers had to play another role in the construction of the newly established country. A number of famous and eminent Hindu writers and journalist migrated from Sindh. This created a vacuum in creative journalism. However, with the arrival of new emigrants from India, Karachi emerged as a major center of new journalism (56) AT THE EVE OF PARTITION: ‘At the time of independence, Karechi had 3 English newspapers, owners of all these papers ie. Daily Gazette, Karachi Daily and Sindh Observer were non-Muslims. Due to their migration, the standard of papers declined. Al-Wahid was a regular publication, whereas there was no significant newspaper in Urdu (57)a . Pakistan Herald publications was the first group which came forth with several new newspapers. “Dawn” the English daily, which was previously appearing as the spokesman of the Muslim League from Delhi, again appeared as the biggest Eng'ish newspaper of Pakistan. Tt started its Urdu version as well, but it could not survive much longer. It also started “Illustrated Weekly of Pakistan” and “Evening Star”. Z. A. Suleri started “Times of Karachi’. Daily Morning News of Calcutta also shifted to Karachi and started its publication simultaneously from Karachi and Dacca Urdu journalism, which was almost nonexistent in Sindh, before partition, started gaining ground. Jang and Anjam were shifted from Delhi to Karachi, Both the papers under their owners Mir Khalil-ue- Rehman and Muhammad Usman Azad respectively achieved prominence in very short time. By 1958, Karachi had an estimated 28 daily newspapers which included 16 Urdu 3 Sindhi and 6 English newspapers. Sindhi language newspapers continved their journey in new circumstances. G.M. Syed’s “Naeen Sindh”, edited by Sobho Gian Chandani, Pir Pagaro’s “Mehran” edited by Sardar Ali Shah and “Al- Wahid” led the Sindhi Journafism. Later, Ayub Khoro started “Nawa-e- Sindh”. Ali Nawaz Wafai s/o Moulana Din Muhammad Wafai started 44“Azad”. It was the only Sindhi weekly from Karachi. Several New Sindhi newspapers also appeared from Hyderabad during the same period, Raves Haji Najmuddin Sarewal brought out “Karawan”, Torat increased its frequency to be a daily in August 1958. Khadim-e-Watan, which published as weekly also, chanyed its periodicity to a daily newspaper, Sukkur also achieved the stacus of an important publishing center, but could develop little with the passage of time. STRUGGLE AGAINST GNE UNIT The Federal government’s decision to implement one unit in 1955 was strongly opposed by Sindh. The economic disaster Sindh feared through this unpopular political experience, became the cause of resentment in the Sindhis, which was voiced by the newspapers in a forceful manner straining the relations between the province and center. Ayub Khoro, the then Chief Minister of Sindh, put restrictions on Sindhi press to stippress any voice against the formation of One Unit. The formation of One Unit against the wishes of people of Sindh raised a very vocal protest through out the province. The Sindhi press raised voice against this act of federal government. A number of Sindhi newspapers, like ‘“Karawan’ from Hyderabad and ‘Naeen Sindh’ etc. saw forced closure on political grounds, Sindhi press became the only platform to 45express the deprivations, but as a politice! onslaught on One Unit could really come into effect ‘The case against One Unit was fought vigorously by the Sindhi press as done previously in case of separation of Karachi from Sindh in 1948. This period is considered as one of the glorious period of Sindhi journalism as several new left oriented nationalist youth started their career, which flourished with the passage of time Haider Bux Jatoi, of Hari Committee, wrote against arbitrary laws of Land Revenue in the Province. The government took stern notice of his writings. Newspapers carrying his anicles were banned and he was placed behind the bars. After the imposition of One Unit securities from 39 newspapers were demanded in 1956-57. Several papers like ‘Ras Rehan’, ‘Insan’, and many other were either subjected to forced closure or sanctions were imposed to make closure possible. A constant and pertinent struggle to rehabilitate Sindhi language’s position and regain the rights of people, due share in jobs and equitable distribution of finances ended in 1970, when the One Unit was dissolved. By the time, Hyderabad had become an important newspaper center, Mehran and Nawa-i-Sindh shifted their places of publication from Karachi to 46Hyderabad. Khadim-e-Watan changing its periodicity to a daily had also started publication tom Hyderabad. Pakistan People’s Party brought out Daily Hilal-e-Pakistan as a party paper It proved to be a successful venture. However, it also gave coverage to the aspirations of emerging middle class of Sindhi Society. Al-Wahid as a spokesman of Jamat-e- Islami had appeared again from Hyderaba® but it could not survive much. Mehran of Pir Pagaro continued fio Hyderabad alongwith Qazi familys’ Daily brat.ol. 02. 03. 04, 05. 06. 07. 08. 09. 10. REEERENCES:- Ali, A. Jafaray, Sindh and Shindhis in the early Aryan age, in Hamida khoro (ed.) Sindh through the Centuries, Oxford University Press, Karachi, p-65. Vanloluizen, J. E., The pre-Muslim Antiquities of Sindh in Hamida Khoro, op cit, p-43 Dr. N. A. Baloch, The Historical Sindh Era, in Hamida Khoro, op cit, p-87. Ibid H. T. Lambrick, Sindh, A General Survey, Sindhiology, Hyderabad, 1975, p-194 Feroze Ahmed, Agrarian Change and Class Formation in Sindh, Economic and Political Weekly, vol.19, 10.39, 994, p-149. Dr. Mubarak Ali, Sindh Kamoshi Ke Awaz, Progressive Publishers, Lahore, 1992, p-I11 Ibid, p-97. William Napier, History of Sir General Charles Napier, Oxford University Press, Karachi (reprint), 1991, p-333 Mubarak Ali, Meudalism and Feudal Culture, Mashal, Lahore, 1996, p-111 Feroze, op cit, p-156 48i A | i RS 20. Ibid, p-156 Economic of Pakistan, Ministry of Finance, Government of Pakistan, Karachi, 1950, p-39 V.F. Agee, 4 modern History of Sindh, (Pr.), Danyal, Karachi, 1989, p-d0. H. T. Sorley, the Gazette of West Pukistan, Government of West Pakistan Press, Lahore, 1968, p-49(-91 Feroze, op cit p-157 Viewpoint, Lahore 1984, Vol.10, No.2, Lahore, p-4. AR, Asleonveski, Ayricuitural industries between two world wars, (Urdu Trans}, Progress Publistiers, Moscow, 1975, P p-316. Muhammad Masud, Hari Report - Note of Dissent, (Second Edition), Jang Publication, Lahore, :990 Shahid Javed Burki, Dawn, Karachi, 11-09-2001 Muhammad Waseem, Politics And ihe State in Pakistan, NIHCR, Islamabad, 1984, p-108. 4926. 27 Hamida Khoro, fhe making of incdern Sindh, Oxford University Press, Karachi, 1999, p-59 Hamza Alavi, Politics of Ethnicity in Pakistan, in Akbar Zaidi (ed) Regional Imbalances and Nawal question in Pakistan, Vanguard, Lahore, 1992, P-271 Shahzad Manzar, Sindh Ke Nasle Masayal (Racial problem of Sindh), Fiction House, Lahore, 1964, p-148 Ibid p-150 Ibid p-151 litikhar H. Malik, Slate and Civil Society int Pakistan, West View Press, Boulder, Colorado, 1997, p-20 Muhammad Waseem, op cit, p-109 V.U Gangoverky, National questinn and National Movements in December 1988, Danyal, Pakistan, Research Porm, 10.4 Karachi, p-277 Mushtaq-ur-Rehman, Land and! life in Sindh, Eecoze Sons, Lahore, 1997, p-7a LEMS : 34, 36. 37. 38 39. 40 Ayesha Jalal, The State of Marval Rule, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1990, p-305 Daily Mehran, Hyderabad, (editorial), 31 October 1962 Rasheed Jamal, Sinch Do Rahya Pur, Pakistani Adab Publications, Karachi, 1994, p-20 Ghor-ul-Islam, Sindh Ma Mahafnmat Ke Zerurat, Iriaqa, May 1993, p-A3. Azizu-Rehman Bughio, History & Lvolution of Journalism, Sindhiology, Jamshoro, 1988, p-21 Ibid, Shaikh Aziz, An outline History of Journalism in Sindh, in, Dr. M. Yaqoob Mughal (ed), sandies on Sinelh, Samshoro, 1988, p-172. Abdul Salam Khurshid, Journalism in Pakisten, Majlis Taraqui Adab, Lahore, p-7 Hiranand, The Soul of Sindh by Da varam Gidumal, Daily Gazeue of Karachi, p-187, p-49 Aziz, op cit, p-17344, 46. 47. 8. 49. Sir Wingate Andrew, Former Conimission in Sindh, Government House, Karachi, K.C.LE., 5” Oct 1297 Commissioner in Sindh’s Record fi'e GO/440, p-259. Abdul Majeed Memon, Mehran Je Mayilis (Taking. about Sindh). Sindhiology, Jamshoro, 1981, P-63. Prof. Ganja Ram Malkani, History of Sindhi Prose, Sindhiology, Jamshoro, (Reprint), 1976, P-184 Prof. Rehmat Furrakhabadi, in monthly Sarhad, Karachi, Vol. A, 01.05.1974, p-12 Aziz, op cit, p-182 Ibid. Ibid Ibid. p-186 Aziz-ur-Rehman Bughio, History and Evolution of Sindhi Journatisin, \Sindhiology, Jamshoro, 1988, p-190 Aziz Shaikh, op citHashamuddin Rashdi, Owh Dhi tha Shai (Sindhi), Hyderabad, 1972 (2"" edition), p-76 53, Aziz Shaikh, op cit, p-187. 54. Aziz-ur-Rehman Bughio, op cit, p-234 55. Aziz Shaikh, op cit 56. Dr. Abdus Salam Khurshed, Siuful, Maktaba-e-Karawan , Lahore, 1963, p-515 57, Aziz-ur-Rehman Bughio, op cit Seno(G3) POLITICAL CHANGES Politics has remained one of the Most common issues and topics covered by the press. Its major pottion is devoted to political development taking place in its surroundings. The decade of 70s was important in respect of political development from several angles. In case of Sindh, political development can be categorized into two ways. First, which took place on the national leve!, but affected Sindh equally, like other parts of the couniry and second, which were confined to Sindh exclusively. These developments are: | Dissolution of One Unit and restoration of provinces, 2. General Elections of 1970 3. Languaye controversy of 1972 4. General Elections of 1977 5. P.N.A. movement against Bhutty Government 6, Third takeover by the Amy and the execution of Z, A. Bhutto, eeThese events lefl severe impacts on 1 ral Sindh and press played a significant cole in shaping these events ‘his chapter will cover these political developments and role of the press, (i) RE-EMERGENCE OF PROVINCES: On 30" March 1970 Yahya Khan promulgated the province of West Pakistan (Dissolution) order and on 30" June 1970 province ceased to exist (1). Ist July 1970 was the day wen one unit was abolished and constituent provinces re-emerged on the rap of Pakistan. Sindh was the province which was much vocal and Sindhis launched a successful movement for revival of its historical autenomous status, However, it is a bitter reality and misfortune that certain communities had reservations in this behalf. Muhajirs whether living in the urban centers or in the rural areas, the Punjabi government employees. and middle farmers class (2) which had emerged during the Ayub period and benefited from land allotment at Sukkur, Kotri ancl Guddu Batvages felt terrified to live in the ereumstances emerged aller one unit. They were aftaid of Sindh’s extreme nationalist force (3). Newspapers took out special supplements. on this occasion. Sindhi newspapers were more jubilant (4). Dawn, the biggest English newspaper, also carried a special edition on the occasion Daily “Jang”, while writing editoriat on the introduction of new system,ARAL > opined that the revival of previous system tanspires that the One Unit tailed to deliver the requited resulis (5) However, lurther increasing demat ds of Sindhis Nationalist forces resulted in the formation of a joint platfo-m of the Muhajirs, Punjabi and Pathans in Sindh. Nawab Muzaffar Hussain emerged as the spokesman of this group (ii) GENERAL ELECTION S$ Of 1970: Holding of National Elections on one-man one-vote basis for the first time in the country’s history ha s proved to be the most significant step forward undertaken by the Yayha’s Government in terms of its contribution to the structural changes in (oe state system of Pakistan. In these elections, the masses elected those candidates whose parties were promising either regional autonomy ur socialist programmes in Bast and West Pakistan respectively, Inc of the Third World, where the institutional level of political patties is relatively low, and the governmer are usually ruled by demagogue often eschewing the need for seeking a mass mandate, elections generally open the food gates o” public participation and tend to become a mass movement (6). Various t:asons have been given for the rise of ethnic phenomenon. One approac i focuses on inequality in the distribution of productive resourees and sox io-economie benefits (7).i i | 2 The elections proved to be a sinificant indicator of political ime as well as change in Pakistan. These results surpris sd the military the political participants (8)(Tab. 1). Re iults re-structured the polities of Pakistan, Most significantly people voted on issues and for parties, and brought a political community based on mass participation (9). Apart from regional politics, these elections introduced a new structure of political leadership. A number of members of previous legislature did not make entry in the new Assembly (1). Experienced politicians tike Muhammad Ayub Khuro and Kazi Facullah, both ex-chief Ministers were defeated During these elections different parties fielded their candidates in Sindh. Major parties were Pakistan Feoples Party, Muslim League (Abdul Qayyum Khan), Couneil Muslim League, Jamiat-e-Ulema-e- Pakistan, Jamat-e-Isiami and Muhajir, Punjabi, Pathan Muthada Mahaz ete. Results of the elections and the cimosphere created during this campaign indicated clear division betwee: the rural and urban segments of the society in Sindh. Previously, Sindh University had adopted a resolution through its Syndicate to chai the medium of instruction to Sindhi (11), But another opinion stressed the Governor to not to give hisconsent to this recommendation (12), Whereas Sindhi Intelligentsia appreciated this decision whole-heartedly (13). The leading intellectuals of Sindh, notably Shaikh Ayaz, also demanded that Sindhi be made the domin snl fanguage of Sindh (14). The Sindhi Adabi Sangat, among others, proised the University for having made Sindhi its official language and alto demanded that the names of Railway station, Parks, Gardens etc. should be written in Sindhi (15). The Urdu press, in its turn, wrote against Siadhi branding its supporters as leftists, anti-Islamic, or anti- Pakistan dissidents (16). As a consequence of the elections, Pakistan Peoples Party enierged as single largest party in Sindh (Tab.2). It swept elections in (re rural Sindh (dominated by Sindhis), whereas the Muslim League (Abdul Qayyum Khan), Jamat-e- Islami and Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Pakistan made their presence felt in urban areas like Karachi, Hyderabad, Sukkur ete, While showing better performance in urban Sindh, Jamiat--Ulema-c-Pakistan secured 7 provincial and 3 national assemblies seals. As far as Pakistan Peoples Party’s success is concerned analysts have attributed it to the modernization fsctor, as per this formula, the developed districts of Punjab became vote bank of Pakistan Peoples Party, as these were destabilized and popi lation increase put pressure on land and resulted in radical change (17). Whereas results of Sindh were; ' an Peoples Party pulled totally opposite to this formula, Here: Paki: majority of the voters from the relativel»: backward area of the province and its performance in the areas like Ka achi and Hyderabad was not as good. The actual fact is thal, Sindhis kad no united political force and afier the One Unit, it seems that Sindhi nationalists and intelligentsia had no further aim before them (18). Fven the extreme attacks and allegations of G. M. Syed on Bhutto sould not change the situation (Tab.3) During these elections, press played interest-oriented role. Most of the Urdu newspapers were promoting the religious parties of urban centers and Sindhi press also by and large opposed Z. A. Bhutto and PPP. Qazi Muhammad Akbar, the owner of daily “IBRAT”, Hyderabad, was himself contesting election against the PPP candidate and daily Mehran, Hyderabad, owned by Pir Pagaro was also against him. Daily Ibrat, alongwith other sister newspapers, were making serious attacks on the socialist program given by Bhutto as part: manifesto time and again they declared him atheist LANGUAGE CONTROVERSY OF 1972: a By all definitions Pakistan is a mu'tilingual state (19) (Tab.4) and every multilingual state has its own din ensions, The selection of anyisa Sa ae tiger language as a medium of communication in such states must be cartied out after studying all the aspects of the issue. It becomes an entirely different matter when one of the languages in a multinational country is declared to be an official tar aye, a language which is obligatory and possess special privileges, what 10 talk of declaring any language as national language, It is the reason why Lenin wrote: “No privileges for any nation or any one language. Not even the slightest degree of oppression or the slightest injustice in respect of a national minority” (20) Language problem erupted in the Sountry immediately after its birth when Urdu was declared as the only official and national language of the Country, Bengalis promptly prote: against this decision. With the creation of Country, Urdu, Islam and Pakistan were considered as synonymous with each other (21). The maior language conflict emerged between Sindhi and Urdu languages in the province of Sindh when Ayub Khan, on the recommendation of Education Commission, replaced Sindhi as the medium of instruction with Urdu after the sixth class in 1962 (22). Sindhis’ struggle and protest for the restoration of previous status of their Native tongue remained in vogue during the One Unit period, This issue again raised its head when the old provincial system was revived. Language controversy first started with th: adoption of a resolution by 60CE sone sie the Board of Intermediate Hyderabad cn 21" December, 1970, which decided to take Sindhi as a medium of instruction (23), Resolution stated, « Sindhi be adopted as the official language of the Board. Resolved further thal the subject of salis (easy) Sindhi be introduced as a compulsory subject for the students whose mother tongue is Urdu from the year 1971-72 and who ave appearing at the secondary school certificate part-] annual :xamination held in the year 1972°(24). All the remaining three provinces, except Sindh, adopted Urdu as an official language. The majority of urba'y Sindh wanted decision in case of Sindh on the similar lines. This issue had started occupying prominent place in the newspapers with the revival of provincial system Newspapers from both the extremes started discussion on this subject much earlicr then the actual passaze of language bill, On the statement of 30 Sindhi writers that there is no ham in adopting Punjabi as the national language of Punjab province (25) an Urdu newspaper of Karachi published the statement of President, Anjuman Taragi Pasand (Ladies Wing), demanding declaration of Urdu as the onty official language of West Pakistan (26). However, there was enother liberal opinion from the left oriented intelligentsia of the Urduspeaking community, who considered the adoption of regional langus ;tes aot harmful to the cause of 61Urdu language (27), A leading Urdu paper came. up with the strong worded editorial on the resolution of Sindh University’s: syndicate decision pertaining to the declaration of Sindhi as the official language of the University, Ilasked the University thai “It should explain the reason. logic and philosophy behind this decision and Governor should not accede to this proposal” (28). Whereas on the other side, Sindh’ newspapers were demanding the establishment of Sindhi Department ai Karachi University (29). The leading Urdu paper again published its editorial emphasizing that Urdu should be declared as the official fanguage replacing English as Urdu acts as the link language between the different regional languages. It further said that instead of creating rift betwee different groups, we should promote Urdu. This charged atmosphere took the issue to the extreme ends. ‘ Protests were held in rural Sindh. Processicns were taken out in favour of Sindhi Language (30). ‘The provocative statements published in the newspapers of rival camps (ook the both parties to the extreme positions. First they held strikes in their own dominating areas (31), Later they moved out of their own pockets and first ipen clashes were reported in the press on 24" Jan 1971 (32). The levding newspapers of Karachi published the statements of female studenis from Mirpurkhas who had' sent bangles to their male counter parts in Karachi for remaining ignorant of this development and not supporting th cause of Urdu language (33) The Sindh Assembly passed the language bill on 6" July 1972. It provided inter alia that, use 4 Clause 6 Sindhi and Urdu shall be corpuisory subjects for study in classes 1'V to XII in all institutions in which such classes are held. The introduction of Sindhi as compulsory subject shall commence at the lowest level vamely class-1V by stages to be prescribed, be introduced in his her sses upto class- XI] Subject to the provisions of cor stitution, government may make atrangements for progressive use of Sindhi language in offices and Departments of governments including courts and assembly The legislatures and intellectuals of urban Sindh like Dr.lshtiag Hussain Qureshi (34), Shai Farid-ul-haq (35), and Nawab Muzaffar Hussain (36) sugyested various amendments, making Urdu as suggested well as Sindhi the official languages of Sindh, But ail the amendments by the opposition were not accepted' i easier With the passage of this bill by the provincial legislature, violence erupted in the entire province. Sindhis supported the bill and non-Sindhi especially Urdu speaking community registered strongest protest against it. The leading Urdu language, Karachi 2ased newspaper appeared next day with the border carrying poem of ¢ prominent poet mourning the death of Urdu (37). Not only Karachi, but also other ¢ vies and towns of the province were also disturbed. A number of casualt'es were reported. Curfew was enforced in Karachi after several deat) s (38). Later on curfew was extended to number of cities in Sindh is. Tando Allahyar, Tando Jam (39), Larkana and Sukkur (40). Communities especially students and youth belonging to rival groups attacked each other’s properties and also damaged the government property. Dee to gravity of ‘the situation, Railways had-to s spend the train service running between Habib Kot and Kotri route (41). Print media belonging to both groups played quite a negative role during this period. They puislished provocative statements Ultimately, government had to impose ensorship on the newspapers (42), Also declaration of an English newst aper had to be cancelled due to the use of unprofessional language (43), and some papers were charge sheeted for adding fuel to the fire. Main lead of prominent newspaper was“Sindh Ke Zameen Ghair Sindhi ovr Punjabis Ke Khoon Say Surkh Ho Ghai? (89). (Sindh’s land has become red with the blood of non-Sindhis and Punjabis) Whereas newspapers belonging to the Sindhi Camp openly supported the bill. All the newspaper justified this decision of the provincial government, One newspaper of Sindhi language, while appreciating the decision, wrote that Sindi language after a long struggle has succeeded in finding its justified place (46). Whereas another paper advised the non-Sindhis to accept this decision as a reality and start learning Sindhi (47). Another newspaper while appreciating government’s decision that all government employees should learn Sindhi language suggested that in fiture all the promotions of government employees should be subjected to their qualifying tests in the Sindhi language (48). By and large almost entire Sindhi press vehemently supported the decision of Provincial Assembly without any difference of ideology Statements and writings of both the camps aggravated the situation and it was going on much before the actuel passage of this bill. A leading paper wrote an editorial on the speech of Mumtaz Bhutto, Chief Minister of Sindh, who said that (hose living in Sindh should be loyal to the Sindh.1 4 & | “(Sindh Ka Namak Khana Waloo Ko Sindh Sap Wafadri Karnee Chaiya)” Urdu papers took this speech very serious and while writing an editorial, it said that we never heard about it previ ously, we are only familiar with the word of Pakistan. And that, the 2! Minister should be conscious before issuing such a statement (49). M-. Rasool Bux Talpur, Governor of Sindh, could not distribute the degices al convocation at Karachi University due to strong protest by the students in the favour of Urdu (50). 