Athanasius' "Vita Antonii". A Sociological Interpretation Author(s): Brian Brennan Source: Vigiliae Christianae, Vol. 39, No. 3 (Sep.

, 1985), pp. 209-227 Published by: BRILL Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1583854 . Accessed: 13/05/2011 17:05
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39 (1985)209-227,E. J. Brill, Leiden VigiliaeChristianae

ATHANASIUS' VITA ANTONII

A SOCIOLOGICAL INTERPRETATION BY

BRIAN BRENNAN

Few patristic works have fired the imaginationof generationsof readerslike the VitaAntonii, a work writtenby Athanasiussome time between356 and 362. Quiteasidefromits propagation of asceticism and the impetus that it gave to early monasticism,the VitaAntonii, as a piece of literature, became the definitive hagiographical model. Previousstudy of the work has been largelygiven over to discussionof Antony's historicity and his place in the early development of monasticism'or to analysisof the literarybackground to Athanasius' in aim this biographical enterprise.2 My study, however,is to examine Athanasius' literaryportrayalof Antony the hermit in terms of the broader fourth-centurycontext in which it was written using the Weberian sociological model of the charismaticfigure and of the routinizationof charisma. work. It is at once a work Athanasius'VitaAntonii is a multi-faceted of pious edification,a handbookfor monks in the guise of a narrative apologeticusefulfor monksto readto (Preface)and a pieceof Christian concerns the workhad its partto play in these Pagans(Ch. 94). Beyond the ecclesiasticalpolitics of the day and was written during a period when Athanasiuswas a huntedfugitive. Havingbeen deposedby force from his much prized see of Alexandriaand fleeing the forces of the Arian emperor Constantius, Athanasius took refuge in the Nitrian desert and fought back with the pen. The Vita was written during a was fightinghis periodof intensepolemicalactivityin whichAthanasius with It hereticalopponents a literarybarrage. was duringthese years that AthanasiuswrotehisApologia ad Constantium (357), his Apologia de fuga (357) and his secretHistoriaArianorumwrittenin 358 for the monksof Egypt. The VitaAntonii howeverwas a publicworkdesigned, as its epistolary preface shows, for free circulation among monks

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overseas, most probably in the western provinces (Ch. 93). The Vita must be seen in the general context of Athanasius' literary campaign of polemic and self-justification, but since it cannot be dated accurately, its exact chronological relationship to the works that surround it cannot be established.3 This work of hagiography allows Athanasius the opportunity to portray the already celebrated hermit Antony mouthing fierce polemic against the Arians, enjoining his followers to respect the orthodox hierarchy and prophesying first the present Arian troubles (356-362) and then, of course, the eventual victory and restoration of the orthodox party in the more distant future. Finally by depicting Antony as the new Elijah and himself as the Elisha who inherits the cloak of the master, Athanasius is able to claim the spiritual legacy left behind by the hermit. The bishop-author becomes a type of successor to Antony who has now passed from sight. Sociology has much to offer the student of early Christian life and literature as Hans Frhr. von Campenhausen's important study of the first three Christian centuries has illustrated. While avoiding the black and white of the Weberian absolutes of "Office" and "Charisma", he has studied within an essentially Weberian framework, the relationship of the functionary to the charismatic type of authority, of the priest to the prophet, of the "champion of the sacral system" to the "witnesses to direct religious experience". Campenhausen's study ends in the third century, but projecting his findings on into the fourth century, he sees the church's effort to absorb monasticism as a new task which she and her officials had to tackle. For Campenhausen, both "divine commissioning" (office) and "special divine endowment" (charisma) derive from Christ Himself and are both in some way part of His revelation to man, but often are in tension within the life of the church.4 In the fourth-century figures of Athanasius and Antony we see the same tension between priest and prophet once again. Indeed Antony, at least as he is portrayed in the VA fits almost perfectly Weber's description of the archetypal charismatic figure who thrives outside the normal institutions of social organisation. The wonder-working of such an individual poses a threat to the appointed leaders or bureaucratic holders of institutionalised religious power whose position is based upon valid ordination and consecration and who may not be able to demonstrate such impressive evidence of charismatic gifts. Now Athanasius, although a man with more than a little theatrical flair, and an impressive personality in his own right, qualifies in Weberian terms as a

