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Information Operations: Successes and Failures

Information Operations: Successes and Failures

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Robert R. Reilly discusses in this article how the United States has engaged in a war of ideas with the Middle East since 9/11. He writes that the critical element of public diplomacy has been widely underestimated and ignored by the US government.
Robert R. Reilly discusses in this article how the United States has engaged in a war of ideas with the Middle East since 9/11. He writes that the critical element of public diplomacy has been widely underestimated and ignored by the US government.

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Published by: Westminster Institute on Nov 05, 2013
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03/13/2014

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Information Operations: Successes and Failures
 Robert R. Reilly
www.westminster-institute.org
 Westminster Institute
W
 
 
PAGE 2 | Westminster Institute www.westminster-institute.org
From my experiences in the Cold War and since 9/11, I have formulated a few brief principles for the conduct of wars of ideas. First, do not go into a war of ideas unless you understand the ideas you are at war with. Second, do not go into a war of ideas unless you have an idea. Third, wars of ideas are conducted by people who think; people who do not think are influenced by those who do. Try to reach the people who think.
Successful information operations understand the target audience, have the right message in the right format to reach that audience, and have the means to deliver the message through the media used by the audience. Miss any of these links and you have a failed information operation. You can have the medium but not the message, or you can have the message but not the medium – or you can be without both.
 
It is been generally acknowledged that we have been in the new war of ideas at least since 2001.
The National Strategy for Combating Terrorism
 (2006) stated that “in the long run, winning the War on Terror means winning the battle of ideas.” Until recently, this emphasis was reflected in every U.S. government strategy document, including the
 National Defense Strategy of the United States of America
 (2005), which calls for “countering ideological support for terrorism.” This emphasis, however, has not produced results in practice. In fact, the U.S. side has failed to show up for the war of ideas. Strategic communication or public diplomacy, the purpose of which is to win such wars, is the single weakest area of U.S. government performance since 9/11. By almost every index, the United States is not doing well. Some say it has already lost. After a six-month journey through the Muslim world in 2006, Akbar Ahmed, the chairman of Islamic Studies at American University, said, “I felt like a warrior in the midst of the fray who knew the odds were against him but never quite realized that his side had already lost the war.” In a threat assessment issued in September 2013, the Bipartisan Policy Center’s Homeland Security Project, chaired by former 9/11 Commission chiefs Thomas Kean and Lee Hamilton, stated that “even though core Al Qaeda may be in decline, ‘Al Qaeda-ism,’ the movement’s ideology, continues to resonate and attract new adherents.” In fact, Al Qaeda is present in some 16 areas around the globe, according to the report, twice what it was five years ago. On September 28, 2013,
The Economist
reported that, “From Somalia to Syria, al-Qaeda franchises and jihadist fellow travelers now control more territory, and can call on more fighters than it any time since Osama bin Laden created the organization 25 years ago.How can this be? Why is the U.S. not winning? My job here is not so much to answer this question as it is to reflect upon some practical experiences from
Information Operations: Successes and Failures
 Robert R. Reilly
 
Information Operations: Successes and Failures Westminster Institute | PAGE 3
the past that may shed light on the subject of what we have done that has worked, on what has not worked, and an overall view on what we have failed to do altogether. Yes, we need a new strategy against al-Qaeda and the Muslim Brotherhood, but we cannot charge ahead unless we have something to charge ahead with. I have no interest in being autobiographical, but since I have been asked to address the subject of “Information Operations: Successes and Failures,” I am invariably drawn to some operations in which I have been personally involved. I am using the term “information operations” in a broad sense to include all the activities of public diplomacy undertaken in a war of ideas. There were several huge failures and some tiny successes. I have not spoken of some of these experiences before; they are almost too painful to relate. I recount them now only in the hope that the lessons from them can be learned and related to the current conflicts in which we are involved. Sometimes the mission was right but the execution was wrong. Sometimes the mission itself was misconceived. Other times there was not even a mission to execute – just a void.I will not dwell at great length on my experiences at the Voice of America, but I must admit that when I served as its director in 2001 to 2002, I looked forward to VOA serving as important a role in the new war as it had in 1942 when it began its broadcasts to Germany. Because of VOA’s unique reach into other lands via shortwave, terrestrial and satellite broadcasts, delivering news and information in the languages of VOA’s 120 million listeners, and featuring careful explications of U.S. policy on key issues, I thought that this would be VOA’s finest hour – the hour in which the Arabic service, which was broadcasting 12 hours a day of features, interviews and editorials, would be particularly important. Imagine my amazement when the Broadcasting Board of Governors (BBG), an independent entity that has executive authority over VOA, eliminated the Arabic service and substituted for it a pop music station called Radio Sawa, with two short news breaks in the hour. It carried a mélange of Arab and American music, including Britney Spears, Jay Lo and Eminem. The lyrics in the songs of some of the American singers had to be doctored so as not to offend an Arab Muslim audience.Soon thereafter, I had the occasion to visit with one of Saudi Arabia’s most important princes. I asked him, without prejudice, what he thought of Radio Sawa. He responded, “It’s not good; it’s not bad. It’s just what it is.” He then said, “My father, King Faisal, loved the Voice of America and used to listen to it faithfully. He would often go into the desert and, in order not to miss his favorite programs, whose broadcast times he had memorized, he would bring a shortwave radio with him. I, too, used to listen to the Voice of America. Of course, I don’t listen to Radio Sawa.” Who cares if the king listens? Our Arabic radio broadcasting’s reorientation to youth lost it not just an influential audience but, one might say, the key one. Yes, Radio Sawa gained a considerable youth audience, but to what effect? Senior Jordanian journalist Jamil Nimri told me: “Radio Sawa is fun, but it’s irrelevant.”Perhaps the best way to grasp the strategic misalignment of VOA’s broadcasting resources by the BBG is to engage in an imaginative exercise: if we were setting up a broadcasting service for the U.S. Government from scratch today, what would we do? We would probably want to focus on the 10 most important countries and languages groups in the world: in our own southern hemisphere Brazil; in Eurasia, certainly Russia, and then China to the south, India to the southwest, and then swinging around to the Middle East, certainly the Arab world with its more than 300 million people. Our mission would be to tell these countries and audiences who we are, what we are doing, and why – say, out of a decent respect for the opinions of mankind, as the Declaration of Independence puts it. If we want the world to be reasonable, we had better give it our reasons. We might, in other words, create the Voice of America, whose purpose, by government charter, is to do these very things.Now, if an outside observer looked at what has

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