18 writers and intellectuals submited a resolution that adoption of Sindhi as an official fanguage of the province would harm the national feeling therefore, Urdu and Sindhi both s vould be made official language of province (51). G. M. Syed, leader of Sindh United Front, announced the formation of Khuddam-~ Sindh (Servants of Sindh) to safeguard the rights of Sindh and Sindhi language (52) The Urdu press enquired from the Sindhis, why they were not demanding Balochs to adopt Sindhi as the language of their household, although they were staying in the province since centuries (53). In response to this, Sindhi paper rebutted that the Balochs were living in Sindh since centuries and considered themselves part of the Sindhi nation and reminded “hem that it was General Hosh Muhammad (Hoshu Sheedi) who sacrilized his life in battle of Miani while fighting against the Brilishers (54,. It further said that instead of 66tatnishing the historical facts, they should mind their business and tear sindhi language and adopt local Culture of Sindh, One leading Urdu newspaper divulged that Sindhis are mnority in Sindh therefore their demand for Sindhi as official language of the province is not based on facts, as per paper’s calculation Sindhis constitute only 20-25 percent of the total population of province (55). The situation got very awkward when rival camps made attacks on Sindhis as Symbiosis of Hindu and Indis. G. M. Syed was declared as non-Muslim and supporter of Raja Dehar (56), and extreme Sindhi elements started demanding from the opponents of the bill that either they should start learning this language or leave this land. As the situation turned nasty due to the stibborn attitude of nationalist leadership, President Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, was forced to intervene. Language riots left several imprints on Sindh’s Society. Both administratively the Chief Minister and Governor were removed from their offices and Mr. Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi a soft spoken person was placed as Chief Minister and Mrs. Raana Liaquat Ali Khan, widow of the first Prime Minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, was designated as Governor of Sindh. Rift created during the language b il resulted in situation of unrest and mistrust developed. Muhajirs fled fro » the Sindhi dominated areas to safer havens and the Sindhis fled to the places hey deemed safer (57). 67Government officials and establist ment intellectuals took up the same positions in case of this controversy as they had the case of Bengali language movement and dubbed all the expression of Sindhi nationalism as a communist and Indian conspiracy (38), while Sindhi itself was associated with Hinduism just as urdu was associated with Islam (59). It is very painful that both the communities and especially their intelligentsia failed to play a significant ro ¢ in this situation. Situation in Sindh and other provinces was absolutely lifferent. Adoption of Urdu in other provinces was not going to give aly benefit to any ethnic group significantly, but in Sindh situation wa. totally different. The rising Sindhi middle class found adoption of Urcu as a hurdle in their progress. Both the communities must have reccpnized the dialectics of the productive forces, which determine the position of any language in the society, Lenin very correctly said “The requirements of economic exchange will themselves decide which language of the given country it is to the advantage of the majority to know in the interest of commercial relation"(60) ELECTIONS OF 1977 — P.N.A. MCGVEMENT AND BHUTTO EPISODE: Bhutto could have continue till 1978 as per new constitution adopted in 1973, but he announced elections of national and provincial 68‘Assemblies on 7" and 10" March 1977 respectively. An alliance of nine parties belonging to the opposition parties joined hands to constitute Pakistan National Alliance (PNA). /s per results of the election announced, PPP obtained landslide victor. in these elections, Opposition out rightly rejected the results of nationa’ as embly and announced their boycott of the ciection of provincial assemblies. Simultaneously it started agitation on the allegations of rigging in election. There were reports that in several cases opposition leaders were even not allowed to submit their papers. Molauna Jan Muhammad Abbasi of Jamat-e-Islami was kidnapped so that he could not submit his paper against Z. A, Bhutto, from Larkana (61). However, agitation of the opposition like other parts of the country remained confined to the wban centers of Sindh provinee fe. Karachi and Hyderabad, The extrem: dislike for Bhutto in urban centers of Sindh can be judyed from the number of deaths reported by the PNA movements. As per these figures total number of deaths during April-July, 1977 were 296 but more than 50% of the total number i.e. 167 were reported from these two cities of Karachi and Hyderabad only (62). Karachi saw 110 deaths and $7 deaths were reported from Hyderabad (63) where as 129 deaths was reported from the other parts of the country 69‘This successful agitation of PNA in the urban areas of Sindh left strong and lasting effects on future events in Sindh. Its success lay in the structure of its alliance and steps taken by the Bhutto government during its five years tenure As per findings of Pakistan study groups (64) the composition of PNA and its party structures represents as - Muslim League ~ representing small and middle-sized capitalists. Jamat-i-Islami — representative of middle Sized traders and business. Jamiatul-e-Ulema-e-Pakistan — represen alive of trading capitalists and monopoly capitalists. National Democratic Party ~ representetive of Landlords and Kulaks, petty bourgeoisie, having strong concentrations at NWFP and Baluchistan ‘Tehrik-i-tstaqlal - representative of wad og capitalists and aligned with the Military, Civilian bureaucracy ‘The story of PNA‘s successful show of sireet power at urban centres carried many factors. a) Civil Bureaucracy of Pakistan his long been the focus of public criticism. Bhutlo’s rise to power symbolized a power shift in the bureaucratic pattern of government in Pakistan (65). Apart 70from organizational reforms, ie chose to curtail the power of bureaucracy through three mez sures: (i) He abolished ali service cadres. CSP cadre was converted into DMG This was indeed an attempt to dismantle iis elitist i¢entity. (ii) He dismissed 1300 officers on the allegations of corruption (ii) He introduced the lateral Entry system, According to this, the government sould appoint any person to any post through the Fedvrat Public Service Commission Thousands of persons were recruited in provincial and Federal Government « ader this scheme. b) In the economic field, the mast devastating reform was the nationalization of several industries, banks, different influential financial institutes und {surance Corporations. It was apparent that big business houses suffered because of nationalization and private investment declined heavy (66). It was actually bureaucratization of industries, | nancial institutions and. other corporate companies. ©) It is considered that the urban « tiddic class was mostly against the PPP regime and due fo Bhutto's nationalization policy urbanmiddle class especially in case of Sindjs, suffered a lot. Due to nationalization and decline in investment, job opportunities were reduced and adoption of quota syst2m further fimited their chances to the government jobs (67). It resulted into de-industrialization and dis-investment in the country d) Bhutio earned the wrath of the establishment because of his role as initiator of a mass movement against the privileged groups, their ideology and their policies. He produced the new idiom of class polarization in the country (68) e) In Sindh, Bhutto brought an assortment of landlords into the party who maintained their regionalist opposition to the “Karachi — Punjab” nexus of power (69). f) The lower middie class, under ihe influence of Jamat-e-Islami and Jamiai-c-Ulema-e-Pakistan reetly felt that Bhutto would cause incalculable harm to the Islamic idvology There is a perception that econome reforms introduced by: Bhutto were a fimetion of the perecived need cf his government to satisfy his constituency (70) The support patterns of peopls’s party and PNA became increasingly clear. In Mandi Towns, the arthis (commission agents) were for the PNA, the palleydars (coolies) “or the PPP, the shopkeepers,i | nace mniddle and big landlords those “who built their own houses at a cost of Rs.40, 000/= and above” supported the PNA, but the dwellers, workers and floating, wage earners were all for the PPP (71) The bureaucracy by and large welcomed the 1977 coup. Martial law government constituted a Civil Services Commission in February 1978 under the chairmanship of Chief Jus ice of Pakistan, Justice Anwar- ul-Haq to look into the matters of Civil Administration and to recommend policy measures. New govern-neut terminated the services of thousand of employees recruited under fateral entry system and reinstated several employees who were previously reinoved by Bhutto government. This again created the sense of deprivation among the Sindhi middle class. : e Bhutto was arrested in September 1977 in a murder case. Case remained under trial in Lahore High Cowl and then in Supreme Court At last he was executed on 4" April 1979. The Press played “interest oriented” role in these developments, One columnist, while criticizing Bhutto and policies adopted by him during his regime, called him “Sadist” end compared him with Hitler and Mussolini (72). During the trial of Bhutto leading Urdu newspapers kept on attacking Bhutto and PPP. General Zia, while imposing the Martial Law in the country had announced he holding of elections within| | | three months and month of October 1977 was chosen for it. However, later on he postponed the election dates on the pretext of carrying out accountability of the corrupt elements sefore the elections. Whereas actual reason was that PNA itself had fa ied to even finalized the list of its contesting candidates. Pir Pagaro who had submitted his papers against Bhutto from Larkana had not visited his constituency because of wrath of the people, similarly several other leaders of PNA were sure of Bhutto’s success and their dese in ¢ se of elections held as per schedule. Whereas leading Urdu newspaper while holding Bhutto responsible for all these events did not condemn the postponement of elections. rather it opined that trial ef “tr, Bhutto and his colleagues should b arted immediately as per the v findings and that it has been delayed unnecessarily. It further said that Bbulto was himself responsible for Martial Law (73). As paper came out with strong worded editorial about the procession of ladies workers af PPP under the title “SHARAAC KARO SHARAM™ (Shame on you Shame). {tt wrote that PPP leaders were not coming out on the roads, rather adivs are being brought on the streets from their houses and further said that Bhutto was not a political prisoner rather than he had ommitted a murder (74), ft again published a feature titled “ Ho Jamalo ~ Hio Jamalo * (a folk Sindhi Song) expressing| | the feelings of jubilation). It said that tials of Bhutto in Pakistan and Indra Gandhi in India had been started simultaneously (75). An attack was made on Begum Nestat Bhutto while witnessing a cricket match at Qadafi Stadium, Lahore A leading Newspaper instead of condemning the attack questioned the logic of her visiting the stadium It further said that there were reports thal (sis attack had been deliberately made by the PPP workers to create disturbance (76) while making this attack an excuse, General Zia ul Hag hinted that PPP may be banned for use of cricket for political purpose. When various heads. of Muslim States appealed for sparing the life of 3hutto after announcement of Lahore High Court’s decision, a paper ca ne out with the stand that “all are equal in the eyes of Islam, therefore, there should not be any discrimination”, It suggested straight awe rejection of all appeals (77). Paper wrote editorial under title “Moqam-v-fbrut™ (lesson to be leamt) the day Bhutto was hanged. It says that our teaders should Fearn lesson from this event and nobody should try to b-come Hitler in future (78). On the other hand newspapers like “Masawat” Karachi whieh was owned by the PPP kept on extend v support to the party. Articles of Shoukat Siddiqui outrightly rejected the Uieocratic concepts of Jamat- Islami (79) and supported the policies adeated by Bhutto government in different fields like economies, educetion, health ete. In Sindhijournalism similar views were prevailing. Daliy “Mehran” Hyderabad, which was owned by Pir Pagaro, remain:d flap bearer of the opposition parties in Sindh, It kept on attacking Mr, Bhutto, his party and his alleged secular ideas (80). It proved tself’ the staunch opponent of Bhutto. It also openly supported the trial and hanging of Bhutto, As per this paper Bhutlo had crossed all the civilized fimits to govern the Country and had converted i( into heii for his opponents. He was an opportunist and ordered Killings of nmocent people during PNA movement. Whereas case of another joading Sindhi newspaper from Hyderabad was not different, Qazi fami'y of Hyderabad was owner of daily “Ibrat. It was the largest Sindhi circulated newspaper. Kazi Abid, owner of the paper became closed lievtenant of General Zia-ul-Haq Hilal-e-Pakistan owned by PPP was handed over to “Shaikh Sultan Trust”. Previously it used fo be spokesm:n of Sindhi middle class. After removal of Siraj-ui-Haq Memon, from its editorship by the Martial Law Government, it lost its relevance and became the spokesman of the Government RISING NATIONALIST Sindhi Nationalist traced Sindhi identity and its culture 5000 years back to the times of Moen-jo-Daro, As discussed earlier, even circumstances emerging aller the parlivon of sub-continent provided 16flourishing grounds to the polities of natisnalism. Throughout the decade under consideration, nationalist sentiment: remained at their peak The successful end of the Bengali movement gave the nationalist forces required impetus. ‘The Pushtunistan movement, the Jeay Sindh movement and the Baluch movements turned into secessionist movements working for the independent states of Pushtunistan, Sindhu Desh and greater Baluchistan respectively its Separate Identity, Hyder Manzil, Karachi 92. Ibid. 1023. Rashid Ahmed Lashari, Adah Ki dav 2° in (Urdu, In the disguise of Literature), Published by Pir Hahi B sx. PIB Colony, Karachi, 1970, P-95. 94. Ibid. 95. G.M. Syed, Sindhudesh, op eit, P-39 40. 96. Ibid. 97, Muhammad Moosa Bhutto, Nasiona!.sut Ka Sade Bub Kaise Mumkin Hai?, (Urdu, Nationalism, How ts curb it? ), Sindh National Academy, Hyderabad, 1988, P-8. 98. Korejo, op cit, P-80 99. Muhammad Moosa Bhutto, Jaded Sindh Ja- Masala (Sindhi, Problems of Modern Sindh), Sindh “ational Academy, Hyderabad, 1987, P-34. 100.Mushid Hussain and Akinal Hussain, Pakistan-Prohlems of Governance, Vanguard, Lahore, 199°, P-160 101. Korejo, op cit, P-81 102. Mohammad Musa Bhutlo, Bab wi isin Sindh Kay Halaat Ka Belag Jaiza, Maktab-e-Babul Islam, Hyderabad, 1981 103.G. M. Syed, op cit, p-262 104. Daily Jang, Karachi, 13" June 1986 105.Amin op cit 106.Daily Musiin, Islamabad, 4" July 1986 107.Yameema Mitha, unlocking peoples powers, Daily Muslim, Islamabad, 4" July 1986 108.Selig S. Harrison, Ethnicity and Political Stalemate in Pakistan, 103Akbar Zaidi (ed.), Regional imbalances, op eit, p=146 109.Monthly, Tehrik, Hyderabad, April 19°3, p-27. 110.Mubarak Ali, in Daily, Kwish, Hyderabad, 23" November 2000 111 Educational Changes would be discussed separately, 112.Mubarak Ali, Sindh, op cit, p-208 113. Faqir Muhammad Lashari, op cit, p-118 114.As per Syed’s observation “Bureaicracy mostly comprised of Punjabis and Muhajirs, therefore they were working against the interests of Sindh and Sindhis” 115.Tehrik, Hyderabad, August 1973 116.Ibid, October 1973 117.Mahmood Mirza, Aaj Ka Sindh, op cit p-90. 118.Feroze Ahmed, /:ihnicity” and Polits, Oxford University Press, Karachi, 1999, p-106 119 Daily Jang, Karachi, (editorial), 26th -anuary 1971 120. Prof, Hasnain Kazi wrote articles in two episodes, which appeared in Daily Jang Karachi on 23" and 24"" October 1972 121 Ibid 122. Ibid, (editorial), 37 une 1972 123.1bid, 10" May 1972 124.Abid, 7" June 1972 (25 Ibid, 31% July 1972 126 Abid, 19" June 1972 127 Ibid, 3" August 1972 128. Daily Nawa-e-Wagat, Rawalpindi, 9" August 1972 104129.Daily Hilal Pakistan Karachi, 17" July 1972 130.A continuous debate was carried ovt between Hilal-e-Pakistan and Daily Huriyat, Karachi in the early 175 pertaining to this matter. 131.Daily Hilal-e-Pakisten, Karachi, 3" Mareh 1975 132. Daily Jang, Karachi (editorial), 30 November 1978. 133.Daily Mehran, Hyderabad, (editorial), 17" January 1971 134.Monthly Rahber Digest, September 174 135.1bid. 05(4) SOCIAL CHANGES In this chapter we would discuss the following two important changes. that took place in rural Sindh. (1) Introduction of Quota System (2) Educational Changes. UO’ The Quota System is one of th: most sensitive issues, which created several mistrusis and misgivings between the inhabitants of rural and urban areas of the province, Beside ‘anguage issue, this was another topic, which was widely covered by the newspapers of the decade Obviously, Urdu papers were against th s system whereas Sindhi press supported it vehemently. But time and again this debate seems to be based on emotions, instead of any log ¢ or well founded arguments. Before analyzing the role of press, we rust see the background of this issue, 106TOTAL 100% Since Pakistan was a newly established country, and was lacking technocrats and experts in different field:, therefore, a 15% quota was reserved for them, However, this policy was again revised in November, 1949 (4), and new distribution of goverament jobs was made as per following formula: - 1. Merit 2, East Bengal 40% 3. Punjab & Bhawalpur 23% 4. Karachi 02% 5, Sindh, Khairpur, Baluchistan, NWF , & Tribal States... 15% TOTAL 106% The interesting point of this distrib ston is that it does not reflect the actual population figures of the areas n entioned, for example the East Bengal was 56 percent of the country’s tc:al population, whereas it was given only 40 percent of the total jobs. But the actual philosophy behind this formula was to provide at least a reasonable representation in the national affairs and a principle of “parity” as also kept in mind, 108Whereas another opinion says that “The selection process was under ined by the introduction of the quota system which placed a premium on incompetence”(5) Article 17 of the constitution of 956 clearly stated that there would be no discrimination in governmert jobs on the basis of religion, gender, race ete. However, a quota sysicm would be retained for some areas for the next 15 years (6). This system was to remain intact till 1971, during this 15 years period equal educational opportunities were to be introduced in the country, which woule have automatically resulted in the termination of this system. This syitem remained in vogue even during Martial Law of 1958 and one uni system of 1955 (7). As per introduction of the new constitution in 962, its article 240 not only provided cover to this system, rather il ‘vas extended till 1972. This distribution remained intact, when it was revised with the introduction of new constitution in 1973 (8). As per establishment division’s order dated 31.08.1973, new distribution had been made as per following, formula (9). Merit 10% Punjab (including Islamabad) 50% 199Sindh 19% N.W.EP. 11.3% aluchistan Fata, Northern Areas. 