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14 01
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11-2012

belal ahmed "


" is egyptian
researcher in
" developing
countries affairs"
,in his post he
tring to answer
the question :
from the authority
of muslimsbrotherhood to "
Abdul-fattah Elsisi"
and the armedforces control
Has Egypt gone
?fascist

Egypt and the f-word


During their brief tenure in power,
the Muslim Brotherhood and Mohammad Morsi were increasingly accused
of fascism. Now, as Egypts crackdown
on the Muslim Brotherhood continues,
the accusations of fascism have begun
again. Much of this is because popular
discourse has a knee-jerk tendency to
link any form of authoritarianism with
Nazi Germany. It becomes easier to do
that in a national context in which we
see fierce nationalism, growing xenophobia, assault against domestic minorities, and the gleeful celebration
of state violence.
Let us be clear: Egypt hasnt gone fascist. And saying that constrains how
we should think about its politics in
the coming years.
When we compare trends in Egyptian
politics to something as complicated
as the rise of Continental European
fascism, we are as much probing the
idea of Egypt going fascist as we are
the nature of fascism itself. The rise
of fascism in Europe was the result of
specific political factors that, although
currently present in Egypt, have not
been rallied in the service of mass politics in a way that invites the word.

not desirable, would be sufficient


to end a variety of domestic issues.
These included national unrest, economic instability, and prevent a revolutionary push by other forces, then
mainly proto-communist factions.
Sound familiar? He eventually came to
be Frances absolute ruler as the result of a political stalemate over restrictions on universal suffrage which
gave him the opportunity to present
himself as the answer to an exhausted
desire for national order. The National
Assembly of the Second Republic had
stagnated so greatly that it was reviled by the populace that established
it only a few years earlier. Napoleon III
then seized the opportunity to launch
a coup dtat on 2 December 1851
that was approved in a later referendum, and which heralded a new era of
strongman rule with democratic pretenses.
Of course, we should be wary about
comparisons between Napoleon III
and Egypts commander of the armed
forces, AbdelFattah El-Sisi. Sisis rule
has just begun, for one, and the complexities of both situations could have
led to any number of leaders breaking
through. (Including the unlikely possibility of Morsi himself). The point to
focus on here is that of short-lived
democratic experiments, which begin with popular dissent, and are then
curtailed with widespread approval of a paradoxically equal scale (or
greater as was the case with the tens
of millions of Egyptians who marched
against Morsi.) Their quick collapses
are usually due to some political maneuvering, whether through Napoleon
IIIs well-timed defense of universal
suffrage, or Sisis equally well-timed
coup after mass demonstrations, followed by an insistence that a war on
terrorism is taking place. It is not fascism. It is smart counterrevolution.

It is far more accurate to compare


events in Egypt with the aftermath
of the French Revolution of 1848 that
established the Second Republic. That
revolution came as the result of a
wave of spontaneous revolts in 1848
that were very similar to the Arab
spring. Similar to Egypt now, the initial overthrow of Louis-Philippe led to
the decline of the parliamentary experiment that succeeded him, which
was co-opted by a series of increasingly conservative leaders in favour of
the status-quo. Eventually, the struggle ended with the rise of Napoleon III,
who became both Frances first president and its last monarch (he styled
himself as a Prince-President.)
Once we accept that what we are
Napoleon III had won the presidency in
December 1848 and was hailed even
initially as a candidate who, although

seeing isnt so much fascism as it is a


pushback against democracy-minded
upheaval, then we can begin to have
honest discussions about fascism in an
Egyptian context. Fascism hasnt taken hold of Egypts state institutions,
which are instead being held by cynical elites who are circulating whatever mythology will direct the public away from demanding structural
change. Still, the seeds of fascism are
everywhere.
Much of this is less Egyptian than it is
a direct consequence of market-driven societies. There is a great deal of
scholarship on how numerous features
of consumerism, such as advertising,
popular entertainment, and market
surveillance, inadvertently helps foster conditions where the public more
easily acquiesces to fascist authoritarianism. These phenomena have Egyptian manifestations in the same way as
do the effects of economic scarcity in
making politics more provincial. This
is mainly because intense conditions
of austerity tend to force a reliance
on more ancestral ties of religion and
ethnicity, especially when violence
occurs.
The conditions of the Treaty of Versailles, and a general sense of powerlessness that followed World War I,
drove the classical fascist movements.
We mostly remember the racial aspects of these mobilizations, but fascists were diverse in the mythologies
they used to create a cult of power,
from homophobia to labor politics.
They key is that the cult of power opposed itself on those designated as
nationally weak and in need of being violent expunged. These drives allowed fascists to flee their own mortal
vulnerabilities in a period of prolonged
crisis and to embrace totalitarianism.

