they have sought to reconstruct. It has often been noted that the word “explanation” is used in awide variety of ways in ordinary English—we speak of explaining the meaning of a word,explaining the background to philosophical theories of explanation, explaining how to bake a pie, explaining why one made a certain decision (where this is to offer a justification) and so on.Although the various models discussed below have sometimes been criticized for their failure tocapture all of these forms of “explanation” (see, e.g., Scriven, 1959), it is clear that they werenever intended to do this. Instead, their intended
explicandum
is, very roughly, explanations of
why
things happen, where the “things” in question can be either particular events or somethingmore general—e.g., regularities or repeatable patterns in nature. Paradigms of this sort of explanation include the explanation for the advance in the perihelion of mercury provided byGeneral Relativity, the explanation of the extinction of the dinosaurs in terms of the impact of alarge asteroid at the end of the Cretaceous period, the explanation provided by the police for whya traffic accident occurred (the driver was drinking and there was ice on the road), and thestandard explanation provided in economics textbooks for why monopolies will, in comparisonwith firms in perfectly competitive markets, raise prices and reduce output.Finally, a few words about the broader epistemological/ methodological background to themodels described below. Many philosophers think of concepts like “explanation”, “law”,“cause”, and “support for counterfactuals” as part of an interrelated family or circle of conceptsthat are “modal” in character . For familiar “empiricist” reasons, Hempel and many other earlydefenders of the
DN
model regarded these concepts as not well understood, at least prior toanalysis. It was assumed that it would be “circular” to explain one concept from this family interms of others from the same family and that they must instead be explicated in terms of other concepts from outside the modal family—concepts that more obviously satisfied (what weretaken to be) empiricist standards of intelligibility and testability. For example, in Hempel'sversion of the
DN
model, the notion of a “law” plays a key role in explicating the concept of “explanation”, and his assumption is that laws are just regularities that meet certain further conditions that are also acceptable to empiricists. As we shall see, these empiricist standards (andan accompanying unwillingness to employ modal concepts as primitives) have continued to playa central role in the models of explanation developed subsequent to the
DN
model.There are many interesting historical questions about the
DN
model that remain largelyunexplored. Why did “scientific explanation” emerge when it did as a major topic for philosophical discussion? Why were the “logical empiricist”philosophers of science whodefended the
DN
model so willing to accept the idea that science provides “explanations”, giventhe tendency of many earlier writers in the positivist tradition to think of “explanation” as arather subjective or “metaphysical” matter and to contrast it unfavorably with “description”,which they regarded as a more legitimate goal for empirical science? And why was discussion, atleast initially, organized around “explanation” rather than “causation”, since (as we shallobserve) it is often the latter notion that seems to be of central interest in subsequent debates andsince the former notion seems (to many contemporary sensibilities) somewhat vague and ill-defined? At least part of the answer to this last question seems to be that (again as explained inmore detail below) Hempel and other defenders of the
DN
model inherited standard empiricist or Humean scruples about the notion of causation. They assumed that causal notions are only(scientifically or metaphysically) acceptable to the extent that it is possible to paraphrase or re-describe them in ways that satisfied empiricist criteria for meaningfulness and legitimacy. Oneobvious way of doing this was to take causal claims to be tantamount to claims about theobtaining of “regularities” (that is patterns of uniform association in nature). It is just this ideathat is captured by the
DN
model (see below). Part of the initial appeal of the topic of “scientific
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