04%5 Azad Kashmir 02% As per article 27of the 1973°s constitution, it was decided that there would be no discrimination in government jobs, but reserved quota would prevail for the next ten years (10). Different provinces of the country lave based the quota system as per their convenience, For example, Punja» has divided it on the basis of regions ie. Southern, Central, and Northern regions. Whereas Baluchistan province has further distributed this system on the basis of districts’ population. While in Sindh, it wes divided on the basis of rural and urban centers of the province. As per this distribution, three bigger cities of the province i.e. Karachi, Hyde-abad and Sukkur have been declared as urban center. And they were entitled to 40 percent of the total jobs allocated to this provinee, while the ramaining area of the province formed the rural Sindh and their share has Seen kept as 60 percent (11). This further distribution in rural and urban created mistrust among, the Hotwo biggest communities of the provine? i.e. Muhajirs and Sindhis and they remained apprehensive, about the lomination of the other group. This system was later on extended to the admissions of students in medical and engineering colleges. ‘There is no second thought in saying that language bill and quota system were the fvo basic issues which created rift between the rural and urban sindh and the situation went on deteriorating in the coming years. But before discussing pros and cons of ties must be Fept in mind. this system the following i The PPP Government did not make this distribution, as it is commonly considered. General Rehinin Gul, the newly appointed Governor of the province under Yahya Government, introduced it after the termination of One Unit system (12). However, Bhutto Government gave legitimacy to this system under A Viele 27 of the Constitution of 1973 While introducing this system ano her terminology of “Domicile” system was introduced. As per this provision, any Pakistani who had stayed for more than a period of 3 years out side his home province, he was entitled to having “Domicile” of the said province and had equal right to compete for jobs like actual inhabitants’ (13), Pp JHISTORICAL BACKGROUND: As discussed earlier, the areas constituting Pakistan were backward and especially Mustim community was mostly illiterate (14). Especially in the case of Sindh, Hindus were mostly urban dwellers (15). ‘They had two major categories; one, Amils, they were in government jobs especially in the revenue department and other Banias or Bahibands, a trading class. Inspite of being only one fourth of the total population of the province, they had outpaced Muslims in the ficld of education and government jobs (16). In Hamza Alvi’s words “An Ethnic Sindhi Muslim “Salatial” was virtually-non existent © > among the Muslims of Sindh. ‘They were either landlords or peasants. Sindhi urban society was overwhelmingly Hindu comprising Amils who traditionally provided cadres for the state apparatus or the Muslims rulers of Sindh and Bahibands who were. a community of traders” (17) After partition, these Hindus migraed to India. The Muslims who were included in “Salariat” occupations in Sindh before the partition were mostly immigrants of Northern or Western India (18)Theodore P. Wright says: “The new comers were often beter educated, wealthier, more cosmopolitan and better able to compete in a modernizing state than the Sindhi sons of the soil"(19) Sindhis mostly engaged in agriculture were not drawn into working class jobs because of the relatively favorable man land ratio in Sindh (20). Therefore, Sindhi Muslims Lad no objection over provision of jobs to Muslims fiom other provinces and adjusted them in government jobs to replace Hindus without any ill feelings (21). The situation started changing in mid 50s, when immigrants had occupied almost a major chunk of the jobs left by the Hindus in the province. The newly emerging educated Sindhis class vas unable to find any space for themselves, further more enforcement of one unit further disturbed this ratio (Tab-1-2-3). Lahore was made the headquarter of Western Wing of the country, several officials had to be shift there, and settlers could find jobs easily ayainst the quota of Sindhis. This created sense of alienation among Sindhis and voices against one anit were raised from smaller rovinces especially Sindh (22). This protest was actually from the risin, pl iD 'y pI i educated middle class, but majority o' the Sindhis, being peasants,remained aloof from this protest (23), Educated middle class carried out a number of studies to prove that Sindhis were not given their due share in government jobs (24) With the renewal of provincial system in 1970, under the prevailing conditions provincial government was under immense pressure to allocate a separate quota for rua! Sindh that naturally means, beneficial for Sindhis, as they formed! the major portion of rural population. Editorials and articles appearing in Sindhi newspapers and periodicals just after this renewal vivid y expressed the desires and demands of Sindhis for government jobs. Since, the One Unit period, there was no restrictions on the arrival of people from up-country i.e. Punjab and N.W.F.P.. Sindh’s bigger cities, especially Karachi came under immense population pressure and after the termination of One Unit, they did not return to their home crovinces, rather settled down here. Government, in order to give thest groups shelter, introduced a concept of “Domicile” system. Accordins to this system, any person, who had stayed in any province consecu.ively for at least 3 years or more, was entitled to obtain Domicile of that place and resultantly, he 4could acquire his share in jobs like origine inhabita This provision again opened a further door for jobs to othe: groups than Sindhis The uneven development of various urban centers of Sindh like Karachi, Hyderabad and Sukikar cic. made it clear that there was huge development gap between the different arcas the province. Although Sindh was considered as the most develoged provinee as compared to other parts of the country, this development was confined to only few urban centers. A number of studies carried out by Dr. Hafiz Pasha (25), Akmal Husain (26), Shahid Kardar (27) Haroon Jamal (28) Akbar Zaidi (29) ete, clearly highlighted this sitwation From ihe perusal of their findings, if transpires that there was wide difference between the living standards of urban areas especially Karachi and Hyderabad aud the rcinaining Sindh, From the comparison of their said findings, it is clear that all of them used different methodology and variables to establish these results, bul even then they reached to same conclusion, Naved and Akmal draw their “esulls as’ «it is seen that, while the rate of growth of manufacturing industry in Karachi was at its peak, there was no “spread effects” to the rest of Sindh (307They further write “Electrification is a good indicator of the state of development of a region ...the highest per capita consumption of electricity is in Karachi, i.e. 361 kW Hrs per person(31), They further added s for the Intra-provineial concentration, obviously it is the greatest in Sindh with Karachi accounting for 75% of the production and other 3 districts in the Rs.50 million and above value added Ca‘egory producing 18%. Thus 4 out of 11 districts account for 94% of the Industrial production”. In the final conclusion they write without any hesitation “the absolute inequality was the larzest in Sindh(32). Akbar Zaidi, while giving his findi vy went to another extreme by indicating a separate identity lo Karachi ftom the rest of Sindh, of course due to vast difference between the development of Karachi and the rest of Sindh (33). He writes Unequal form of growth and development in Pakistan, which has resulted in Karachi becoming the most industrialized and the administrative region of the provinee of Sindh and for alladministrative purpose, is in Sindh, However, if we were to include Karachi in our study as a sart of Sindh, all the indicators for Sindh will show a quantum positive jump and thus ‘improve? the real condition in the rest of Sindh, in effect, thoroughly distorting the picture. Without any doubt, it is preferable to treat Karachi as a separate region” Comparing education and health as an indicator of development, he writes’ “In absolute terms, not surprisingly, Karachi is way ahead of the rest of the country and has a literacy rate which is more than twice Pakistan’s average, All the rural area fave very low level of literacy” He again writes “ Sindhis have to conitont exploiia.ion on two fronts from Punjab (in the form of the center and by Punjabi settlers) and from the Muhajirs Urdu speaking community, of Hyderabad, Mirpurkhas, Sukkur and especially Karachi (34) Haroon Jamal and Salman Malik. \ hile comparing the position of different districts iu their study “shifting gatterns in developmental rankordering. A case of the districts of Sind province (1970-80)”, even do not include Karachi while comparing rest of Sindh, They conclude: “In fact, in the context of Sindh, Sarachi district has very large magnitudes for some indicators in relation, to other districts. Therefore. this district has been dro sped trom the analysis in order to avoid biases in the derivation of taxonomic distances. Hyderabad and Sukkur... have remained the top districts of Sindh (excluding Karachi)... (35)”. From the analysis of the above studies it is quite obvious that in case of Sindh there were few unique charicieristies while comparing its rural and urban areas. Urban areas of Sindh have developed much more as compared to its rural areas by all indicators (36). Urban centers of Sindh house different languages speaking people from -est or rural Sindh. During the period of One Unit, due to strong central system, Sindhis could not avail the job opportunities in government organizations. Due to the introduction of “Domicile system”, there were apprehensions that all jobs of the province would be occupied by the 118urban centers and especially from people coming from the upeountry, who had made Karachi as their second hore ducing the Ayub period. Itis commonly questioned from the vertai 1 quarters that if this system is better then why it is nof being implemented in other provinces? The simple reply is thal other provinces de 1 ve the extreme difference of development in their rural and urban wea like Sindh, Another point is that the original inhabitants have their dus share in population of their urban centers, where as in case of Sindh. fs urban centers are dominated by the emigrants, and Sindhis have yery lesser representation there. By and large they were rural dwellers The concept behind the introduction of quota system was to reserve number of jobs. ‘This system was initially inwodueed for a period of only 10 years with this commilment that during the said period government would introdite’ sume fevel us educational opportunities in rest of the Sindh like its urban centers and then this system would be discontinued, No doubt Bhutlo government (1972-77) took several steps in this regard, but later on during the mertial law government, things were smoked off by polities. Removal of Sindhis from government jobs provided by Bhutto Government, hanging “fa Sindhi Prime Minister at Hothe hands of a military general, created exceptional situation and then decisions were certainly noi taken on logic, rather but on political considerations. Ayesha falal writes * After General Zia-ul- lag coup hindhi recruits to the provincial civil services were dismissed on the grounds that they were political appointees, By February 1978 some 1746 Sindhis had o(37) been thrown ont of the provineiat s evi An other objection raised by the urban dwellers of the province against this system is, that distribution of 00% to Sindh rural as compared to 40% for the urban cities (Karachi, Hyderabad, Sukkur) does not reflect the ground realities and rural areas have been given much more than their due share. First of ail it must be cleared (hat this distribution was made on the basis of population census conducted by the federal government and rural quota was not confined t Sindhis only, but those non-Sindhis living there, had equal epportunities 1» compete for jobs like Sindhis, Even if it was more than their share it should have been continued for some time because due to lesser level of ievelopment in rural Sindh and their lesser presentation in services and business. The indigenous Sindhis, Ayesha Jalal writesAkbar constilute no more thaw 2 pereccat of the armed forces a mere 5 percent of the federal services control 500 out of some 2000 industrial units in the province. Punjabi and Urdu speaking Muhajirs not only dominate the wrolesale and retail trade but also transportation, credit and consiruciion services in the province. Punjabi civil anc military office ere also (he main beneficiaries of government largesse in the distioution of agricultural and art an land” (38), Zaidi writes, “In the interior of Sindh, the presence of the institutions of the State is more marked for there sect to be few alternate sources of employment. Access to this sector # perceived as each individual’s birth place right (as it is all over the country) and thus the fact that the slate is unable (© provide jobs if the present stage, is not seen as a siznal to find other employment! bui to wail and to find some influential who can have the job sone. Apart from a handful of factories in the interior of the previnee (ie, excluding the larger cities of Sindh which are Muhajirs dominated) there does not seem to be much private industry cater yg to local Sindhis. What iseven more interesting is that most industries in Sindh are Punjabi owned and the owners have imported Punjabi Managers, technician and labour which has only agpravated the problem of the Sindhi employment(39). Dr, Feroze Ahmed writes about this situation as “\ take for example, the case of ihe Sugar Mill at Piaro Goth in Dadu district. This was in a rural wea with majority of the Sindhi population. With the establishment of factory, all the managerial staff and most of the workers weve recruited from Punjab and NWFP. Even the imam of Oe mosque was brought from Punjab"(40), As a resuli of quota sysicm, peopl: from rural Sindh got jobs not only in government departments bui also i newly nationalized financial institutions like Banks, D¥is, Insurance Cos., Airlines ete. But their representation still remained short of tie actual strength reserved for them. But in spite of all, their quote and expecially in case of federal services remained well below than the population ratio. Shahid Kardar analyses this situation as“In the federal government seercrariat and related departments Punjab has around 56% of the pests. approximately equal to its ratio of national population. Rural Sindh has around 3 percent (as against its 14 percent share of the total population) while urban Sindh (especially Karachi and flyderabad) comprising mainly Urdu speaking refugees and Punjacis, a 25 percent representation as against its 10 percent share of the national population. In the public sector corporations Punjab has about 41 percent of the middle and senior level posts, Urtan Sindh 47 percent and rural Sindh 3.5%" (41), In fact number of misreading Have given birth to several misunderstanding and misteusis amony the bigger segments of society. Even late Mr. Salah-ud-din, a well-know journalist wrote in 1994 that the Karachi quota should be increased from 2% to 10% (42). Whereas in fact in the present quota system, there is ne separate quota for Karachi This 2% quota for Karachi was reserved bere 1970, when the actual population of Karachi was !48% of the country on the basis of 1951 census (43),The opponents of quota system have arguments that this system instead of providing benefit to common $ ndhi, has been exploited by the feudal for their own benefit (44) No doubt there is some justification: in it. The sons of feudal lords who have been getting education at Latore, Karachi and other bigger cities can not be placed at 4 par with the sons of poor Sindhi peasants or clerks who are getting education in the desert of Nangarparkar, Mithi or Garhi Yasin. Instead of ihe place of birta, ihe place of education may have been given weightage while consid:ring for this concession. Dr. Hamida Khoro is j fied in saying that quota system can not be beneficial in its present shape even if co-tinues for $0 years, until and unless social, educational and ceonomic conditions in rural areas should be brought at par with the urban 5). Sindhis must understand pers that this concessional step is necessary a «l progressive, but this system cannol last forever. Be prepared to phase it cut, and think of surviving and flourishing under a total mecit system: (46) As discussed erstwhile, the press a-so Temained polarized on this issue during this decade as it was over the ianguage bill. The Urdu press being representative of their middie e! strongly denounced it, whereasSindhi Press without any difference of ideology whether belonging to liberal block like Hilal-e-Pakistan or sigat winger like Mehran strongly supported the government's move. it was a step to safeguards the interests of a nascent Sindhi middie class aud reflects their aspirations. Hilal-e-Pakistan once wroie that Sindhis save very lesser representation in federal government departments and ii spite of enforcement of quota system they are not getting their due share (47) Again while writing about quota system in medical colleges, cited paper wrote that although government has fixed 60 percent quota for ural areas, but there were evidences that st was not being implemented in letter and spirit, the government should re. iew its policy (48), Again the paper appreciated the an souncement of Mumtaz Bhutto the Federal Minister for Communication regarding observance of quota system in all future appointments in his Ministry (49). Similarly while Justifying and supporting quola system. Daily Barsal wrote that agriculture had always been major source of employment to Sindhis, but due to the allotment of Sindh’s land to ow siders, this source is no longer available to them now government empicyment remain the only source, therefore they should be provided jos ax per their quota (50), Daily“Aftab”, in its editorial note, said that with the introduction of quota system, Sindhis hoped (o get their due share in government jobs, but that is painful, they were still being denied their rights (51) Whereas on the other hand Urdu papers were strongly opposing this system and were considering it as murder of the merit (52), A columnist while quoting a Pamphlet seri to him from Dadu regarding recruitment of 2000 Sindhis in Karachi, wrote that Karachi has thousands of unemployed youths, but as per government's policy while denying any right of job to Muhajirs, Punjabis and Pithans only Sindhis are getting jobs (53) Issue of Domicile system was also watched by the lwo papers from opposite extremes. Sindhis had their reservations on this issue. As per their claim outsiders were getting jobs ix Sindh on the basis of bogus domiciles. Daily “Ibrat” while appreciating the Deputy Commissioner, Hyderabad’s action regarding canceltation of 12 bogus domiciles, begged that this practice should be repeated in (ie entire provinces and actual inhabitants should come forward and help che government in cancellation of these bogus domicile certifieates so that genuine residents of the province may be able to yet their shat 34). The Urdu press of Karachi 136had totally confusing stand on this issue. A leading national daily while opposing the cancellation of domicile suid that there are families who have their permanent homes in Punjab, bet have shified here due to better educational facilities. would be unjustified to cancel their domicile (55). It seems that Urdu press under the influence of “Muhajirs, Punjabi, Pathan Mahaz” of Nawab Muzaffar Hussein actually considered rural Sindh as their rivals in government jobs. The issue was put into cold storage in the mid 70s, However, with the chat of Bhutto Government anc introduction of Martial Law Government, the Urdu press again raisee this issue, Newspapers started suggesting government fo adopi merit sys em instead of prevailing urban and rural quota (56). Strongly opposing ie quota system in the medical a resuit of colleges, a paper said that stem, first divisions were not getting admission in medical colleges, whereas third divisions are getting through it (57), Unc papers supported even remotest runner with the hope that this system may discontinue duc to their pressure (58).EDUCATIONAL CHANGES Itis an established fact that at the oeginning of 20" century Sindh was considered as one of the backward areas of the sub-continent in the field of education (59), Sinditi Muslims who were living in villages were attached to Agriculture (60). The cdueitional policy adopted by the British further alienated the Muslims fen. education. There were several reasons for this alienation. British stappd supporting Syeds of Thatta, who were the backbone of indizenous educational system (61), change of language i.e. from Persian to Sindhi was snother reason (62). The main reason behind this development was [wwever, adoption of secular education policy by the British. The absolute elimination of religious education appeared to them as something akin to profane, Girls’ education was already low among them The Hindu intelligentsia was quick to realize the importance of English education that qualified them for the most lucrative and honorable employment. it took the country by storm and Hindus captured the entire educational system (63), Evidently there was continued apathy to formal education in S adh after 1947, but it must besaid that standard of education was much beiter and at par with the other parts of the Country (64). Low literacy rate had continued to work as serious bottleneck to economic development of Sindh. The somewhat higher levels of literacy in urban areas have been offset by extremely low literacy rates in the rural areas of the province. Education in two and half’ a decades following partition was not adequately spread to promote intergenerational mobility in the largely feudalistic rural background (65). The census of 195} showed a literacy of 13.2%. However, it was later on improved upto some extent accoriling to 1961 and 1972 census reports, EDUCATION DURING i971 With the introduction of civil government in 1972, the Bhutto government announced ils new education | slicy (66). The following were the salient fealutes of the new education policy (1972-80): ~ i Universal and five education up to class X, in a phased manner ie. all boys of age group 5-9 and all girls of the same age group were (0 be crrelled in Primary Schools by 129iii vi vii vill Xi xii xiii the year 1973 and 1987 respectively. ‘The admission fees in Secondary Schools were remiited altogether Nationalization and selective admission policy forall exchisive public schools, Nationalization of all privately managed schools and colley Establishment of five new Borrds of Education The number of universities to de doubled by 1980 Amendment of University Ordinance. Setting up of Lhe University C-ants Commission. Establishment of au Open Un versity, Establishment of National Book Foundation, Establishment of $606 public libraries. Establishment of National Sports Trust Es ablishment of National Se-vices Corps, Intermediate pass youth between 3 years uP age to be encouraged to serve for a period of one year to prcmote adult literacy program. Interest free stude sts books bank, four fold scholarships, enhanced trans) ort facilities for students ete.xiv. Rent free residence for teachers xv. Formation of educational coc acils from the national down to the institutional level, Ex; cnditute on education to be doubied in the f year and cadily inereased every year by about 15%. a Developments that took place in th: province of sindh in the wake of the new educational policy (1972-80) were as under 1. With the exception of a fev very highly reputed English medium schools in Karachi and tie public schools all privately managed schools numbering 1930 and 97 private colleges were nationalized. The Muslim or Mullah Primary Schools of Sindh, which ran on grant-in-aid system, coupled with direct government participation through providing teachers, furniture, books and scholarships, were also nationalized and merged in the general primary schools organization alongwith other nationalized prima schools. The nationalization worsens the problem of the quality of education. institutions had been mainésining some sort of standard worthy of the name of education with the help of the remnant the oldstuff and staff (67). The new decisivn of he policy makers dropped like a bombshell on the lollering edifice of ede cation in the country, Among the private institutions some had even a higher standard than the government one, but on the whole, the private schools and colleges had a comparative fow standard. The buildings and capacity varied largely, Instances of exceptions from nationalizati an effects on the part of the business like proprietor’s led to a hand over of ill-equipped, over- crowded and improperly s fafied schools and colleges to the government department of education, who had to take seps to implement MLR-118 im letter and spivit. ‘The heavy demand on ‘innds that could be procured by the department broke the backbone ef the budget allocations of the government schools and colleges which were now receiving much less for recurring and Hon-recurring expenditure with the ultimate result of lowering of the standard of government instivutions, ‘Phe standards of the nationalized schools and colleges could net be raised to that of the government institution (68), bul somehory the two drew towards each other, through the fall of the standard of gov srament institutions. These institutions could not escape ihe effects of ai ialgamation in the form of uality of education achieved through the quaciiy of teachers and policies 132pursued madly at different times. Now the two streams of private and government-owned institutions were sailicy in the same boat, whether they were trying unionism or growing im noe to public criticism of their standard of education (69) 2 The scheme of revival and revitalization of compulsory education in Sindh was shelved afier the declaration of this. education policy, which left the question af compulsory education to the provincial governments. The provincial government of Sindh, could not come up to the demands of compulsory primary education program, as it was ¢lready overloaded with the expenditure and administration of nationalized schools and colleges and increasing number of sew schools opened very year under the ADP. 3 The scheme of Agro-technice) education in the mainstream of general school education as enurciated in this edueation policy made but a little headway 4. The directorates of educatio 1 and lower formations at the district sub-divisional and taluka level were organized, creating a considerable number of posts in various grades for the supervisionand administration of primary and secondary education called school education’, while ‘colleg: education’ was completely compartmentalized from the test of the organization, 3, The provincial government education council and the district education councils were set up with advisory status. These however, did not work at the school !evel while at the higher level, too these were only nominally set-ups 6, N.C.C (National Cadet Corps) scheme was introduced. 