late them as an unwieldy attempt to


preserve their own power. This was
particularly true with anti-Semitism.
Fascism happened in part because
this circulation blew up in everyones
face. The myths took on a life of their
own and eventually drove a nihilistic
revolutionary push. This crucial step
isnt observable in modern Egypt.
And yet, I think it is actually not unwarranted to see an intimation of fascism
in people cheering for the Supreme
Council of the Armed Forces. The current worship of SCAF is directly related
to a feeling of national weakness. The
Egyptian military becomes poetically
seen as everything that Egypt should
be: strong, prosperous, and willing to
defend national values (never mind its
actual capabilities, and the fact that it
has essentially degraded into an economic empire for its senior leaders.)
We are certainly seeing the possible
future of something terrifying.
But it remains that: a possibility. The
main problem I have with calling Egypt
fascist is its tinge of historically-blind
pessimism. After all, revolutionaries quickly re-grouped in France,
and seized an opportunity provided
to them by the Franco-Prussian War
to establish a number of communes,
most notably in Paris itself. And there
was another wave of revolutions that
began in 1917 with the Russian Revolutions. The eventual, temporary victory of fascism in much of the continent
took place after fierce combat with
anti-fascists who had a very different
idea of the world that would succeed
the decaying European political order.

It is too soon to say how these possibilities, whether of a future revolution against the Egyptian military,
or the eventual emergence of fascist
authoritarianism by a nihilistic revoluBut elites didnt so much subscribe to tionary faction, will play out. Howevthese philosophies as they did circu- er, one thing seems clear: the coming
months, and years, will be crucial in
determining whether or not fascism is
really coming to Egypt. For now, lets
http://arabist.net/blog/2013/10/15/the-f-word
all use caution in dropping the analytical f-bomb.

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15 01
WASSLA

11-2012

#EgyCartoons

And Mostafa HusseinStrikes again


Zenobia, an Egyptian blogger, wrote this blog at 12 Oct in her blog, Egyptianchronicles. She was speaking about political cartoons that drawn by Cartoonist Mostafa Husseinf about General Abdel Fatah El Sisi.
To read the whole blog post:
http://egyptianchronicles.blogspot.com/2013/10/egycartoons-and-mostafa-hussein-strikes.html#more

In less than 48 hours Cartoonist Mostafa Hussein


surprises us with another
one of his masterpieces
about General Abdel Fatah El Sisi.
Oh yes this was published
this time in todays issue
of weekly Akhbar Al Youm.
The idea of that cartoon is
famous tirist writer Ahmed
Ragabs. The cartoon simply ys that General Abdel
Fatah El Sisi does not want
to run for the presidency,
but allegedly the people
are carrying him to the
throne of Egypt !!
So it is obvious that Hussein and Ragab want the
general to run for the
presidential elections.
Before I forget here is a
collection of Husseins recent masterpieces :
Exhibit A
Exhibit A : Egypt as a
transvestite that mothers
whose got triplet Army
, police and people that
looks like that creature !!
Here you will find how
he changed from 2011 to
2013 always taking the
side of the regime.
Exhibit B
Exhbit B In 2011 the cartoon described the speech
of Mubarak on February
1,2011 as the sun where
as the protesters of Tahrir
square as bats.
In 2012 the cartoons were
speaking on how Morsi was
facing lots of problems.
In 2013 the Sisi Man to the
rescue.
Of course he got a series
of other cartoons he al-

ways presents whenever


there are clashes between
the police and the protesters.
Exhibit C
Exhibit C : Here is one
about the clashes at the
ministry of interior. Vulgar
ugly Egypt running after a
protest carrying her slipper cursing him and ying
that he deserved to be
shot down !!
Also here is a cartoon
mocking Egyptian famous
footballerAbu Trikaying
that his mind is corrupted
because he is an Islamist.
Exhibit D
By the way,my last
post
about Husseins Sisi-mandrew
criticism
from El Sisis supporters
who believe that I should
not mock about the man
who brought back my
freedom aka El Sisi otherwise I would be a Muslim
brotherhood member who
does not care about her
freedom. Needless to y all
of them are old in their
40s and 50s preaching me
and other bad useless hippie Tahrir protesters who
were trained in Serbia to
have manners !!
Updated on 13/10
And Hussein continues
his El Sisi for presidencys cartoon and I do not
understand why he made
Egypt ys that she is waiting the Pallot box insteadof Ballot Box !!
Egypt is waiting for the
Pallot box of presidential elections

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