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Political violence in Sri Lanka
Lionel Bopage1 February 20091.
 
Introduction
The last six decades have witnessed many violent conflicts
1
across the world; only a few of which have been successfully resolved
2
. The protracted conflict in Sri Lanka continues tocause death, destruction and devastation, particularly to those living in the north and the east.Recent infantile and chauvinist statements of the country’s elite express their belief that thecurrent phase of political violence is mainly due to the LTTE’s terrorist activities and thatonce the LTTE is defeated militarily so will the national question (National Post 2008).History tells a different story. Unless the root causes of the conflict are genuinely addressed,political violence will continue to grow.The island’s post-1948 political leadership did not come into being as a result of a coherentanti-colonial struggle that unified its people. The neo-colonial establishment not only carriedforward the policies and practices of the exclusively colonial, mono-cultural and unitaryadministration, which were not only incongruent with the culturally and linguistically diversenature of its inhabitants, but also their socio-economic, political and cultural expectations.The post-colonial Sri Lankan state never considered it significant to protect the dignity andsecurity of marginalised and disadvantaged social groups. Domestic issues were viewed anddealt with in a mindset of a conflict paradigm
3
. Peaceful demands for social equity, justice,security and dignity were continuously disregarded and/or violently suppressed. The indignityand insecurity caused by such attacks on the physical and psychological integrity of individuals and communities thus motivated them to take up arms.This paper looks at aspects of political violence in Sri Lanka such as its complexity, theradicalisation of youth, responses of the state and the left, current developments, and the needto view and deal with it on an interactionist paradigm, if an end to this destructive conflict isgenuinely sought.
1 The form of these conflicts vary from secession to re-unification, from autonomy to integration, from socialism to neo-liberalism, from economic toreligious ones2 Marshall (2008) indicates that 24 conflicts are currently ongoing; four may end soon; ten are at high risk of returning to political violence.3 What is seen in a conflict and how it is understood depend on the reference model or framework (paradigm) being used. Viewing conflicts in socialbehaviour through
a
positivist paradigmatic model (conflict paradigm) will be different to viewing it using a constructivist paradigmatic model (interactionistparadigm). One model will assist in understanding what policies and activities have assisted to bring conflicts to a close, while
other
policies and activitieshave made some conflicts protracted.
 
2.
 
Complexity of the conflict
The roots of political violence in Sri Lanka can be traced back to its colonial days and reflectmany national and global dimensions. The island is strategically located in the South Asianregion in a geo-political, mercantile, and militaristic sense. Trans-national capital iscompetitively seeking investments, cheap labour, and natural resources to maximise theirprofits in this region. Therefore, political violence occurring in Sri Lanka (Alexander 2007)cannot be viewed in isolation. However, this paper is not an in depth study of the globalaspects of the conflict. Yet, this needs to be kept in mind when reading this paper.2.1.
 
Simplification and manipulation of the conflictConventional simplifications of political violence in Sri Lanka to class, economic, cultural,ethnic, casteist, or military aspects seem inaccurate, since class boundaries are mixed up withother social caveats. Such simplifications prevent recognition and understanding of theinternecine power struggles and manipulations that keep certain groups in control. Someintervene to block any form of power sharing, while others reject any devolution in the hopeof achieving separation.The underlying causes for political violence in Sri Lanka has simply been interpreted andpresented as class / ethnicity based, or a terrorist problem, and even extending such analysesalong casteist, religious, nationalist, and cultural lines. The youth insurrection in 1971 islabelled as Sinhala, Buddhist, low caste, low class, anti-Tamil, anti-Indian, or terrorist, whilethe ongoing Tamil youth insurrection is labelled Tamil, Hindu (or Christian), low caste, low-class, anti-Sinhala, anti-Indian, or terrorist.Political violence cannot be properly understood without recognizing the complex internecineestablishment politics in Sri Lanka. When new social groups vied for access to state power,the establishment used repressive and violent force against them. Pro-establishment forcesclosed ranks against the ‘common enemy’ by unifying and coordinating their efforts, at times,across the whole political spectrum. Behind the political violence of the state one couldwitness strategies for the further plundering of the island’s resources. Behind the politicalclichés of terrorism and counter-terrorism was the continuous march towardsauthoritarianism, in which people’s hopes, aspirations, human rights and civil liberties wereincreasingly dashed. Existing social divisions such as nationality, language, religion, caste aremanipulated to establish and maintain the political power of the ruling elite.
 
2.2.
 
Interpretation of historyCurrent tensions between the Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim communities can be traced back tothe fact that Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim communities have their own positivist interpretationsof their historical roots. A sizable majority of Sinhalese believe their race is of Aryan stock dating back to the fifth century BC. The Tamils including Malaiyaha Tamils
4
, are of Dravidian origin. Some of the Tamils
5
claim that they were part of the island’s originalinhabitants, a claim strongly disputed by the Sinhalese. Tamil incursions from South Indiatrace back to the first century A.D., and a Tamil kingdom existed in the North commencingfrom the thirteenth century
6
. The identity of Malaiyaha Tamils is shaped by their social,economic, political and cultural lives centred primarily on plantations.Some try to interpret the current violence as inevitably deriving from the ancient primordialethnic hatreds of the ‘Mahawamsa’ nature. The reality, however, was that the wars betweenSinhalese and Tamil kings were launched mainly for expanding their feudal territories.Another interpretation points to the privileged positions provided to Tamils under colonialand neo-colonial administrations - that political violence was the eventual outcome of theTamils losing those privileged positions. Nevertheless, these are often excuses used to bluntfurther analysis of majoritarian power politics. Besides, such approaches unashamedly justifyand unconditionally support a policy of subjugation of opposing groups as adopted by thecurrent ruling elite.2.3.
 
Basis of analysisPolitical violence is not unique to Sri Lanka. The causes of political violence have beenbroadly categorised as caused by national fragmentation, inequitable development, culturalclashes and liberation movements (Steinbach 1980). These causes do not exist in isolation,but interact simultaneously leading to political violence. It is significant to note that in thepost-1948 Sri Lanka, any major organised political violence was absent until 1956. Ethnicpolitical violence that commenced in 1956 was mainly due to the machinations of modern‘democratic’ electoral politics, deliberately conceived and orchestrated as a means of capturing and keeping power in the hands of the bourgeoisie.
4 The so-called Indian or Estate Tamils, workers of Indian origin speaking Tamil
who were
brought by the British to work in their plantations in 1840s.5 The so-called Jaffna or Ceylon Tamils6
According to Professor K M de Silva, beginning in the thirteenth century and until the advent of the Portuguese, a Jaffna kingdom with shifting boundariesexisted in the Northern Province
 
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