7. ‘Two adult literacy programmes were launched in 1972 and 1973. The fi one was a pilot pre zramme, launched from April 1972 to impart education in basic iieracy to 1°2000 adults at 150 aduit fiteracy centres. An amount of Rs. 1.80 Lac was spent on training 60 leader-trainers and 306 c duit literacy teachers, besides, an amount of Rs.4.85 Lae was provided for recurring expenditure. The second program was faunched (> educate 4 lac adults in basic literacy within 3 months (Aug, Oct, 1973), subsequently extended to five months up to Dee 1973. [I acreased a total cost of Rs.7 Lae with which 400 teachers-irainers were trained, in turn a body of 10,000 adult fiteracy teachers luring May and June, 1973, 134inducted into teaching the appointed centre on 10", 1973, But with all this funfair the traditional soliey of “hit and miss’ which had often characterized govern sponsored schemes also worked in this case, and alf arranger tents were abruptly abandoned just when it had began. 8 Theee medical colic: ses Werk established in 1973-74, one being Sindh Medical Col at Karachi and two in the rural Sindh, Chandka Medical Collee, Larkana and People’s Medical Cotlege for Girls at Nawabshah, With the change of political government in Jely 1977, military government changed the previous policies with their new targets. A new educational policy svas prepared by the Ministry of Education on 12.10.1978 (71). According to this policy, 5000-mosque schools were c be opened in villages, where no primary school existed, $ adh was allocated a share of 1,000 such schools. THE EDUCATIONAL STA4 ‘CIS OF SINDH POPULATION: The total population of the provi in 1972 was 1,41,56,000 whereas it increased to 1,90,29,000 in 198. , literacy ratio of urban Sindhwas 47.4 percent in 1972 which rose to 30.8 percent in the next decade Whereas rural Sindh figures indicate that ifs ratio was 17.6 percent in 1972 and it decreased to 15.6 percent in 18 1(Tab.4). PRIMARY EDUCATION: The total primary schools in Sindh were 10,033 in the year 1970- 71 out of these 8660 were male schools ard remaining 1373 were female centres. This number increased to 12,667 and 10,509 and 2158 respectively. The total cnrolnient increas:d from 830754 in 1970-71 to 13,78,982 in 1980-81 (Tab. 25) SECONDARY EDUCATIO. The number of middle School in tic year 1970-71 was 546 with 414 male and 132 female schools, 1 years later inereased this 826, 640 and 186 respectively (Fab.6), Whereas t igh sehool education statistics observed this change from total of school $87, male 394 and female 163 in 1970-71, and in 1980-81, there numbers were 815, 573 and 242 respectively (Tab-7), The total enrollmen in middle schools was 33,736 with male 24,698 and female 9038 in 1870-71, this changed to 79,729 with 55,320 male and 24 he higher secondary schoolenrollment in 1980-81 was 429,220 with 278417 male and 1501350 female whereas previously it was 221724 with 151350 male and 70,374 female in the years 1970-71 TECHNICAL EDUCATION: Technical Education is another fied in which students can get relevant knowledge, which is highly applicable in their daily life. The total numbers of such institutes in 1970-7), were 39 with enrollments of 5036, which increased to 69 with enrollments of 11,861 in 1980-81. Government has planned to provide at cast one technical institute in every district but still five districts namely Badin, Sanghar, Shikarpur, Larkana, and Thatta had no facility of techuscal education (Tab-8). COLLEGE EDUCATION: The total number of non-prokssional institutes including Intermediate, Degree and Post Graduate Coll in 1970-71 was 112 and it increased to 133 in 1980-81, Whereas total number of Professional Colleges was 16 in the year 1970-71, whicl: touched to 45 in 1980-81 and. total enrolment increased from 10,587 to 26,838 in 10 years.TiO} Sindh rural had only One University til 1970, ‘The University of Sindh, Jamshoro, established on 3" April 1947 with Campus. at Jamshoro. The total number of students it its various faculties during the academic session 1977-78, was Spread over an area of 4000 hectares and overlooking the Indus on its right, could be an educational township, poputous and prosperous, representing an ideal society. But the University remained closed for the most part of its academic years on account of students’ political activi ies and the government’s precautionary measures getting the hostel: vacated, so that the blooming campus mostly wore a deserted look. Bexinning with the academic session 1976-77, a second ca pus of Sind Unive iy was established at Khairpur known as “The Shah Abdul ‘ati Campus” with only 70 students. During 1977-78, the enrolment increased to 253. During 1977- 78 the University received Rs.14.594 mill on as non-development grant- in-aid and Rs.2.7 million as development grant-in-aid including that for the institute of Sindhiology. The Shah La if Campus, Khairpur receivedRs.0.840 millions as non-developme st and Rs.0.375 millions as development grant-in-aid. SINDH AGRICULTURAL UNIV ay NDO JAM: The Sindh Agricultural College, “Yando Jam, was converted into the first Agricultural University of Sirth in March 1977. Its total enrolment in all faculties in 1977-78 was 413 students. The total federal government allocation for the first year amounted to Rs.0.765 millions, while the government of Sindh spent Rs.5.712million on non- development and 5.153 million on development grant-in-aid to the university. MEHRAN UNIVERSITY OF ENGINEERING AND TECHNOLOGY, JAMSHORO: Originally meant for Nawab Shah City, it started functioning there during 1977-78, however, the Campus was shiiled first to Jamshoro later on Postgraduate Courses in Structural, P blic Health, Hydraulics and Irrigation, Communication and Manufacturing Engineering were started in January 1978. Enrolment in 1977-78 stood at 1124 students. For the extension of Engineering University at N wabshah under ADP 1977-78, an amount of Rs.9 millions was provided for it, excluding the Sindhprovincial government non-development grantein-aid of Rs.4.627 millions ESTABLISHMENT OF SINDE TE i BOO BOARD: To meet the shortage of expensive books, the Sindh Text Book Board, was established in 1971, the board succeeded towards realizing the objective of producing and supplying bouks at subsidized rates. During 1974-75 the Board imported machinery for the printing purposes. It published thousands of books on ali subjects (71). The government introduced the scheme of book banks in Karachi and Sindh Universities. Cheap editions of textbooks with mullipk. copies printed by the National Book Foundation were made available io these banks for technical Zconomic Courses in 301 courses in 884 Middle Schools and for tor Middle Schools for girls (72). STUDENTS’ ROLE, DEMANDS AND ATMOSPHERE AT CAMPL Students’ movements have often been called the “best barometer’ of Society (73). During the last days of Ayub regime students of Sindh like other parts of the country played vital role in the ongoing agitation against the government. Students unions had emerged as a strong blockand there were clear indications that in future these unions would play important role, This movement was indicative of the social unrest prevailing in the society, Prevailing international circumstances provided boost to this movement. In June 1966 an unprecedented event took place in the history of student movemenis. It was the beginning of the “Great proletarian Cultural Revolution” in China (74), while the Indonesian movement, October 1965, the french student movement, May 1968 (75), the Portuguese students’ revolt against Gerontocratic Fascism (76), the Spanish student movement (77) were other few encouraging elements for student movement in this country. Social revolutions in China and Burma sprang from student mevements, while governments in Korea (78), Japan (79) the Sudan (80) hal fallen in recent years largely due to massive student protest Students unions were agilating a.ainst the higher fees of the private educational institutes. Their major demand was the lowering of fees. The PPP, afler resuming the jower, nationalized most of educational institutes, increased the educational budget. Most of the progressive and lefi-oriented student unions appreciated the government’s nationalization’s policy. A though the basic logic behindthe nationalization was to impart the cheap education to the poor segments of the society. but the Sindh government was lacking the necessary finance to meel the education expenditure, As a cesult the development budget was constantly being: reduced as compared to the non-development expenditure. — fa io inerease literacy and overcome the unemployment issue. government decided to launch volunteer national development programine, According to whieh literate youth were required to proceed to rural area lo teach there, But due to financial constrains scheme was abandoned before it could take off. In rural Sindh two student unions Jeay Sindh Students’ Federation and Sindh Azad Marora Fes sation were fuic toning. Later was working for the legitimate rights of the Sindh provice within the framework of Pakistan, whereas former was nv Yor the independent state of sindhudesh. Sindh National Student Federation (SNSF), Pakistan National Student Federation and National Student Organization were the representative of lell wing. NSF demaided immediate suspension of “emergency” (which remained imposed du ing the earlier period of Yahya Khan, lifting of restrictions on progressiv: parties and fulfillment of all NEE in its promises PPP mac S's membership wasnot restrieted to Sindhis only but it had Ba uch and Pushtoon students in its ranks, Whereas in the urban Sindh, Naiionai Students Federation had strong footings. lls main goal was the esiiblishment of socialist society in Pakistan. Mostly Urdu speaking students were members of NSF. They were not fully satisfied with the steps taen by the PPP. They wanted more concessions for students, enha ace nent of educational budget. Abolition of vice chancetlors posts (81). Istami Jamiat Talba (LCP) was: student sying of Jamat-c-lslami, Tt was representative of the right wing. It took active part in the Campaign for declaring Qadianis as non-Mustims in 19° 4, language riots of 1972 and elections of 1970. The use of weapon vas common in LIT. Tt was strongly opposed fo the iefl wing parties. 1 vorked on scientific lines. It had its own charter of demands. Several ethers right wing student unions like Anjuman ‘Tuiba fslan of uniat-i-tslena Pakistan and students? wing of Tehrik Istagkal were abe working, Dir Gey were nol as active as: wT was. These right wing parties took very vctive part against PPP in 1977 elections, Ruling PPP had ifs own siudesis’ wing PSF. Tn the interior Jeay Sindh Student Federation had tis ows pockets. It had its inclinationtowards G.M.Syed’s Sindh Awami Mehaz. tts demands were also reflective of their ideology. They were dewianding I Adoption of Sindhi as natio val and official language of the province. N Maximum provincial autone ny 3 Equal distribution of water bs ivcen the provinces Later on Sindh Awami Tahreck of Rasool Bux Palejo consolidated its strength. DECLINE IN QUALITY OF EDUCATION: No doubt due to the steps iaken by the Bhutto’s government enrollment of students increased ia nual Sindh Tike other parts of the country, but it is unfortunate that quality of education reached its lowest ebb later as a result of policies adopted chuing this period. The ‘copy culture’ became the symbol of interior Sidi. Even students from other provinces appeared in the examination {o cbiain d In 1975, all the examinations of uni crsity of Sindh, Jamshoro had to be postponed, as teachers vesirained the siudents from coping and they went on boycott of these examinations (82). Although government established medical colleges al Larkana tut due to lack of educationalatmosphere, it failed to gel recognition ior its MBBS abroad for a long period. [1 is still not recognized for Post-Graduate education although several other institutes, which were cstablished later, succeeded in obtaining this status, due to their better quality of education. Vocational/technical education is also one of the fields, which flourished in interior Sindh, in real terms it, failed to have any impact on Sindhis. Most of these institutes produced those tcelical hands that succeeded in obtaining jobs in only government department, their scope in private sector was minimum. Even Mehran University did not produce students of quality who could compete with stndcats of other universities. Mr Khalid Niaz, General Manager of Philips “lectronies Co, said that it was Mehran University whose stndents failed o obtain any single scholarship from the company, as they failed in compete with the other students? (83), No doubt that exceptions were af says there, There were many students who worked hard and gave, outst nding performance, but all this and individual cfort, Most of the school teachers obtained was person degrees of Bachelor and Masters in edue ion (B.Ed and M.Ed) without attending classes just for the sake of inere nents and promotions, whereas they had no concept what would be the ef s of this practice in the longrun (84), But another field in which eval sindly feft urban sindh far behind was their outstanding perforce in Central Superior Examination (CSS). Resulis of several p-2vious years have proved that candidate from rural Sindh were qualifying much more than quota (85). Itseems that Sindhis still have pal aiiracan for those government jobs: It is an established t that in a colonia state, where state is highly centralized, bureaucracy had wider coor to flourish (86). But the Sindhis must understand that government obs could not remain point of attraction for too long. Technical and vocational education is must for survival in the upcoming capitalist worl [tis unfortunate that Sindhi nationalisis demanded more facilities for rural Sindh but nobody. including their press, did raise any hue and ery on the deteriorating educational sieidard, Rather they kept on 2. The proniotion of | demanding for more institidions (3 igher education had been evidently uncontiotled and unplanned resulting in an oversupply of weable number of collec s educated manpower relative to the demand of the provincial or the national economy. Higher education assumed the role of a rationing device to select white-collar workers instead of a means for dissent: vion of scientific skills andtechnology. There is strong evidence tat unemployment among the educated categories had been the increasing. suggesting that the anxiety in idle human resources out of line of government to increase investment of the employment opportunities and herefore, likely to generate political as well as educational unrest Most of the papers remained ignorant about the quality of education being imparted to the sivlents in interior Sindh. However, Hilal-e-Pakistan, Karachi, carried out Sriveys in the series about the ‘copy culture’ in Sindh (88). Mr, Muhammad Khan Sial (89) and several others (90) visited different cities of the province and discussed reason of the ‘copy culture” and its impacts, but i ost iiese were personal and scattered efforls, which failed to motivate ihe entire Sindhi society on mass scale: It can be safely said that as a result oF quota system the ratio of rural Sindh increased in government reer iment at federal and provincial level, but simultaneously il created misunderstandings among the urban and rural Sindh. Sindhi press pleaded the case of its middle class very for them. Whereas successfully and achieved in obtaining ¢> ire benein the field of education, the number of ¢ ‘veational institutes increased manifold, but the standard of education covid not be maintained and role of press was not as healthy as it should Lave been. The press failed to keep an eye on the deterioratin tandard «education especially in rural Sindh, Increase in quantity musi have deen accompanied with the quality. Alas! That did not happenEconomic NATURAL FIANCE INFORMATION BROADCASTING, i888 eURUAS 3 3 i DEFetige COMMUNICATION ano PROMOTION WAPDA, INFORMATION AND 2% eer Cte 3 é 1 + FRONTIER ‘ee Buti 1 FRONTIER, CHAIRMAN, ‘ | INDUSTRIES FInanice COMMU. NICATIONS: INFORMATION ANO BROADCASTING Tse PRA TFRONTIER 1 SINOH CORPORATION DEFENSE: CABINET; RESOURCES FINANCE COMMUNICATIONS. AGRICULTURE AND WORKS.j Tab-2 HNIC ORIGINS OF TOP CIVILIAN BUREAL CRATES {CLASS 4 OFFICER) NUMBER PERCENT injabis | zt 48.89 shtuns, 287 8.42 chajirs 1070, 30.28 indhis 90 25 luchis a 0.25 3 349 9.95 { _ eee 100 4th Triennial Census of Central Gos (isiambabad: Government of PakistPERCENT Khalid B Sayeed, "The Role of Military in Pak stan” in Armed forces and Society by Jacques Van Doorn (Haque-Paris, Mouton, 1998).Vab-§ LITERACY RATIO OF PAKISTAN AND SINDH, URBAN/RURAUMBREA, BY SEX, 1981 Fae SINDH E 172 T is8T TOTALS 1 BOTH SEXES 217 282 30.2 a5 MALE 30.2 36 38.4 29.7 IREMALE is ab be an i URBAN BOTH SEXES 415 47. ara 50.8 408 55.3 54.5 S78 30.8 373.3 38.4 42.2 14.3 173 176 15.8 22.6 26.2 278 24.5 AZ 73 58 52 ‘Source:1981 Census F Report of Pakistan and sindh province , Pollan Census OrganizationTab-S) ENROLMENT OF PRIMARY, MIDDLE & HIGH SCHOOLS IN SINDH, 1970-71 TO 1979-80 igo frotal [wALe ENROLMENT _ fe70-71 830.754 867.884 168.860 a.7as 28.600 9.038 221,724 151,350 70,874 q9n72 906,861 588 202.873 40,690 28.899 11,861 252,670 166,791 28,479 ives au,ues s3.tb4 295.601 165,718 wu. 4973-74 54.068 © 38,127 6.741 261,569 171,580 © 80.009 97475, seats 17387 208844 189,798 109,086) 1,043,888 © 739,478 = 304,411 54047 37.258 © 18,788 «319,795 203,982 115.803 1.098.588 773,592 «320,008 «57,185 40.527 16,688 398,824 © 216.826 121,988 323 805.481 «342,842 «1,080 43,428 «17,652 «386,900 229,085 127,305 1.216198 854,702, 381,49t 69,805 48,788 47 377,672 242.659 «134.013 1,291,923 008.524 «383,988 73,884 «51.493 «22.451 387,293 «55879141 444 Source: Directorate of Schoo! Ecucation Kerachi/Hydera yderabaclSuikur,Tab-6 NUMBER OF PRIMARY, MIDDLE & HIGH SCHOOLS IN SINDH, 1970-71 TO 1979-80 er oor 180 bas 189 280 950 200 oss 180 aoe oc «20 ‘88 e058 ats a 1975-76 9,882 1,875 796 612 184, 732 508 224, 1976-77 110939901000 201 ore 163 750 817 239 Z 11,800, 9,981 1,919 810 629 181 766 528 238) 1974 10.087 87 ou ese 182 7 8a 200 12,046 10,182 1,884 at7 633 184 799 587 242Tab~7 TEACHING STAFF OF PRIMARY, MIDDLE & HIGH SCHOOLS IN SINDH,INSH, 1970-71 TO 1979-80 “FEMALE! TEACHING STAFE 1970-71, 25.275 20,278 4,997 2957 2.218 742 9.243 6,447 2,786 4971-72 28,987 21797 7.190 3,762 2.288 1,374 8,923 4,587 3.438 1972-73 4212 cae lustre 6.318 4.282 1973-74 4,723 2.631 10,960 6.523 4,437 1 13,855 7.821 6.034 1974-75, 5,587 1975-76 39,327 25.278 14,049 5,501 3.170 2381 14,717 8,297 3.420 39,780 25428 14.382 5.117 3.298 2419 15,287 8.593 8.644 40,113 25.530 14,588 5,848 3,407 2461 15,507 8,790 8717 40,254 25.278 14.978 5,898 3.442 2456 15,703 8875 6,828 40055 25.804 14.761 573 3,460 2813 16,097 9,141 6.958 ‘Source: Directorate of School Education Kerachi/Mydera yderabad/Sukkur,Tab- 8 NO OF INTITUTIONS, ENROLMENT AND TEACHING STAFF OF N TECHNICAL INTITUTIONS. AND UNIVERSITIES IN SINDH, 1970-71 TO 1979-80 197576 ge 2 Bees 5.987 ea 5632 2 we aziz 791 633 1107750 661s 4995 501 as 5 126 7188 p,04g 56] 1977-750 2 8208 6.882 878 ss 5 1e@ e493 tag 931 asters 59 3 gga 7882 600 sos 5 178@ 12128 4,060 809 66 2 10701 8504 645 538s 5 975@ 7193442 320 Technica! Edvestion, Karachi ancemed Universite,REFER! Ol 02. 03, 04. 05. 06. 07, 08. 09. Sie K. B, Sayeed, The Political spsten of Pukisien, Oxford University Press, Karachi, 1967, p-132 Ibid Javed Ahmed Siddique (ed.), Quota System, Shel Publications, Karachi, 1987, p-28 Ibid. Muhshtaq Ahmed, Government and Politics in Pakistan, Royal Book Company, Karachi, (4"° edition), 1988, p-85 Javed, op cit Ibid Ibid. Government of Pakistan, Establishment Division, Islamabad, order dated: 31st August 1973. . Ibid Ibid. . Rahseed Jamal, op cit, p-28. Wasi Muzhar Nadvi, Nugta Nazar in Javed (ed.), op eit, p-13 1494 Muhammad Waseem, Filinic and gious Nationalism in Pakistan, in Safar Mehmood (ed), Carrer © Ajfuirs, Punjab University, Lahore, April, 2008, p-38 Mubarak Ali, Sindh, op eit, p Hamza Alvi, Pakistan and Islam Cthnicity and Ideology, in Hamza Alvi (ed.), State and Ideology in the Middle Kast and Pakistan, Macmillan, 1988, p-71 Hamza Alvi, Politics of Ethnicity in “akistan, in Akbar Zaidi (ed.), Regional Imbalances, op vit, poi % Ibid, Theodore P.Wright, Indian Muslim Refugees in the Politics of Pakistan, Jounal of Comparative und “ominonwealth Studies, 1947, p-196 Alvi, Polities, op eit, p-142 Daily Al- Waheed, Karachi, (editorial), . "" October 1935 Mahmood Mirza, Aaj, opeit, p-14 Rasool Bux Palijo, Str le against feu lal, Yedrik, April 1973. Abdul Hayee Patijo, Mey Ruled Sinth for 15 years, (pamphlet) Hyderabad.25 27. 28. 29. 30. 31 32, 33, 34, 35. 6. Pasha and Tarig (ed,), development ranking of districts of Pakistan, Pakistan Journal of applied Leonomes, University of Karachi, 1:2, 1986 Naveed and Akmal (ed), Regions! incqualities and Capitalist Development Pakistan Experiences, . kistun Neonomic and Social Review, Vol.22, No.3, Autumn, 1974. Shahid Kardar, Polarization in the regions and prospects for integration, in Akbar Zaidi (ed.), Regional linhalanees, op cit Haroon Jamal and Salman Malik, Shif'ing Patterns in Developmental Rank Ordering: A cause study of the districts of Sindh Province, Journal of Applied Economies, University of Karachi, 1991 Akbar Zaidi, Regional Imbalances, op cit Naveed, op cit. Ibid. Zaidi, Regional, op cit Ibid. Ibid. Haroon, op cit G. Trantigo, Pakistan Mia Gomi Masi: , in Research Forum, p-1337 38, 39 40, 4 42 47 48. 49, 50. Sl 52 Ayesha Jalal, Democracy and Autoritarianism in South Asia, Cambridge University Press, 1995 p- 95 ibid Zaidi, Regional Imbalances, op cit, p45 Feroze Ahmed, Sindh Struggle for liberation, in Economic and Political weekly, 7" March 1986 Kardar, op cit. Muhammad Salahuddin, Karachi Auk Sindh Ke Masail, Weekly Takbir, 18" December 1994 Government of Pakistan, Population Census Report, 1951 Azad Bin Hyder, Nugtit Nazar, in avd (ed), op cit, p-26 Hamida Khoro, Nugta Nazar, in Jaye! (ed.). op cil, p-22 Fetoze Ahmed, Ethnicity and Polities. op cit, p-147 Hilal Pakistan, Karachi, 4" Octeber 1972 Ibid, (editorial), 8° October 1972 Ibid, 11" February 1975 Montly Barsal, Hyderabad, Novembs- 1974 nor 1974, Daily Afiah, Hyderabad, 26" Dee Daily Jang, Karachi64. 65, 66 Daily Jang, Karachi, 8" June 1973. Daily Jbrat, Hyderabad, J May 197. Daily Jang, Karachi, (editorial), 14" January 1971 Daily Jang, Karachi, 20 February 19 °8. Daily fang, Karachi, 1 April 1978. Ibid, 20" May 1978. Faiz Muhammad Soomro, Culiure sd History of Sindh, National Book Foundation, 1977, p-01 . Muhammad Hassin Bhutto, 4 fine Pierre of Sindh, op cit, p-13. E. H. Aitkens, the Cazetleer of tie Sindh Province, Mercantile Steam Press, Karachi, 1907, p-473 The progress of Education in India. 5 * Quinquenial Review, p-245, Nathan, The Progress of Education ir India, 4" Quinquenial Review, p94. Dr. Mubrik Ali in monthly Quem Di | January 1993 Ishrat Hussai, /iconomy of Moclern Sindh, Sindhiology, Jamshoro, 1981, p-198 Government of Pakistan, Education Potiey, 197 Education Islamabad.67, 68 69. 70. aA 72. 73. Habibullah Siddique, Kaueation in Sindh-Present and past, Sindhiology, Jamshoro, 1987, p-317 Ibid Ibid Sindh-Achievemenis of the Teoples government, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, . 1977, p-20. Ibid Ibid Colin Crouch, The Siulens Revoir, William Clowes, London, 1970, P-129 Peking Review, no.39, Young Revolt tionary Figh shters, p-0S Colin, op cit Colin, op cit Lewis S. Feuer, The Conflict of Cencrations-The Character of Student Movement, Heinemann, Lond, 1969, p-261 Ibid Ibid Colin, op cit Daily Pakistan Times, 10" December .07383 84. 85 86, Daily Hilal Pakistan, Karachi, 14" January 1975 Muhkhtar Agil, Sinuh Cards, Shel Puslications, Karachi, 1990, p-30 Discussion with Prof Zaman shmed, Chairman Chemistry Department, Cadet College, Petar Asma Masud, Quotas, Myths and reslities in Daily News, Karachi, 5" October 1995 Hanna Papanek, Pakisan’s Big Businessmen, in Economic Development and Cultural Change, wel.21, p-25. . Daily, Hilal Pakistan, (editorial), U1" October 1972. Tid, 13" January 1975 . Ibid, 20" January 1975 Ibid, 17" February 1975. And 10" Mereh 1975ECONO Ny As per Marxist philosophy the mode of material wealth production is the main force for determination of soe al development (1), The mode of production and the relations of the productions shape all the other relations that is political, legal and moral (2) and the some of these relations constitute the economic structure of the society and any change le. Hence in these relations naturaliy elects ihe soviety on the economic changes play pivotal role in the social change In this chapter we would discussed the following important economic changes, which took place during the decade under consideration and the role of press: (1) Land reforms of 1972 and 1977 (2) Agricultural Changes along with the process of mechanization, (3) Industrial changes. (4) Nationalization of industries, Hinanei | institutions ete. ise(J) LAND REFORMS / CHANGE IN PEASANT AND LANDLORD RELATION S: The issue of land reforms js one of the most important points, which had been discussed at lol. It looms farge in any discussion on Pakistan’s policy, economy and social structure (3) The land tenure systems of Pakistan were coneretized during the British period in the subcontinent. ‘The question of who owned the land prior to the permanent settlement of land, troduced by the British, is not a simple one to study in th se of a vist subcontinent (4). The pre- British land systems, had by and large disintegrated during the later period of the Mughal rule (5) interestin: debate took place about the nature of the pre-British land systems (6). The British, after their conquest, placed three basic objects before them (i) To stabilize the law and order, by imposition of strong military and later civil administration: (ii) To make friends, by awarding land: (o (he rural elite (7); and(iii) To increase agricultural production, especially of erops for which the demands for the industrial use were inereasing in the Great Britain (8). ‘This was achieved by establishing avast irrigation network like Sukkur Barrage The British settlements gave birth to an economic and political system which could not get the Indian society in general and peasantry in This system reinforced particular out of the morass of backwardne: feudal relations on land, which provided a measure of stability for the colonial power to rule india (9). Thus 9 all regions of Pakistan the British systematically strong! sudil relations of productions in the primary sector of economy (10). Cencentiation of land in the hands of a few landlords became the basis of feudatisny making its strong footings in the areas that constitute contemporary Pakesian. The land owing classes became awesome and acquired elite status, Land became the source of power, prestige, and patronage (11) ard: his influence were to be measured in terms of how much fand they owned (12). The freedom strugele had a hope tor change in feudal peasantry relations in shape of land reforms, As compared to Indian National IssCongress, the Muslim League had not slown any strong commitment to agrarian reforms in the pre-independence period (13). Rather in Muslim majority provinces, the feudal lords had -oined this party with the hope that their lands would be safer under the fduslim League rule. They were the largest single group in the central Mustim League council (14). But there were young men in the Muslim leasue that had earlier dreamed of Pakistan becoming a moder progressive state, Mian Iftikharuddin, one of the members of this group and incharge, ministry of rehabilitation in Punjab, resigned when his proposal for land distribution among the refugees was turned down by the governnient (15) The first general commitment lor land reforms at national level appeared in the report of the agrarian conméttee of the Pakistan Muslim league in June 1949. It reflected the concerns of the issue at the highest level. The Committee was constituted under the chairmanship of a landlord from the Punjab. It came out will Wve sets of recommendations. One was for the short-term measures and the second was long term measures. The Pakistan Muslim Leeyue Council accepted these recommendations but no action was taken by the Muslim league government (16).The Failure of government in not taking any action on the recommendations of committee frustrated the haris in Sindh, who intensified their struggle for the passage of tenancy legislation on the lines of Punjab Tenancy Act. A bill was at last passed in the Sindh Assembly called the Sindh ‘Tenaney Aci of 1950 (17), This act provided for permanent rights of tenaney to a Hari on four acres of land, if he had cultivated the same continuously for at least three years. The Batai system was kept in practice, while Abwat and Beghar were abolished. A procedure was also laid down for eviction of a hari by a zamindar. But in real terms, the act failed to achieve any improvement in the status of Hari. The revenue officials, sho were supposed to take action against zamindar in case of high hindrance, were -hemselves under the influence of these Jagirdars. Kuhnen wrote about the stronghold of landlords: “The large landowners practiced mostly a policy, which has been characterized as rental feudalism. The land was rented to small tenants, and fandiords cared liltle about improving agriculture but tried to earn higher income by strict control of the rent. Their aim was not to increase the production bul increase the skimmed off part of the yield"(18) 160Ayub Khan, afier imposing his Martial law in 1958, introduced his land reforms in 1959, the first visible pressure on the large landlords came with this Act. The 1959 Act abolisted jagirs without compensation and imposed a ceiling on individual lant holding (19). But there are evidences that this Act did not bring any significant change in the consolidation of land ownership. Government ignored Haris while making final allotment of evacuee properties under this Act. They were hopeful that they would be given lands, which were left by the Hindus money landlords, but the Ayub government decided to allot these Jands largely to civil and military bureaucrats (20). The new allottee did not adopt agriculture: thus a new class of urban absentee landlord was s sold out their lands to the created (21). In several cases, new allote zamindar, which further increased their in tucnce (22) LAND REFORMS OF 1972 Pakistan People’s Party had included land reforms agenda in its party manifesto. Famous slogan of “Roti” (Food), * Kapra “(Cloth) and “Makan” (Shelter) attracted most of Pakistanis to cast their votes in favour of Bhutto lolAfter taking over both as Chief Mertial Law Administrator, and as well as President he announced his agenda of land reform during a national broadcast on I“ March 1972 The party manifesto said: “West Pakistan owners of large es-ates, the feudal lords constitute formidable obstacle to progress. Not only by virtue. of their wealth, but on the account of their hold over their tenants and are, eyen at present, a major political force...the breaking up of the large estates to destroy the power of the feudal land owners is a national necessity that will have to be carried out through practical measures” (23) Government declared 3“ March as public holiday, so that common. man can understand the importance of iis announcement (24). Bhutto promulgated the land reforms regulations of 1972 on March 11,1972. It was given the name of Martial Law Rexulation (MLR) 115, it replaced the previous land reforms regulation anne anced by Ayub Khan in 1939, The salient features of the new act were: 462(i) Any person was allowed to retain 150 acres irrigated or 300 areas non-irrigated or an area cquivalent to 12000 PIUs or whatever of these was more (2 (ii) The new regulations abolished exemptions for orchards studs and live stock farms and shikarghas ( ga ame farms) (iii) The interfamily land transier was allowed up to a maximum of 14000 PIUs (iv) Civil servants were required to surrender all land in excess of 100 acres. (v) Government was to resume the excess land from a person without any compensation to owners (vi) The principle of “Balai” system was kept in tact, however, tenants were no longer to bear any responsibility for land revenue, water charges and cost of seed. hey would share the cost of fertilizer and pesticides on a 50:50 basis. Landlords were prohibited from levying any cess or charge Abwab or Haboob Use of “begar” was strictly prohibited. (vii) Tenants were given the right of preemption on land they were cultivating in case the landlord decided to dispose it 193(viii) Tenants were given security from eviction. He could not be evicted unless it was proved that zither he failed to pay the rent, failed to cultivate the land according to prior arrangements, rendered the land unfit for cultivation or sublet their tenancy. In order to implement these refor.ns, the government constituted provincial commissions and federal land commissions to coordinate and help the provincial’ federal governments, While constituting this commission, government did not include members from peasantry class. It mostly constituted of officials from the provincial revenue department (27). Due to non-presence of peasantry class, there was no transparency and no check on the working of reve-ue officials. Although it was announced that the PPP elected representatives and party workers would work as watchdog on these officiats, but infact a number of feudal lords had themselves joined the PPP governn:nt so that they could safeguard their lands. Under the prevailing circumstances, where civil servants were under strong threat of accountability and removal, party leaders and workers were engaged in their “accountability” so any sort of decision against the land lords and in favour of the peasant was not expected. This regulation itself had several loapho ws, which could be exploited in lodfavour of landlords. Bhutto’s land reforms like 1959 regulation, applied the concept of ceiling on individual holdings not the family, taking advantage of the clause, most of the landlords transferred these land “on papers” to the family members and clos: friends (28). This regulation required every one owning more than 12690 PIUs to submit declarations to the Provincial Land Commissions. According to the revenue records at the end of 1971, there were about 7090 persons in Sindh who had holdings of 150 acres and above and they owned 1,7 million acres(Tab.1). Although all of them subn:itied their declaration but only 690 persons were affected which constitutes only 10 percent of the total members (29). Government resumed only 3,16, 390 acres of land in Sindh. It is significant that ihe resumed areca was 59 percent of the declared area in Sindh of the tolal arva © sued by persons with holdings of 150 acres and above, the resumed acre: were 19 percent in Sindh, The area resumed in 1972 was much smallr as compared to reforms of 1959(Tab.2). It was less than 50 percent. Out of the 60 percent of the land resumed was found unfit for allotment. It transpires that much of the land was surrounded by landlords in Sindh and was untenanted or uncultivated (30), iosAccording to the Land Commission of Sindh a total of 15,875 persons benefited(Tab.3) from the redistribution of land during 1972- 78(31). The average area of allotted land in sindh was 7.9 acres (32) From the total number of landless haris avd the number of new allottees, it may be safe to say that no more than on. percent of the landless tenants and small owners benefited from the land reforms of 1972, The new regulations had provision for revenue court to safeguard the rights of the evicted tenants. Now tenant or small owner had to sustain a process of litigation for which he was least equipped (33); also it required a lot of financial resourees and ine to prove his claim against landlords. Obviously in most of the cases even local Revenue officials like “Patwaris” were reluctant to extend cay helping hand to him due to the fear of landlords. These reforms, as expected, were to resull in a total failure. Since only allotment of “uncultivable™ was not sufficient. But it also required provision of many other allied facilities | ke water, fertilizer, seeds etc., which were not made available to these poor peasants. The ownership of land without finance or inputs would off. > invite the displeasure of the landlords without yaining complete independence from him (34), It eanbe rightly said that Bhutto’s reforms were totally ill planned, without any real commitment. Instead of achieving a fair distribution of lands, these reforms rather resulted in effectively destroying the base of peasant organization threats, jails and favours soon after the promulgation of these laws (35), LAND RE ‘ORMS OF 1977: Before the General Elections in 1977, Bhutto promulgated another phase of land reforms (Act {I of 197° on January 9, 1977 (36). It contained following three points. i It reduced the maximum allowable individual holding to 100 acres irrigated or 200 acres un-irrigated or equivalent to 8000 P1Us. ii, The landlords were to be peid compensation of Rs.30 per PIU in bonds, which were heritable and transferable. ii, The resumed land was lo be Jistributed among the landless peasants without any charge ( Fab.4). Act abolished land Revenue for all « wner cultivators with holdings of 25 acres or less and an agricultural income tax system was introduced to replace the flat rate system for large lanc'owner (37). 167After the imposition of Martial Law in July 1977, military government neglected to implement the progressive income tax on agriculture (38). Bhutto’s rhetoric on lanc reforms was far stronger than that of any other political regime in Pakistan, his object and achievements were not much different from his predecessors (39). Syed is very much right when he says: “\., Bhutto was trying to ensure that! whether it was the landlord or the small peasant or the tenant or the artisan, everyone looked up to the supreme benefactor. It was from him that all benefits were received and to him all support should be given (40)", Bhutto’s steps to change the fand ownership pattern in sindh were cosmetic in nature. He himself called the Ayub's land reforms a ‘subterfuge and as “reforins in name wnly”. to fool the people in the name of reform (41). In effect his ovn fand reforms in terms of redistribution of land was not as effective os claimed by him (42)(Tab.5). Since all the reforms failed to change the land owning pattern in Sindh, therefore legacy of feudalism remains strove in Pakistan (43) 108AGRI LTURAL CHA‘ According to the Pakistan's econo tic survey 1973-74, agriculture is the largest single sector of Pakistan's economy. It contributes about 36% to the gross domestic product, accouats for about 40% of the export and employs more than 50% of the civilian labour force, besides meeting the raw materials requirements of mosi of the industries (44). The agricultural development is closely tied-in with the rural development (45) The agricultural sector, including its structure of production, resources utilization and technology has undergone significant change (46) The agriculture in Pakistan has went through at least three developmental stages (47). As compared to the first phase in the 50s the “Green Revolution’ started with the development of water resources in the early to mid-60s and the use of fertilizer with high-yielding varieties of wheat and rice in the late 60s brought a much brighter picture in the second phase. The uses of complementary inputs like fertilizer, tractors, pesticides and tube wells were aimed at larger and richer farmers. The loan provisions were exploited by the more influential (48). The use oftechnology during this revolution was relatively large scale and inappropriate for smaller farmer (49) The process of adoption of this technology had probably run its course from the early 1970s with the introduction of pesticides in major crops on a wide scale (50). ‘Tho third has been of mechanical technology, which began in the mid-970s and has sinee become dominant feature in at feast the fadus basin. in addition, there has been further diffusion of the pack s of technology, containing water, quality seeds, chemical fertilizers and pesticid:s with advanced cultivation practices and improved on farm water mat agement (51). Like other parts ed of the country, agriculture is the most impovtant sector of the economy of Sindh and the dependence of economy on agriculture increases with Passage of time of time (52). iculture accounts for 30 percent of the provincial income and 67 percent of the segional income of Hyderabad and Sukkur divisions ). The agriculture labour foree in 1972 was estimated to be 1.89 million or 47 percent of the civilian labour force (54). In case of Sindh, the ‘Green Revolvtion’ started very late and its Scope was also limited as compared to Punjab, therefore it failed to leave 170any in-depth effect on the ayriculture economy of the province. Whereas, agricultural changes occurred during 70;, would be discussed in this chapter. Unlike, NWFP, and Northern Punjab, which are mostly barren areas and depend on rains, Sindh is totaly depended on, river “Indus” except Thar and Kohistan. Climatically the province is considered an arid zone with average rainlall of 5” lo 6” thus making it totally dependent on river Indus (35). Keeping in view of availability of the vast land and its further potential to increase the important crops like cotton and rice the three important Barrages at Sukkwe, Kashmore and Kotri were constructed. [t is beyond doubt that this irrigation system made Sindh agriculturally prosperous, Bul the import nt weakness of this system is its lack of drainage capability, which is destroying the dynamic equilibrium of recharge and discharge of the underground water (56). Waterlogging and Salinity were almost non existent before the introduction of the weir controtled perennial irrigation with out drainage. The water table has risen at some piaces ‘rom 50° (15 meters) to 10°3 meters) below the surface (57). Waterlogy ay and Salinity is wide spread in the province along both felt and righ’ banks of river. The entireAe a a cultivation commanded arca of 13,2 million acres is affected by the Waterlogging. The Waterlogging condi:ion is especially severe in rice cultivable areas where irriyation water supplied liberally and drainage facilities are extinct (58). In order to overcome the problen. of salinity and Waterlogging detailed studies were made in 1959, in case of Sindh, progress in implementing the anti-Waterioyging and Salinity controled program, no social and regional balance was maintcined. In fact less than eight percent of the tube wells were installed in the affected areas of Sindh and of the total expenditure of Rs.1196 millions incurred on the program by WAPDA hardly Rs.260 inition spent in Sindh till 1971(59). Mechanization or modernization of agriculture is a means to achieve enhanced produce. Mechanizatic 1 program mainly consisted of land development through tractors and bu [dozers. irrigation through tube wells and cultivation of land by tractors. The government during the 3rd five-year plans (1965-70) supported policy of mechanization. The more emphasis was placed on the use of trator alongaith tube wells and fertilizers seed technology. i was considered that even minimum benefit of tube wells and fertilizers could not be echieved until tractors are used. 172Government imported 11,500 tractors during the period 1966 to 1972, but Sindh received only 1731 tractors against its fixed share of 22.5 percent (60), Advancement of loans is also anether means of increasing the produce, The ADBP established by the vovernment to advance loans to the farmers. These loans, for the purchase of tube wells, tractors, seed fertilizers, land improvement ete. were given {o the farmers. The loans extended in Sindh by ADBP from 1965-66 to 1969-70 amounted to Rs. 915-lac (61). Taccavi loans are another! form of grant given by the government. These loans were granted by the Board of Revenue authorities under: (i) “Land Improvement Loan Act ¢f 1883(LILA) and (ii) Agriculture Loan Act 1958. It provided loan of rupees 140 Lac (iii) The third source of loaning is Credit Cooperative System 2) But unfortunately, third system tota'ly failed in Sindh province. The basic motive behind this loaning was :o provide small loans to thefarmers. There are evidences to suggest that these loans did not make much difference to the common farmer as the persons who were in- charge of these cooperative systems mosily misappropriated them. The recovery of these loans was also disappoir ting (63). Till 30.6.1970 Sindh was part of West Pakistan in One Unit, therefore, exclusive data in this regard is rarely maintained officially. O:ticially, government of Sindh started publishing its datas pertaiminy to development and non- development heads from 1971(64). AGRICULTRAL DEVELOPMENTS/C HANGE DURING 1970-80: After the disbanding of One Unit and till the introduction of civil government in 1972, Sindh like other parts of the country remained under turmoil, Bhutto, being the representative of feudal lobby, after taking over the power took keen interest in the sgriculture field. The fourth 5- year plan was implemented in the regime of Z. A. Bhutto. Therefore, in accordance with its emphasis on social d:mocracy, alongwith economic development in agriculture and other aicas, emphasis was placed on greater social justice. The plan reads “The choices open before the netion do not always dictate a sacrifice of growth objectives in secking greater social justice. TheChallenge for economic managemet during the fourth plant would be to identify and move along ths path where these objectives coincide...economic development :n the final analysis means the transformation of the entire society and revolution of a new set of relationships among its various components”(65), The fourth five-year plan’s objective included (i) Attaining an annual GDP growth rate of at least 6.5 percent. (ii) Increasing the per capita consumption of food grains from 15.5 to 16.8 ounces per day by increasing rice production by 5. 7 Million ton, wheat production by 2.6 million ton and total food grains production by 8.5 million tons. (iii) A more towards a more equitable distribution of income and wealth by limiting the conceniration of industrial wealth(66) These steps were in favour of the field of agriculture, Despite similar land utilization (tab.6) water distrivution (tab.7) minor change in command area quantum index number of major crop production in Sindh showed remarkable increase (tab-8-9). The basic reason for this increase was distribution of improved seeds in Sin+th (tab.10), increase in use of fertilizer (tab-11), and consumption of pesticides (tab-12). For the 175distribution of seeds and fertilizers government established the “Sindh Asricultural Supply Organization (SASOY" in January 1973. As per government’s policy SASO provided seeds and fertilizers to growers on subsidised rates, but mostly distribution wes in favour of big feudal lords. Officials of the Organization became known for their corruption, nepotism and malpractice. In order to ine case the productivity in Tice, Sugar cane and wheat frri-Pak and Mehran-69 were introduced (67). An carly maturing and high yielding variety [R-841, which is suitable for shore water supply areas, five (Scented) verieties IRR-8XD, Bass and J- 77 and XD were distributed for the increase of sugar cane several varieties like L-77, L-ll6m Zmex-38-28(\, Zmex-54-88 and PP-1000 were introduced. It resulted in yielding 2200 md, per acre and possessed higher sucrose constant(68). To increase cotton crops, long staple votion varieties-qalanderi (H- 59-1) and Sarmast (5-59-1) were introduced wheveas two more long staple variety Latif (H-61-29) and Mehran (S-64-15) were developed, Since the province of Sindh is deficit in wheal, therefore, to get higher yield a new high yielding seed, Pak-70 was introduced which gave 14% higher yield than Purim Mexi-Pak (69), 176RESEARCH WORK During this period more emphasis were put on agricultural research. A rice research institule was established at Dokkri (district Larkana) in 1973-74, as rice is an impottant cash crop of the province and a major export commodity. The Agriculture College at Tando Jam was up graded to the university level at an estimated cost of Rs. 127.6 million (70) with substations at Mirpurkhas, Dadu and Thatta. To increase sugarcane cultivation research institutes were established at Thatta and Naudero. A cotton research institute at Sakrand was also added. WATER LOGGING: As discussed earlier Waterlogging and Salinity is widespread in the province along both left anc right banks of river. Patches of the fertile soil have gone out of cultivation, ‘The entire cultivable commanded area of 13.2 million acres it the province i.e. affected by Salinity in various degrees and 8 millior on acres are affected by the Waterlogging (71). The Waterlogging ccndition is especially severe in tice cultivable area where irrigation water is supplied liberally and drainage facilities are extinct, ‘The Bhutto government, while taking 177serious view of the situation, not only continued with already adopted measures but also introduced several other projects to control this menace. Special tubewells projects were started at Shikarpur and Larkana district with the installation of tube wells for effectively controlling Waterlogging. Work on left bank out fall (Phase-I) and Larkana {Shikarpur drainage project 1 were also sarted to reclaim the slain area of alone-100000 acres by leaching (72). The left bank out fall was proposed in 1966. The Purpose was to coustruct out fall drain to serve a cultivable command area of 4.8. million acres located in the left bank command of Sukkur barrage and also ineluced parts of the eastern fringes of Kotri barrage command, But actual implementation on this project began in the year 1972, Larkana tubewells pilot projects included installations of 36 tubewells, 9 drainage tubewells and 27 irrigation tubewells. Covering a gross area of 7800 aril C.C.A of 5000 acres of land around Larkana town and adjoining area. This scheme was initiated in 1972-73 and completed in the same year. Shikarpur tubewells project in corporate installation and en-organizatica of 34 tube wells were completed in 1973-74. This project covers a gross area of 17600 acresand cultivable commanded area of 14.4() acres around Shikarpur town (73). AGRICULTURAL LOANS: Provision of agricultural credit to the farmer facilitates the purchase of input like fertilizers, pesticides, seeds and other requirements like tubewells and profitable agriculture, Farmers in Pakistan have been greatly constrained by the inadequacy of the credit market (74). Institutionalized credit also saves him from the clutches of moneylenders who charge compound interest at exorbitant rates. Until the 1960s, the involvement of the institutional sources was minimal. There were limited “Taccavi” (Distress) loans given by the provincial government incase of crops failure due to natural calataities and equally limited funds were available in the Federal Agricultural Bank (FAB) and the Agricultural Development Finance Co (4sDFC). The role of the credit cooperation was not significant either the private commercial bank kept their activities concentrated in the industrial (Urban) sectors. Farmers, particularly those with small holding were considered high risk borrowers with limited collateral and lowv incomes with the change of government the five commercial banks were inducted in- to lending for 179,agriculture after their nationalization by ‘he PPP, government in 1972. The cooperative system was restructured under the Federal Bank of Ccooperatives (FBC). The government maintained its interventions under the umbrella of the Central Bank The growth of institutional credit has been quite impressive since the carly 1970s(75), in Sindh like other parts of the country with the ADBP and commercial banks accounting for most of the lending (tab.13) The absence of muitilevel societies and dominance of the provincial bureaucracy has not encouraged participation by the small farmers. Consequently, the large farmers tend to dominate the apex level of cooperative organizations. The introduction of “Pass Book” in 1973, which was supplied to make institulionc! credit more accessible and cheap to small farmers fed to many rent secking practices by both public officials and owners. ADBP, which focussed on development or investment loans, have not been altoget fair or efficient. Three quarters of the loans have channeled to farmers with holdings of more than 5 acres and about two third of the value of loans have been used for purchasing tractors, machines and installation of tubewells (tab.14). A substantial subsidy implied in public loans for agricultural production has 180,been transferred (o a small number of large landowners, farmers and entrepreneurs mainly on the basis of the ¢ political influence or contact (76). The loans advance during this period like other parts of the country were mostly abrupt. There never any comprehensive study was undertaken to estimate the total demand ‘or agricultural credit, based on the rate of return, level of technology needed and financial conditions. Since the supply of institutional credit hes been rational and the rate of interest has been much below the equilibr um rate, there has been always excessive demand for loans. A bias in fi vour of large land owners and well connected farmers is built into the credit system because of risk minimization through the collateral requirments, low administrative cost and convenience, and the influence of lanl lords and similar urban based groups. These constraints nuilitate against the landless, who depended on the non-institutional sources. Non institutional sources remained important for the small peasants. For mos of the small land owners and share cropping tenants, credit from the non institutional sources also provided cash for consumer spending and expenses between seasons (77). It was often the consumer needs of the peasants, which explains their dependency on moneylenders and discourages investment spending 181or innovation. Small farmers failed to get loans for developing or improving their land, although these investments could make a big difference in the level of production. VICTION OF LABOUR: MECHNIZATION OF AGRICULTURE Since 1970, Sindh has seen a rapid increase in use of tractors, bulldozers and other power equipmests It was likely that this mechanization would effect the society in seygral respects i-e, (i) There would be surplus labour force in agriculture due to mechanization(78) (ii) Through increase in agriculiural production the living standard would also increase. (iii) Efficiency of ruralites would increase and there would be more leisure time for recreation at their disposal (iv) Increase in transportation ent means of communication would further enhance marketing facilities and social mobility. (¥)_ Mechanization and cooperate forming would be promoted. 182(i) Creation of new occupation: specialized, semi-skilled and skilled jobs in rural economy (ii) Due to prosperity of the masses, the revenue and taxes of the state increase. (iii) More consumption would give rise to rapid industrialization and it would bring economir: prosperity through economic multiplier (79). Government adopted a liberal policy of importing large numbers of tractors and selling them to the landowners on easy installment (80). The government also encouraged people residing abroad to send tractors as gifts to their relatives. There is evidence tht mechanization has led to the growth in the farm sizes by using tractor (£1). But another aspect on this development resulted in the displacement of labour working in the fields. Different surveys carried out in this regard highlight the grim situation. Agriculture survey of 1972 indicates that there were 3,172 labour working on the temporary basis, whereas 84000 labour was working on permanent basis (82). In case of year 1980, the number of temporary lab nw decrease to 1,97,734 and 18342,562 in case of permanent labour ($3). Main reason for this decrease and displacement was introduction of mechanization in agriculture (84). Estimates of the employment-displacing «ffect of tractor mechanization differ widely, The introduction of each tractor, according to the survey destroys, about ten permanent job (85). Unfortunately, neither our sociologist nor intelligentsia of the iv the relation with production society studied this significant cha: (86). As a result of increasing use of tractor, thrasher etc rural unemployment and underemployment has reached the alarming stage, which threatens the very survival of the rural areas in Sindh (87) and rate of migration of the labour from villages lo cities has seen tremendous increase (88). it is painful fact that Sindhi press, during the period under consideration, did not discuss this important issue. Rather it confined itself to the demands of landlords for ineve ssing bank loans (89). The use of surplus labour for the purposes of land improvement, constructing rural infrastructure and rising live stock could be very attractive because the country’s stock of capital has enlargec at small cost. The problem of underutilized rural labour during the slack season for the construction of isaproductive capital was the basic problem (0). Applying the methodology used in China and Japan (91) could solve shat problem The Sindhi bureaucracy might heve played an indirect role in mobilizing rural resources of labour and capital had it been prepared to build the institutions need to support a democratic local government (92). In this way they could find the natural ally against feudal and feudalism. But this was not attempted for two reascns. Effective local government sa measure of aulonomy, which leads to a drain of power presuppos from the Center, neither the bureaucrati: leads have been prepared to contemplate such a policy (93). Had the land reforms taken its shape in real sense, the small landholders and landless might conceivably have moved into the investment vacuum created by the interaction of the rural elite and the government (94). But unfo-tunately press and specifically Sindhi press did not work in this important segment of their society and failed to give any blueprint for the future evelopment INDUSTRIAL C AGE Background /introduction Industry is considered to be very important for the economic development as it provides opportunities for raising the income ofoe common man. Living standard is improved, home market expands, and effective demand is created for the industrial sector by other sectors of the economy, Hence overall development in the economy alongwith progress in the science and technology is achieved (95). It accelerates economic growth by encouraging savings and stimulating further investment. It alongwith other sectors es svcially supports agriculture as it uses the industrial products such as, fertilize s, tractors, harvesters, ete. to increase productivity. Industry by raising income of the people and creating demand for the agricultural products supports their prices also. At the same time industry through its exportable surplus create favorable terms of trade especially of an agriculture economy. Rapid industrial growth has not only been accepted as a major and policy vehicle for economic development but has been iventified with the process of modernization As Sindh is a predominately ar agricultural region, it was necessary to have industriatization in Sind to support agricultural sector and vice versa (96). Sindh had been industrially develoved since centuries. Evidence shows that it had highly developed center such as Karachi, Hyderabad,Thatta, Shewan, Hala, Nasarput and Gambat. Various kind of cloth like Muslim, mixed fabrics, silk and cotton w.re manufactured with the help of looms before the British’s colonialism (97). Thousands of the families were engaged in the manufacturing of the cloth at Nasarpur and Shewan (98). Sindh was rightly considered as “Colorado” of cottage industries and handicraft. Sindhi handicrafis were ia demand in the Muslim world and lands far beyond. Not only fine textile but also other exquisite pieces of other arts and crafts were fondly imporied from Sindh. Dyed leather was also a popular commodity in the marsets of Europe (99). During the British period Sindh’s industrial progress Jeclined to a great extent due to their policy of discouragement. As discussed earlier, at the time of partition in 1947 there were virtually no large industries in the parts constituting Pakistan (100). Similarly, Sindh province also had virtually no manufacturing capacily with exception of a few junking mills oil extracting grains and four mills, Suksur had a Mangharam biscuit factory and an ice factory, A cement factory was situated at Rohri Hyderabad had an ice factory, 25 cotton g nning and processing factories,@ bone meal factory, an oil mill, a tannery and a glass factory, whereas Karachi had various types of 41 manufacturing establishments Soon after partition, Sindh plannec to develop industries. Sindh industrial trading estate (SITE) was developed at Karachi Government established various institutes like ‘the Pakistan Council of Scientific and Industrial Research’ in 1949, PIDC in 1951. PICIC in 1957, IDBP in 1961, and NIT in 1962 to promote industry in the country. But almost all the industries were esiablished at Karachi or other urban centers Hyderabad and Kotri also emerged as a twin industrial city along with Hyderabad. But it must be said that the pace of the growth and development was more in federal areas and Punjab. Sindh (especially rural areas) and other smaller regions remai red backward (101). INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT DURING 1970-80: After the trauma of 1971] the economy of the country received a serious setback. There was acute shortage of industrial items, such as tea, leather goods, jute products and matchboxes. To overcome the situation the government provided facilities for the setting up of new units for manufacturing and matchsticks in the province. Industrial zones at different stations like Sukkur, Larkana, Yando Adam were planned, 188But these steps failed to bring any massivs change in the industrial set up of rural Sindh, Sukkur industrial area was created by the government of Sindh on 1060 acres. Out of this only acres were allocated for industries by 1972 and few industries lise Mahboob Industries, Junejo flourmi s, Pir Bux and Brothers, Master Rubber could start fumetioning, About 60 acres were encroached by the people and 178 acres were reserved for the road (102) The management of SITE Karachi on 152 acres also developed an Industrial area at Tando Adam, [ts location in the agriculture heart of Sindh, and on the national Karachi and Peshawar railways were the main determination of its selection as an industrial area. Due to the increasing demand of the fetilizer, two units namely, Engro fertilizers at Daharki and Saudi-?ak fertilizers at Ghotki were established. These units were working wider the Ministry of Production and Industries, Government of Pakistan (103). These Industries helped in creating massive employment. Another sector, which flourished during this petiod, was sugar industry, New Sugar mills were set up at Khairpur, Thatta, Badin, Pyaro Goth, Nawabshah and Moro.The process of nationalization uncer Zulfigar Ali Bhutto and the growth of government invesiment in farse scale manufacturing greatly increased the role of the public sector, particularly for important products such as fertilizer: , cement, "vetgatable oil, setroleum products, an iron and steel. But unfortunately management and efficiency in many public sectors units were far from the requirement (104). Several industries like Naudero Sugar mill or people’s Sugar mill, donated by the people’s Republic of China was established at Larkana. It was established without feasibility. It was located in the midst of rice growing area, necessitating that the Sugar can be hauled in trucks or Sullock carts from Sukkur and other district. It failed to become operation | as per its capacity SINDH SMALL INDUSTRIES CORPORATION: A significant step taken by the Bhutto government for the establishment of industries in the provines was establishment of ‘Sindh small Industries and Handicrafts Development Corporation’ in July 1972. The main objective of this set up was to promote the development of Small Industries, cottage Indusir S and undierafts in the province of Sindh, particularly in the backward rural areas. The objects of the corporation were:(i) To run the public sector projects transferred to it at the time of its establishment. (ii) To prepare and implement new scheme for the development of small, cottage and handicrafts inc usiries in the province. (iii) To popularize handicraft items through shops and exhibitions with a view to promote sales and exports. (iv) To produce and distribute raw materials and provide marketing facilities to the artisans in various trades. (v) To provide credit facilities to small entrepreneurs through commercial banks and [DBP. (vi) To undertake census and surveys of the sector especially in rural area alongwith urban area (vii) To provide training facilities to the unskilled labour and upgrade employment in the ruralarea and or to help in establishment of new units by: these workers. (viii) To provide designs to needy crafismen. Corporation-sponsored loan applications to the tune of Rs.1674 millions in the province, half of which yere from rural and backward areas. These loans were provided mainly through commercial banks and 191IDBP. In order to develop backward aveas including rural areas the corporation planned to add new centres for carpet weaving to be located at Thana Bula Khan distiict, Dadu, Khairpur District, Sanghar, Tajal Naro district, Khipro and Saleh Pa distct Sukkur. They established 6 centres at Larkana, Naudero, Shikarpur, Khairpur, Dadu and Diplo Corporation succeeded in promoting focal handicraft of Hala, Kashmore, ‘Thar etc, But it did not effect the life of rural Sindh on mass scale (105). Industrialization is a major source in bringing social change, change in attitude, life style, relation cic. Rural Sindi; remained ignorant of all these developments during this period. This is one of the reasons that Sindh failed to establish small Industrial cities ‘ike Panjab, which could play any significant role in province's social lift (106). {t was the main reason that old relations of production mostly remained intact in rural Sindh, Also the Sindhi youth did not show any intzrest in new fields of technical education as private sector jobs were not available to them in rural Sindh resultantly they remained confined to previous style of formal education. He did not avail new openings in the industrial fields; even brighter students instead of going for technical education normally adopted the course of civil services. Indusitialization in real terms must have changedthis attitude. Although, Government established technical and vocational centers in all the district of Sindh but stucients showed lack of interest in getting admission in these institutes, as there was lack of awareness and very little chances of job opportunities ir rural Sindh due to absence of industry. The government instead of just opening the state sponsored technical and vocational institute must have done some home work to extend the network of industries in the areas, which was not done. Sindhi press did not raise any foresful voice for establishment of industries in rural Sindh, rather they remained confined to the demands of their middle class (107) for the provision of jobs in the industries working under the control of PIDC or inersase the quota of rural Sindh in industries and remove those bureaucrats who were denying jobs to them (108) NATIONALIZATION OF INDUSTRIES AND FINANCIAL, INSTITUTES: It is a well-known fact that towards the end of Ayub Khan’s rule 22 families controlled much of the larpe-scale industry, commerce, 193all institutions dealing with a medium of exchange (in other words money), that is banking and insurance, must be nationalized(1 13) Ghulam Ishague Khan, the then Governor of State Bank of Pakistan pomted out the inadequacy of the banking system in the country: “A few big family groups own and control a large share not only of, industrial and commercial undertakings but also of financial assets in the country, which makes collusion of banks with big clients easy to occur and difficult to detect the task becomes all the more difficult if the State Bank also depends, as it did in the past, more on persuasion and avoids coming down heavily on the banks which default in carrying out its directives and policies. The result is thal there is widespread misusy of bank resources by the management of the bank”(1 14). Bhutto who had made commitment regarding nationalization during Elections campaigns, announced tis nationalization policy on January 2", 1972 placing the ten categovies of industrial units under public management and control. then in Jr ie 1973 the government took 195‘over the rice export trade and the purchasing of cotton from growers (115). On January I, 1974 all the domestically owned private banks were nationalized. In July 1976 over 2009 rice-husking and wheat flour mill and cotton gins were seized (116) These nationalization measures, taken together, constituted a major structural change and reorientation in the economy, However observers are virtually unanimous in the assessinent that the nationalized industrial units did not work wel 17). Some of chese units were sick to begin with and should not have been taken over at all. Bureaucratization, lack of a good business sense on the part of managers, and over employment seem to have been major reason for their poor performance. The labour strength of the nationalized industries increased from 40817 to 61731(1 18) and it doubled in the ginning sector even though the number of units had been halved (119). ft is beyond doubt that the behavior of governments play an important role stimulating or discouraging economic activity as does the behavior of entrepreneurs or parents, scientist or priests (120). ‘As far as benefit of nationalization is concerned, the rural Sindh received jobs in these public sector organ-zations and banks whereas on 196the other hand urban Sindh considered this nationalization as a conspiracy to deprive the urban Sindh of government jobs (121). CONCLUSIONS: The economic changes discussec in this Chapter were of significant importance. They had the potential to change the society at large if they had been implemented in their teue spirit. However, in practice those were introduced cosmetically and with that the press failed to give insightful, in-depth, focused and comprehensive coverage to those efforts and their consequences. 197TABLE -1 Distribution of Operational Holdings and Area in Selected Districts of Sindh, 1972 Sindh Jacobabad Larkana ‘Sukkur Nawabshah ‘Sanghar Hyderabad of bof hor wor of or ol or Ol OL or «oF hot bof Farms Farms Farms Farms Farms Farms Farms Farms Farms Farms Fems Farms Farms Farms Area Area Area Area Area Area Area 19 5 “ 4 29 7 es 7 4 Ww 2 9 2 5.0125 82 35 62 80 82 44 81 43 52 38 52 32 50 26 2 29 20 33 14 25 18 30 28 24 30 35 29 29 25.0-50.0 5 13. 3 8 2 8 4 5 6 4 7 14 50.0-150.0 2 1 ° 3 1 6 1 6 1 a 2 1" 4 17 180.0 Rover 0g 8 0 1 o 7 0 2 0 2 ° 6 1 13 Source: Pakistan. Agricultural Census Organizaton, Pakistan Census of Agriculture 1972. Vol , Part 3ESTIMATED REDISTRIBUTION OF CULTIVALBLE LAND. [ _ACRES BENEFITING Stl. LIONS. FAMILIES i} i i I anid reform, 4958 and 1972 14 120,000 bal area regulations, 1972 04 40,000 ] and reform, 4977. 04 40,000 ! | _ | [Peasants charter, 1978 2 190,000 Source: These figures have been obtained from feceral land Commission reports during 1976 and 1977TABLES" 3 Resumption and Redistribution of Land under the Land Reforms Regulation of 1972 Holding of 180.0 acres Numbor of Declarants snd above sai Provinee/oi “Number of Area Owned aoaea hreaot area Area Area Alloted Numberof — Galance sion <_feeresy —Atecied Retains _Hesumed acres) Persons _Area (eores) Singh 8,708 1,865,373 6.777 690 $36,844 220,454 316,300 125,028 18.875 169,050 Khairpur 2.960 570,117 3,150 255 261,568 79,863 181.705 88.258 7,820 112,168 Hyderabad 4373 1,079,317 3.476 431 273.548 140.514 133,034 86,560, 8047 56,288 Karachi 6 18,939 181 2 1,728 7 1,651 17 8 502 Source. Government of Sindh. Sindh Land CommissionF LAND REFORMS AS OF JULY, 31,1977 —_— i cE | NUMBER OF PEOPLE | BENEFITED 357865 240490 117375 311158 | 117137 494018 132002 425519 391788 197842 687471 81653 123722 240406 eres ti 152848. jos4e96 496629 523816 521458 SSOURCE:- Federal Land Commission; S.M.Naseem, Underdevelapment, Poverty and Inequality in Pakistan(Lahore: Vanguard Publications, 4881), P-19*TABLE “5 Changes in Self-Cultivating Owners and Area in Selected Districts of Sind, 1971 and 1978. Upto 125 acres Over to 1.50 acres Average of all farm sizes peace % of ownerw self. % of ownerw self. % of owner self- _% of ownerw self _-% of ownenw self _% of ownenw self cultivating, cultivating gultivating cultivating Sindh Jacobabad 100 1400 100 100 1 1 1 1 er 1 22 34 tarkana 78 7 7 70 13 16 12 we ae 33 ae 44 Sukkur 100 60 100 88 4 4 4 4 89 78 6 583 Nawabshah 69 65 67 12 26 2 22 59 87 32 39 Sanghar 99 99 Ey 99 7 7 7 7 56 87 a 32. Hyderabad 1 85 a6 82 10 10 10 10 80 73 48 43 Source: M.H.khan, under devfelopment and Agrarian Structure in Pakistan, Boulder: West View Press, 1981Tab-6 LAND UTILIZATION STATISTICS IN SINDH, 1970-71-19171 TO 1979-80 (Area in "000" Hectares) RCULTIVATED 7 14,001 14,001 14,091 14,081 14,991 14,091 14,091 14,091 44,001 44,091 12.486 12,501 12.477 12,478 12,718 12,719 12,864 12,518 12,561 12,503 716 3.725 401 1,849 4,522 6,862 563 3.236 619 1,926 4,708 7.251 569 3.378 49300 LRAT. 4.587 876 3,686 491 2,504 3,887 588 3,500 644 1,999 4714 7.387 Source: 1) Board of Revenue, Government of Sindh, Hyderabad 5) Director of Agrcuture Extension, Sing, HyderabadTab- F AREA COMMANDED AND IRRIGATED BY BARRAGES IN SINDH, 1970-71 1979-80 3,169 2,592 963 869 1,205 3,080 2,628 1,187 208 4401 835) 3,087 2,726 960 a9 4217 661 3,087 2,849 960 932 4,217 4,705 3,087 2,048 960. 995 4,217 4,770 ‘and Power Department, Government of Sindh, KarachiTab- 8 AREA AND PRODUCTION OF MAJOR CROPS IN SINDH, 1970-71 TO 1979-80 (Area in "000" Hectares.) Production in "000" M.Tons.) (Cotton in "000" Bales. AREA. | PROD [1970-71 8373 1.120,7 B74 422.9 819.2 1971-72 4,081.1 459.4 4,000.2 1972-13 1,095.8 7021 428.8 1,117.7 79.02.9151 181.1 108,5135,8 6a 1973-74 1248.0 7081 1,295.0 472.8 1017-37050 1647 1099 213,1 ara Wer4TS 7555 1.4438 087A 4,045.0 481.2. 1.087.114 «E72 190448 1,320,9°731,1 1.288,7 484.8 = 948.4 1056 3,586,4 1858 «= 106.2 164,574,3 1478.8 747.5 1,292.0 53138855 118.8) 4,037.0 183,6 += 108,831,410 1427.0 7476 536.3 1,280,1 120.3 4.2604 134.3 92,0 253,4 109.7 1,680,1 734.7 1,340,9 500,8 «801.6 «1208 «43738 «| 123,8. «2 at3273,6 118.0 1,098.6 7458 1,499.1 587.5 1.384,6 129.9 4.6644 «127.8 «283.0 200.9 02.2Tab-9 AREA AND PRODUCTION OF MAJOR CROPS IN SINDH, 1970-71 TO 1979-80 (Area in "000" Hectares.) (Production in "000" M.Tons.) (Cotton in "000" Bales.) Fo RAPESEED &7- Neo | AREA | PROD’ | AREA [eben | AREA | ROG: | ‘AREA 4300 64 1850843 1971-72228 13.4 1930 26,4 at 47 1880887 58 a8 so72 7320.00 118 191,914.80 tat 79 27 05 or 187874) 222 128 21541418 17k tat 12.8 44 07 09 ieee 19.3060 141 teat 12811387 48 47 08 08 21.9 128 ©2040 138,517.38 34130 5,0 05 07 227 132 217142198 tte 8a, 48 08 or 208 1220 109.2118, 14,2 93.8 srt a3 5,0 06 07 214 1258 1642 114.8 206 10.8) 144.9700 16,9 6.2 04 06 24,1 13,8 142.0 99,2 188 97 105,3 65,2 174 65 04 08“Yab-lo DISTRIBUTION OF IMPROVED SEEDS IN SINDH, 1970-71 TO 1979-80 (1a "000" Tons) 1972-73 1973-74 Ministry of Agrcutre )Sindh Agricuture Supplies Organization, KarachiToab-' SALE OF FERTILIZER | SINDH, 1970-71 TO 1979-80 Horta 87,55 8.07 95,62 1972-73 93,86 11,40 0.42 105.68 [1973-74 105,12 22.48 0.84 128.21 1974-75 90,97 19,54 046 110.97 114,38 24,48 0.87 139,29 128,05 32,88 0.48 181,38 447,14 44,96 474 193,84 172,82 51,73 4,30 228,95 192,48, 54,70 273 249,69 ‘Source: Sindh Agricutwre Supplies Organization, KarachVab-ig CONSUMPTION OF PESTICIDES IN SINDH, 1970-71 TO 1987-80 (Quantity in M.Tons) (Walue in MLR) { Quantity vawuel 970-71 647 rn 2 hor72 1077 3 1972-73 1,238 1973-74, 611 974-75 377 1975-76 ae 3,568 1976-7. 1,290 H977- 2,632 14) j 3,635 23 1979-60 4478 48] NOTE: Since privatization of import ang distributlon in 1961. The Pakistan Agricuitue Pesticides Association supplied data from 1881 onwards. ‘Soureicrectorate of Agriculture Extension Sindh, HyderabadTab-13 A.D.B.P FINANCING IN SINDH, 1970-71 TO 1979-80 1975-76 1976-77 1977-78 55.46 72.98 136.83 1978-79 . 108.04 87.68 79.64 4978-80, 134.77 137.62 155.64) ‘Source: Agriculture Development Band of PakistanTab~ 14 A.D.B.P LOANS DISBURSED BY SECTOR/SUB-SECTOR IN SINDH, 1970-71 TO 1979-80 15:50 17.05 58.18 150.86 140.46 123.0 130.97 «72.95 «87.68 187.62 257.05 420.30 1.08 023 388 420 2955 1823 883 © 1.33, 232 0 4.14 10.14 27.22] 467 4.94 20.78 = 35.07 1.75 32.08 © 10.10 14.45 24.88 ~=— 62,70 195.08 5.26 598 459 24.86 26.40 74.43 63.16 55.84 = 49.58 80.27 106.73 115,73 0.50 4004.4 31.90 1819 42.98 484 1343 2.07 523° 240 © 992 24,27 ont 0.14 058 5.80 136 0.03, 0.08 0.1 043-203) 442REFERENCE: O1.V. Afanasyey, Marxist Philosophy. Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1968 (Third Edition), p-196, 02. Ibid. 03. S.M. Naseem, Rural Poverty and Lan:iless in Pakistan, in TLO Report on Poverty and Landless in Asia, Geneva, 1977, p-186, 04, Hasan Gardezi, Federal and Capitalist Relations in Pakistan, in Hasan and Rashid (ed.), op cit, p-30. 05. M. H. Moreland, The agrarian system of Muslim India, This book provide excellent information about Agrarian Structure of Mughals. 06. Please see, Irfan Habib, The Agrarian Structure of Mughal India, 07. Sara Ansari, Sufi, Saints and Slate Power-The Pirs of Sindh, 1843- 1947, Vanguard, Lahore, 1992, p-132 08. Naseem, op cit, p-132 89. Barrington Moore, Jt. Social Origins o; Dictatorship and Democracy, Beacon Press, Boston, 1963, p-344 10. Gardezi, op cit, p-3411. Rolud JHerring, Land to the Til'zr. The political economy of Agrarian Reform in South Asia, Yale University Press, New Heaven, 1983, p-87-90 12, Saved Shafat, Cril-Militury Relations in Pakisian, WestView Press, Colorado, 1996, p-146. 13, Naureen Talha, eonomie factors in ine making of Pakistan, Oxford University Press, Karachi, 2000, p-10 14, Mushtaq Ahmed, Government and Politicy, op cit, p-106 15. K.B Sayeed. The Political System of Fakistan, op eit, p-65 16. Anwar Iqbal, Hconomic History of Paxistan, Asian Research Society, Hong Kong, 1983, p-64 17. West Pakistan, The Sindh Code, voi’, Lahore, p-70-85. 18, Firithjof Kuhunen, ‘The Agrarian Sector in Pakistan's Development process, Pakistan Development Review, P-l, Winter, PIDE, Islamabad, 1989, p-510 19. M. H, Khan, Agricultural Development, op cit, p-128 20. lan Stephens, Pakistan, Earnest Benn, London, 1963, p-217 21. Feroze Ahmed, Agrarian Change, op vit, p-158 22. Akhtar H.Khan, Land Reforms in Pakistan, 1947-72, OxfordUniversity Press, Karachi, 1976, p-71 23. Pakistan People’s Party's election manifesto, p-28-29 24. Sindh Land Commission, Sinch Land Reforms Manual, Government of Sindh, Karachi, 1976, p-92. 25. Herring and Ghaffar, op cit, p-86 26. Ibid. 27. M. H. Khan, Underdevelopment and Agrarian Structure in Pakistan, op cit, p-185, 2 ee K.B. Sayeed, Politics in Pakistan, op cit, p-91 29. P.C Joshi, Land Reform and Agrarian Change in India and Pakistan since 1947, Journal of Peasant Studies, 1.3, 1974, p-177 30. Naseem, op cit, p-195. 31.M.H. Khan, Underdevelopment, op cil, p-189 32. Ibid. 33. Ibid 34. Ibid. 35. Ibid. 36. Land Reform Act, 1977, p126-133 37. Finance (Supplementary) Act, 1977, p=l 18-12538. Mushtag-ur-Rehman, op cil, p-l41 39. Naseem, op cit, p-94 40. Sayeed, Polities, op cit, p-94 s Naseem, op cit, p-191 42. Ibid, p-146. 43, M. H. Khan, Underdevelopment, op cit, p-195 44, Pakistan Economic Survey, 1973-74, p-22 & Krishna Bharadwaj, A View of Commercialization in Indian Agriculture and the Development of Capitalism, Journal of Peasant Studies, 12:4, 1985, p-214 46. MH Khan, in Agricultural Developnient and Changes the Land ‘Tenure and Land Revenue System: in Pakistan, op eit, p-97. 47. Kuhunen, op cit 48. Dr, Pervez. Sultan, Church and Derelopment-A Case study from Pakistan, FACT Publications, Karacai, 2000, p-151 49. Ibid. 50. M.H. Khan, op cit. 51. Ibid 52. Ishrat Hussain, Economy of Modern Sindh, op cit, p-129.53. In the period 1970-80, there were three division's in Sindh, i-e, Karachi, Hyderabad, Sukkur. 54. Sindh Labour Manpower Statistic, Sindh Bureau of Statistic, Karachi, 1973-74, 55. Mushtaq-u-Rehman, 4 Geography of Sindh Province, Karachi, Geographers Association, Karachi, 1975, p-76. 56. A. K. Snelgrove, Geahydrology of Indus River, West Pakistan, Sindh University, Jamshoro, 1967, p-136. 57. Mushtaq-ur-Rehman, op cit, p-104 58. Ishrat, op cit, p-207 59. Ibid, p-209. 60. Developmental Statistic of Sindh, 1974 61. Ibid, 1971 62. Agricultural Statistics of Sindh, 1972-73 63. Ishrat Hussain, Pakistan-fhe Economy of an Elitist State, op cit, p- 56. 2 4. Developmental Statistic af Sindh-1994. preface 2 5. Planning Commission, Islamabad, 4th 5-year plan, chapter-01, p-12. 66. Ibid67. Crop Average Statistic, 1976-77 68. Ibid. 69. Selected Data from Agriculture census, 1980. 70. Sindh-Achievements, op cit, p-20 71. Allah Dito Gopang, Monshly Science s faguzine, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, March, 1974, p-22. 72. GH Khaskhely, conomy of Sindh, Sindhiology, Hyderabad, 1976, p-28 73, Agricultural Development in Retrospe2t, pS 74, Ishrat Hussain, Pakistan -The conomy of an Llitist State, op cit, p= 72, 75. Ibid. 76. M.H Khan, op eit, p-115 77, Tid. 78. Iqbal Chaudhry, Pakistani Society, Aziz Publishers, Lahore, 1986, p- 417. 79. Ibid. 80. Agriculture Financing in Sindh, p-44 81, Naseem, Poverty and Landless in Pakistan, op cit, p-34.82. & ca Ss ot 3 Ol. 9: S 93. Dr. Zafar Arif, Mahnet kash Nazria, in Research Forum, No. 10, July 1990,Danyal, Karachi, p-222 Ibid. Ibid. . Mushtag-u-Rehman, op eit, p-48 . Zafar Arif, op eit, p-228. Mushtaq, op cit, p-149 Zafar, op cit, 229 Most of the newspapers kept on publishing statements and editorials in his regard. Please see Hilal Pakistan Sth January 1975 & 8th February 1975, Ibrat 30th March 1976, Mehran 21st September 1974. Economist, 15th September, 1979, p-118 JE. Nickum, Labour Accumulation im Rural China. It provides excellent details of cooperative develepment of Land system in China . Shahid Yousf, Institutional Change an: Agricultural Development in Pakistan, $.J.Burki (ed.), Pakistan's Development Priorities, opcit, p- 296 Ibid94, Ibid 95. G.H Khaskhely, /:conomy: of Sindh, Sindhiology, Jamshoro, 1976, op cit, p-46. 96. Ibid. 97. Dr. Azimusshan Hyder, Heonontic History of the Region constinuing Pakistan, published by author, Karacsi, 1975, p-24 98. Mubarak Ali, The Hnelish Factory in Sindh, Classic, Lahore, 1987, p- 42. 99, Mushtaq-ur-Rehiman, ame! and Life ri Sine, op cit, P-213, 100. Ibid, op cit, p-199. 101. Khaskhely, op cit, p-52 102. Mushtaq-ur-Rehman, op cil, p-207, 103. Akhtar Ali, The Political Moonony ef Pakistan, Royal Book Company, Karachi, 1996, p-189 104. Process of Nationaiization would be discussed under an exclusive topic. 105. Sindh-Achievement, op cit 106, Discussion with Mr.Tasneem Ahmed Siddqui, former ChiefSecretary, Sindh, 107. Daily Hilal-e-Pakisian, Karachi, 4th October 1972 108. Ibid, 14th October 1972 109. Anwar Syed, Vhe Discourse and Politics of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, opcit, P-120. 110. Mehboob-ul-Hagq.. (Quoted by B.M.3hatia, Pakistan's [7conomie Development, 1947-9), Vanguard, -ahore, 1990 P-123. /11. Mubashit Hasan, The Mirage of Power-n inquiry into the Bhutto Years, 1971-77, Oxtord University Press, Karachi, 2000, P-34. 112. Ibid. 113. Foundation and Policy, opeit, P-35 114. Banking Reforms, State Bank of Pak'stan, Karachi, March, 1972 115. Anwar Syed, opeit 116. Government of Pakistan, White Papers on the performance of Bhutto Regine: The kiconomy, Page-20, 117. Anwar Syed, opcit, P-121 118. Ibid. 119. Gustafson, A Review of the Pakistan l'conomy, opcit, P-153. 220©) PHYSICAL/ INFRASTRUCTURAL CHANGES Provision of basic infrastructure opens new folding of the development in the backward areas and their inhabitants. It includes services from public utilities-power, telecommunication, piped water supply, sanitation and sewerage, piped yas, drainage, roads and other transport sectors Infrastructure can contribute to economic growth (1), poverty alleviation and environmental sustainability but only when it provides services that respond to effective demand and does so efficiently. The adequacy of infrastructure help determine an area’s success or failure in diversifying production, expending trade, coping with population growth, reducing poverty or improving environmental conditions (2). It has been empirically estimated that a one percent increase in the stock of infrastructure is associated with one perce al increase in GDP (3)In Pakistan the supply of infrastructure is inadequate in nearly all sectors. Sindh as compared to other paris of the country is considered as more urbanize province, but its rural are: ‘ced the identical problems as other parts of the country. In this chapter we would discuss following infrastructures in brief: 1. Railways 2. Roads and Highway 3. Communications 4, Broadcasting 5 Health 6. Village electrification RAILWAYS The first railway construction in Sindh started from Karachi City to Kotri and was opened in 1861. This was followed by many more constructions (4). Sindh province is sparsely populated and is spread lengthwise. ‘Therefore there are long distances between important towns and for long distances, railways prove more economical, particularly in province likeSindh. For this reason and the fact that Karachi was fast developing into an important commercial port with Sindh, Baluchistan and the Punjab as its hinterland, the Sindh railways were well patronized with the ever increasing tonnage of imports and exports, the density of railways traffic swelled so much that the necessity of pariially doubling the track was felt and undertaken (5) Historically, after a rapid building of tracks in the 1950s, the sector remained stagnant for 20 years. In 1960 these were 8574 km of track, by 1980 the figures were only 8815 km in the country (6). Since the late seventies the number of locomolives wagons, passengers carried and amount of freight handled has declined by 30 to 60 percent (7). The conditions of assets is highly unsatisfactory as over-aged locomotives, rails and sleepers have not yet been replaced and account for the bulk of the operating assets. Railways, which remained one of the frequent modes of traveling in Sindh from the desert of Thar to the hills of Sehwan, did not show any improvenent during the decade under consideration. Its allied facilities like schools, hospitals etc. further deteriorated because of malpractice, corruption and negligence.Railways, which were an important source of progress during British period and later too, lost its ylory with the passa TELECOMMUNICATION:- At the time of partition, Pakistan's post and telegraph service condition was like disjointed portion of the entire sub-continent telecommunication network. ‘The number of telephones in the country in 1947 was 12,500 (including East Pakistan) (8), whereas number of telephones in the country in the year 1974 estimated to be 202000, which gives a density of three telephones per theusand of population (9). Like other parts of the country, Sindh also saw the increasing number of the telephone facility in the province. Break down of the telecommunications facilities in the province during the decade en below: DISRTRICT TELEGRAPH TELEPHONE TELEPHONE OlFICES CONNECTON Karachi 35 19 91708 Sukkur 16 13 2737 225Nawabshah i 18 1578 Larkana 13 1 773 Hyderabad 19 20 6866 Dadu 05 1s 766 Thatta 04 B 221 ‘Tharparkar 12 19 1469 Sanghar 02 10 416 Jacobabad 0B 8 721 Khairpur 05 2 768 BROAD CASTE RADIO: Radio proved to the most widely used means of communication in the country during the decade under study. This is largely due'to the transistor radio set, which could be purchase cheaply and operated by dry battery cells (10). With the passage of time the coverage of radio has been extended to 60 percent area and 93 percent of the population (11). Sindh province 226also benefited from the same facility. Ou of the 15-106 kW (short wave) transmitters Sindh province was provided 4-60 kW transmitters and 5- 241 kW transmitters of the 17-1996 kW medium wave transmitters. The number of radio set in the province showed a good increase (12) TELEVISION: The first pilot TV station was established at Lahore in 1964(13). Since then more stations started fimetioning al Karachi, Islamabad, Peshawar and Quetta. With the passage of time, Sindh province also enjoyed the benefits of this facility. In order to reach the maximum numbers of viewers following rebroadeasting centers were established in the province during this decade (14) 1 Thana Bola Khan 2. Dadu 3. Shikarpur 4. Tando Allahyar ‘These stations extended the network of TV in the most of the province. Different programs tel asted through TV effected its viewers. Although it remained under the strict control of the state, but its various program including its drama (15) eff «da large section of population. Itfamiliarized the entire population with the curse and cruelty of federalism and miserable conditions of peasant in the rural Sindh (16) As far as the press is conc cerned, it confined itself to demands of Nationalist elements. who kept on demanding more time for programs in regional languages ROADS AND HIGHWAYS: At the time of partition, Pakistan's share in the metalled and Superior surface role was less than 10 percent out of the total roads in India (17). Independence brought intensitication of road. construction, Sindh road transport (18), a public transport company was constituted in 1948. The transport service maintained a fleet of buses and stage carriages and roads. Sindh government nationalized busy routes originating from Karachi, Hyderabad and Sukkur. The buses of Sindh road transport covered about 16000 km per day (19), A number of new roads were constructed in the early years of Pakistan. By the end of 1952. Sindh had 758-km high grade and more than 1400 low-grade roads, exeluding those ‘naintained by the municipatities, district boards and the army (20) 228In 1970, a four-lane road known as the Super Highway was constructed between Karachi and Hyderabad reducing the Karachi- Thatta-Hyderabad distances by 33 km. ‘The location of the highway has led to the economic growth of the area along the road, The total length of roads, which stood 3558 kms in 1970-71 increased to 8157 km during. 1980-81(21)(Tab.1). In Sindh the roads Wansport, more than any other form of communication has played a significant role. The importance of sound system of transportation can not be overemphasised, For attaining sufficiency in agriculture, it is essential to move fertilizer, seed and equipment to fields and agriculture product carried to markets, Likewise for the development of industries expeditious movements of raw material, plant and machinery, the labour force and manufactured goods is essential (22). Spreading of knowledge and unity of sprit also depends on ready transport, for which a network of roads is essential, The Sindh Road Transport Corporation (SRTC) which was initially established for overcoming the transport problems of the province was reborn in 1970-71 upon the re-emergence of province (23). Government provided huge funding to these institutions for purchase and maintains of busses. Buses terminals and workshops were established in many cities.Corporation extended its network to several cities of the province. But unfortunately like other public department, it also saw its doom day very soon. Due to the mass scale corruption, department faced huge financial losses and further expansion was not possible. Ultimately it was closed down later on. ELECTRIFICATION OF VILLAG In 1947, when P: ne inlependent the country possessed only two small hydro electric power station with a total installed capacity of electricity generation of 57 MW, accounting for about 3 percent of the total generating capacity of undivided Inilia (24) During the 1970, Bhutto government gave high priority to the power sector and increased power sector investment from Rs. 684 million to 2.4 billion annually, representin a more than three fold increase in a span of five years (25). The government formulated a strategy for dealing with long term energy requirements by minimizing importation of oil for power generation. The available option included stepping the pace of exploration for oil and gas, gelling new clear power plants, and the exploration of hydro potential in the upper reaches of the Indus andJehlum. By 1973, the generating capac ty had increased to 2180 MW- one- third supply by the hydro projects aad two-third from thermal (26). Like other parts of the country, Sindh also benefited from the electrification policy of the Bhutto government during this period. Before advent of thermal power in the province electricity was generated to diesel and steam turban sets in 26 towns, WAPDA was entrusted with the task of planning and executing all power projects in upper and lower Sindh, whereas KESC was assigned Karachi district (27). Sindh province was serve by upper and lower Sindh grade systems. Hyderabad thermal station was commissioned in 1961 with installed capacity of 44 MW. This was followed by Sukkur 50 MW in71964 and Gudu 220 MW in 1973(28). Gudu Unit no.1 of 110 MW capacity was commissioned on 30 March 1974 and the second unit of same capacity were commissioned in March 1977. Unit no.3 of the 210 MW was commissioned two months later. Similarly total mileage transmission also increase significantly in the province. The initials were on 500/220 KV transmission lines from Gudu to Kotri on the Right Bank of Indus River was completed in 1979 (29)Due to increase in electricity during Bhutto government, village electrification in Sindh, like other parts of the country, increased. The number of villages, which were provided electricity in year 1970-71, was 309 and they increased 2218 at the end of the decade(Tab.2). This development not only increased the domestic consumers but also left soothing effects of agriculture. Numbers of tubewells were increased both public and private. A power connection on subsided rates helped farmers to avail this facility on mass seate. HEALTH: INTRODUCTION: There is no doubt that health facilities have increased manifold in Pakistan since its establishment. During the first five-year plan of 1955 rural health sector was not given due importance. Its importance was felt during the second five-year plan, but actual work was to start in the third five-year plan (1965-70). But the Fourth Five year Plan transpired that the plan could not be implemented, Its importance could be understood from the fact that the third five-year plan's 92 pages were pertaining to health sector, its 22 pages were donated towards Jinnah Post Graduate Medical Center, whereas only five lines explain the government’s ruralhealth activities (30). It was during the Sixth five year plan which placed extra emphasis on rural health services, but as per common practice, hardly half of the budget is actually util zed as compared to the original budget allocation Sindh is relatively more urbanized than the rest of the provinces with greater industrial concentrations and greater — industrial concentrations and greater resultant demand for health facilities for the population. The availability of health cover with usage of relatively modern technology is available to roughly 25 percent of the population, which is higher than the country average of 15 percent of existing health facilities (31). But rural areas of the province lacking the provision of modern facilities health facilities are extremely poor CONDITIONS IN 1970-80: Bhutto government, after takeover, accorded Special attention on the health sector. Shickh Rashid, the Health Minister of Bhutto, announced the next Health Policy in August 1972. The scheme had a strong rural bias (32). He borrowed the Chinese system “Barefoot Doctors” sought to overcome the problem of doctor’s reluctance to serve in the rural area, provided BHUs and RHCs via “quality workers”. But hefaced difficulties. Substantial progress was made in various fields of health services. Mass killers as plague aad small pox were eliminated, while a substantial reduction in the incidence of tuberculosis and cholera was noted (33). The scheme of establishing rural health centers was accelerated during this period, indicates that their number increased three times. Simultaneously concept of taluka hospital, was introduced. This number was also doubled in the ten years time. Du ting this period three medical colleges were added in addition to the already ten functioning teaching institutes. One was established at Karachi, whereas other two were stationed at rural Sindh ie. Larkana and Nawabshah. Enrollment of medical student consequently jumped from 491 in 1971-72 to 1,750 in 1975-76 (34). Chandka medical college, Larkana provided residential accommodation for 600 medical students, Simultaneously, a nursing school was also started in the hospital with an annual admission capacity of 25 nurses. Whereas college was to produce 300 doctors each year (35), An analysis of the sub-sectional allocation of health activities as presented at shows that major portion of the budget allocation went to bigger medical institutes like DMC, LMC etc. This trend showed anobvious orientation towards an urban-based elitist health care system (36). In spite of government claims, mest of the policies adopted by the government were urban biased (37). Almost all the private hospitals and allied facilities were located in urban centers, the primary thrust of public sector expenditure on health care were sequired to be diverted towards ural area. Although with the establisiiment of medical colleges at Nawabshah and Larkana, the numbers 0° doctors quadrupled in just few years. But at the same time, the output of nurses declined and the number of health visitors remained almost static. The ratio between doctors and paramedical staff raised to 1:1.3 in the province which should have been 1:4 according to WHO (38)(Tab.3). The Government paid less attention In training of paramedical staff and medical technicians although the desirability of using auxiliary health personnel are instrument of extending health over stems from the fact that the investment involved in the training of medical doctors (Tab 4). The auxiliaries would have lesser inducement to migrate and greater incentive to work in the rural areas of Sindh, Although the government made ambitious policies of establishment of medical colleges, it did not take concrete steps toimprove unhygienic conditions and provide clean drinking water to the tural masses (39), in fact a number of diseases could be prevented by providing clean drinking water and improving sewerage system (40) {is unfortunate that by and large press kept on fighting for increasing number of medical seats (41) ind observance of quota system in these colleges (42) but dic! not place any emphasis on the problems raised by the social economist like Akbar Zaidi. Shallow sloganeering of the press while depicting the aspirations of middle class even politicized this basic issue too. Without any doubt, we ean say that the Bhutto government introduced various infrastructural changes in the country, and Sindh equally benefited from them, Rural elects fication, construction of links roads and providence of health and telephonic facilities benefited a large Population but situation could have been further improved if a healthy and serious debate had been carried out in pressTABLE-1 ROADS BY TYPES IN SINDH, 1970-71 TO 1979-80 7,953 7518 7641 7,988 8072 5,812 5,452 5,666 6,007 6,251 1,84 2.066] 1,973 1,981 1,821 High Type = Pacca Low Type = Katcha Source: Highways Department Goverrment of SinchDABLE-2 NUMBER OF VILLAGES ELECTRIFIED IN SINDH, 1970-71 TO 1979-80 1970-74 2.537 308 4971-72 2.811 sal fis72-73) 2,926 445] so7e74 3,456 563 1974-755 4,302 832} 5,157 1,094 6,011 317] 7817 1,688 8,863 1,947] 40,169 2,218 ‘Source™ WAPOA, LahoreTABLE-3 MEDICAL PERSONNEL BY CATEGORY IN SINDH, 1971 TO 1980. 1971 1972 4973 1976 1975 959 969 973 424 448 54 54 54 ES 4 76 8 ea 140 133 135 $2 102 99 105 105 124 121 112 113 391 418 498. 622 535 841 2 3 4 15 24 27 48 18 46 18 46 58 6 68 70 144 128 128 147 148 149 149 20 22 36 22 33 127 134 124 124 124 ‘Source: Directorate of Heath Services Sindh, HyderabecTABLE-4 NUMBER OF HEALTH INSTITUTIONS WITH BEDS CAPACITY IN SINDH, 1970 TO 1980 |e 2 2 ane ase “6 0 10 ra 2 4972) 2 26 2206 2.468 s2 cs 22 a4 | 1973 2 2208 202 6 so 2 2 30 (ee 464 0 0 23 16 2 2684 2880 n os 4 8 13 4 azo 2980 7” % « 324 4 om ase e se 1 5 «S300 2010 2 56 5: 498 “ st a06 si 35 0 82 eo “ so aan? 233 or 6 5s 76 te of toca ‘ovinclal and Fesere! Goverrment other then Health Department and hosptale of autonomous bodies are net include Source: Directorate of Heath Services Hyderabad,TABLE-S ANNUAL DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME OF SINDH, 1970-71 TO 1979-80 '33,000 34,373 71218 2,080 85,602 73,600 20,400 43.400 2,500 40,500 65.313 15,200 60,056 2.400 39,919 1,600 23,050 29,600 67,774 107,157 63,081 63,876 3,997 56,269 701,900 83,750 58,500 4,000 56,800 790,170 62,610 122,436 92,100 24,470 19,323 20,000 404,967 41,302 48,827 49,300 71.959 75,837 143,024 19,200 3.280 13,152 12.233 23,000 47.952 42.976 52659 62.000 26,884 19,800 14,777 20,082 356,000 2.982 40,000 47,178 67.500 24,003 19,700 50,288 80,749 72,000 126,550 229,708 242,900 3,180 2,000 1057818 2,050 1,958 3,160 2,000 18,700 $6,420 99,000 96,000 35,988 13,000 0.676 0,464,500 0.822 1431 2,000 5,000 22,600 28,943 27,000 27,000 20,000 10,000 3,000 1,800 FTO SOS 180500 TTA TOD 347 800 405,087 Aba 500 617,050 518.008 744,812 760,000 786,000) 37,800 (41,600, 28.250 DET IED 10,500 114,700 500000 403,087 454,500 617,090 618,208 744,912,ANNUAL DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME OF SINDH, 1970-71 TO 1979-80 Forest and Physic nsport and Communication [socal Weta and Menpaver [Rural Development [Statistical Research Lew and order |Arid Zone Development Programme |Special Project [Area Development Progiamme Thar, Nara. Kohistan Development |Programme ® Lunn sunt provision [Wotks Programme 225,500 783,682 103,602 98,738 134,400 «94,664 160,500 106,008 118.618, 1 168,922 111,848. 483,200 209,182 273,230 373.121 39,945 59,445 57,452 254 15654 12,837 9,93 73,180 63,515 74,908, 148 94,883 125000000 133,483] 52,300 55,120 oso 65.450 70.418 262,200 238,900 204,000 207,764 219,000, 0,700 1,400 2,600 2,268 2,500 4,000 7,000 30,000 21,000 30,000 0,100 2100 3200 2,230 3,000 30,800 21455 172 8222 5435 4600 4,600 1,700 2,115 0.150 6000 3800 3000 3000] 10000 26000 04500 960,450 801,086 804685 Baa 700 O17,085 (000 627,205 972,000, 130,100, 76,000, 80,000 94,600 s1446e9 “6832 804,500, 300,000. 554,055 B33 705) 817,005 i700 S7heed O77 a2REFERENCES: 01. Amartya Sen. The Political Economy of Targeting, in Dominique and Kimberly (ed.), Public Spending and the Poor, John Hopkins, London, 1995, p-20. 02. Ravi Kanbur & Michael Keen, Labor Supply and Targeting in Poverty-Alleviation Programmer, in Dominique and Kimberly (ed.), op cit, p-106. 03. Jagdish Bhagwati, The economic of under development countries, in Amartya Sen and Jean Dreze (ed.), vin hus, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1999, p-69 04, Mushtag-ur-Rehman, Geography of Sindh, op cit, P-27. 05. Ibid. 06, Ishrat Hussain, The Keonomy of an Elnist Steve, op eit, p-255. 07. Ibid. 08. Ishrat Hussain, The Eeorumy' of Sindli, op vit p-56. 09. Sindh Basic Facts at Glance, Sindh Bu eau of Statistics, Karachi, 1994, p-31. 10. Shafi Mohammad, Influx of New Technology, in Mfonthly Science Magazine, Jamshoro, April, 1974, p23. 11. Ishrat Hussain, 7he Economy of Mfoder.) Sindh, op cit, p-59 243| | 2. 8 23. 24 25, Statistical Pocket Book of Sindh, Sind Bureau of Statistics, Karachi, 1990. PTY Facts and Figures, PTV Headquarters, Islamabad, 1987, p-3. Twenty-Five Years of Pakistan Television, Media Home, Islamabad, 1990, p-76 Nasreen Pervaz, PI'S Drama and Social Change, Lines Communications, Karachi, 1999, p-6. Ibid. . 25 years of Pakistan Statistics 19-47-72, Central Statistical Office, Karachi, 1972, p-13. Mushtaq -ur-Rehman, Land and Life, op cit, 219 |. Ibid. . Ibid. 10 years of Pakistan in Statistics, 1972-82, Federal Bureau of Statistics, Karachi, 1982, p-102 Willeur Van Schendal, Reviving a Rural Industry, University Press Ltd., Dhaka, 1995, p-203 Sindh-Achievement of People's Government, op cit, P-24. Ishrat Hussain, Pakistan-Hconomy of an Elitist, op cit, p-247. Ibid, p-249 244| | | | | 26. Akhtar Ali, The Political iconomy, op cit, pe146 27 Ishrat Hussain, The Leonomy of Modern Sindh, op cit, p-77 28. Ibid. 29.25 years of Sindh in Statistic, opcit, 30.Akbar Zaidi, Health Policy of Pakistan, in Research Forum, No.3, Danyal, Karachi, Jan, 1988, p-125 31.Research Forum, vol.Ol, p17. 32. S.J Butki, The Siate and Society in Pekistan, 1971-77, op cit, p13) 33. Ibid, p- 130 34. Sindh-Achievements, op cit, p34. 35. Ibid 36.Ishrat Hussain, The Modern Heonomy uf Sindh, op cit, p-98. 37. Akbar Zaidi, Sahayat Ama Ki Siyasat. Research Norum, vol-01, Danyal, Karachi, p-81 38. Ishrat Hussain, The Moder Leonomy »f Sindh, op eit, p-99 39. Akbar Zaidi, Sahayat Ama Ki Siyasat, op cit, P-79. 40. Ibid. 41. Daily Jang, Karachi, 17th October 1977 42. Daily Hilal Pakistan, October 1972 245i i M CONCLUSIONS In this study we have tried to anslyze the process of social change in rural Sindh with reference to Journalism. The process of social change is a complex process; various elements play their role in it. Here on one side, we identified the political, economical and other infrastructural issues and the relevant changes that tock place in Sindh and particularly rural Sindh during 1970-80. Also ther we discussed their impact and effects on the rural Sindh, while on the other hand we have discussed the role of press in these significant changes Since newspapers are generally purchased and read by the middle classes and also they are more conscicus of social progress, obviously newspapers tried to project the interests of their readers, Especially in case of rural Sindh, literacy rate as well as purchase power was much lower than the urban Sindh during the decade under study, Sindhi press mostly focused on the issues concerning Sindhi middle class directly On the politico-cultural front introduction of Sindhi language bill 246was a significant step. As Bhutto government was under immense pressure from the extreme Sindhi nationalist elements and it had to fight for the same vote bank, so going a step ahead the government adopted the bill, which aroused great controversy in the province. During this controversy, press from both the sides’ i-e Sindhi as well as Urdu played quite a negative role, Sindhi press played an anti-Urdu role, while Urdu press propagated hatred against the impiementation of Sindhi language bill whether consciously or not. Both the press and their intelligentsia on this highly volatile situation instead of pouring water on the fires of hatred and discussing rational issues adiled fuel to it, Both the groups used highly objectionable and provocitive metaphors and_ phrases. Mistrusts and misunderstanding ew at alarming and accelerated pace, resulting in widening of gulf between the two sides. Press under the prevailing circumstances, could have played a yery vital role in bringing both urban and rural Sindh closer to exch other. But alas it did not happen. During this period afier the successful end of Bengali nationalist movements in 1970, other nationalist forces inter alia Sindhi nationalism were at their peak. G.M Syed emerged as the all-important figure ofi Sindhi nationalist forces. The rising na.ionalism left several serious impacts on rural Sindh. One of the sectors, where the effects of nationalism were felt seriously was education, The only university available to the students of interior Sindh remained close most of the time, Misbehavior with the faculty membe: was the norm. ‘Copy culture’ became the identification of rural Sindh. A good number of several new educational institutes were established or upgraded in rural Sindh, but standard of education could net be maintained, Rather, both the communities constantly kept on demanding more privileges and opposition for them, especially Sindhi press adopted Criminal silence over the quality of education which was spiraling downward without any reversal. This ostrich like attitude adopted by Sindhi press left lasting impressions on the educational standard cf rural Sindh in the years to come and a whole generation of mostly semi-literate and poor skilled students were brought up. In the field of economies, press could have played a very vital Positive role by building up public opinion on vital issues and by providing guidance in new vistas and self-2mployment opportunity, But unfortunately during the critical analysis, it came to the fore that the pressi i | almost avoided any debate on this important topic. Press whether be Urdu or Sindhi, did not discussed in depth, the economic conditions of rural Sindh. It was the duty of Sindhi press particularly to closely watch and to come up with its suggestions about the steps that were being taken by the government, having far reaching effects They should have provided guidelines and created opinion on the establishment of genuine and relevant network of industries in rural Sindh so. that problem of unemployment would have been addresse: duly and utility of technical education be emphasized upon. They must have raised voice against the irrational decisions like opening of sugar and textile mills at Larkana, Performance of newly established Sindh Small Industries Corporation, whose job was to develop traditional cottage industries, was never analyzed by Sindhi press. Agriculture was and is backbone of the economy of rural Sindh Any significant progress in this field woulc have a positive effect on the population of rural Sindh. Press including Sindhi press failed to give duc importance to this field. It never questicned the ADBP’s criteria of distribution of loans, never suggested how to provide loans to small farmers, lining of watercourses, so that wastage of water could beminimized and working of “SCARP™ wes never questioned, Although this department was established solely to seclaim land effected from the Salinity and Waterlogging. Another problem directly linked with the agricultural sector was mechanization. Newspapers never studied the effects of mechanization on agricultural economy A very important problem of eviction of agriculture labor as a result of rapidly increasing machination, which resulted in a mass scale migration to urban centers and that youth were turning into bandit was never discussed. Press was also silent over the deteriorating law and order. Land reforms were claimed another feather to the cap by the Bhutto government, But as we discussed on the basis of statistics available, less than one percent of the total population benefited from these reforms. But unfortunately press especially Sindhi press did not give justified place to this side of the issue. The working of provincial and Federal land commissions were not fiscussed to any extent, Only political slogan mongering and statements of the Federal and provincial ministers and concerned officials have found the place in these papers. Loopholes in laws and corruption on the part of revenue officials were 250[ While analyzing the material it uanspived that newspapers and periodicals of the decade, by and large remained tight lipped over various socioeconomic issues which were directly related to the majority of the tural masses, instead of that political issues were mainly focused upon and problems were discussed throughoutBIBLIOGRAPHY Aali, Ata-ullah, Sindh-Nationaltism, Classic, Lahore, June 1993 Abidi, Hasan, Sindh Aab Kay Kea Jai? (Urdu, Sindh, What should be done now?) Inaga, Intaga publications, Karachi, March 1993 Ahmed, Azizuddin, Kya Hum [khatta Reh Sukie Hain? 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