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bureaucraticleader. Antony had no need for holy orders or ecclesiasticaloffice while Athanasiushad risen from deacon, assertedhis valid consecrationas bishop and fought long and hard to retain the Patriarchal see of Alexandria.It will be arguedhere that the VitaAntonii reflects, on a literary level, the process by which Athanasius routinized Antony's potentially dangerous charisma following the hermit'sdeath and transformedthe Antonian strandof the eremitical movementinto a "sub-system"within the organisational structureof the Egyptian church, thus neutralisingits radical anti-organisational tendenciesand ensuringits orthodoxy. Portrayedas Oeou Antony is a charismaticfigure of great avOpcocos All men, Chrisappealin an age of anxietyand religioussyncretism.5 him Jew and about of the aura the tian, paganrecognised holy and saw the mark of charismaticendowmentin his cures and miracles. His foreknowledgeand even his appearanceall validate his position as a naturalreligiousleader.When for exampleAntony visitedAlexandria in 338, we see even the pagans recognisingin Antony his directcomwith a transcendent munication being-"the Greeksand those they call their priests came into the church saying 'We ask to see the man of God', for everyonecalled him this" (Ch. 70). Now Weberpostulateda education"that was necessarybefore a person period of "charismatic couldestablishthe kindof charismatic aurashownabovethatraiseshim to a specialstatus recognisedby all. This educationwas not conceived by Weberas beingof the rationalor empirical kind, but as a kindof activisationor regeneration of the latent charismatic potentialin the subject. The process of educationinvolves the testing, confirmationand selectionof the qualifiedperson.The elementsof this process,as Weber enumerated them, are as follows: (a) isolation from familiarenvironment and from family ties; (b) entranceinto an exclusiveeducational of physicaland psychicexercises of the community; (c) the performance most diverse forms in order to awaken the capacity for ecstasy and regeneration; (d) continuoustesting of the level of charismatic perfection throughshock and tortureand finally (e), the ceremoniousreception of the charismatic into the circle of those who have proven their
charisma.6

Athanasius'literaryportrayalof Antony shows that the hermitconformsto suchan archetype.In Chapters Two to Fourwe see him breakhis ties and his familiar environment. The goal of his ing family leaving the home of journeyis a place outsidesociety-the desert,traditionally

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demons and these he must conquer before he can establish himself there. In Chapter Three we see that he first learns the elements of ascetical practice from a hermit in a neighbouring village. Eventually, in he visits Chapter Four, he goes further afield and like a aocpilz&Xotaoa devout men, extracting from each in a comprehensive and discriminating way, knowledge of a particular virtue. Having gained his spiritual supplies for travelling the symbolic 686k to virtue Antony makes his way into the desert. This road to virtue is in fact a running track and Antony is portrayed as the athlete of Christ, racing for the prize of perfection and eternal life. The spiritual education undertaken by Antony in his imitation of devout men is described by Athanasius in terms suggestive of athletic training (Ch. 4) and Antony is the spiritual athlete who strengthens himself by prayers and self-denial. The athletic metaphor in the VA picks up the theme of the drycovthat goes back through the martyr in literature and through Pauline thought ultimately to the moral &dycv Cynic and Stoic philosophy.7 We see the contrast between the moral aycv, the continual battle with the passions of the body, and the folly of pure physical achievement (Ch. 7). The hermit also, in a sense, replaces the martyr8 since his life is a daily martyrdom (Ch. 47). God is porwho oversees the contest that Antony trayed in effect as the a0Xoo0Trq enters against the demons who lurk in the tomb in Chapter Eight. Here we see the first stage of testing by shock and torture. The demons break through the walls of the tomb and assuming the shapes of beasts and reptiles assail the hermit. When, after repeated demonic attacks, Antony remains firm in his faith, God rewards him with a vision. The roof opens, a ray of light comes down towards him and his bodily pain ceases. Antony questions the vision, asking why aid had not come to him earlier in the contest. In answering the voice both indicates the importance of the testing process and Antony's reward for his endurance:
The voice answered: I was there, Antony, but I waited in order to see your struggle (oav cay6vtala). Since you have stood your ground and have not submitted, I will always be your helper and will make your name known everywhere (Ch. 10).

The second significant scene of testing comes in the deserted fort (Chs. 12-14). In this place of seclusion and darkness Antony spends in all twenty years during which time his level of charismatic perfection is tested. In terms of the Weberian model it is significant that Athanasius describes the deserted fort as being like a shrine-he went down "as into

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a shrine" (&i=tp iv a&urotL).Barricading the entrance Antony lives on bread and water, receiving a supply of bread every six months from friends. We are told that in the midst of his struggle Antony is again aided by a heavenly vision and given relief from his labours. In both the tomb and fort episodes Antony is depicted as undergoing a period of dark and isolated endurance. The whole testing process, especially since it is combined with a contrast between light and darkness, suggests a parallel with Hellenistic mystery religions. Indeed Athanasius makes it quite clear that this is the image he intends to convey when he compares Antony on his emergence from this second trial as one of the initiates au6Sou !uOUaTy7ornJLvoSxai 6ocpopopuuvoS coming forth F'xtlvos (Ch. 14). Reitzenstein long ago pointed to a striking parallel to this scene in Lucian's Philopseudes where Eucrates tells a story of Pancrates who spent twenty-three years of his life underground in the tombs, studying occult sciences under the instruction of Isis herself.9 When Antony comes forth from the fort he has completed such a period of testing and is ready to demonstrate his charismatic powers. On his emergence (Ch. 14) Antony signals his changed status by his first cures and exorcisms. In conformity with ancient physiognomical conventions even the body of the holy man (despite twenty years privations) reflects the calm of the perfect soul dwelling within. Further physiognomical descriptions are given in Chs. 67, 92 and 93 and in each case illustrate the proposition, accepted by pagan and Christian alike, that a man's character stood emblazoned on his countenance for all to see.'0 There was something obviously special about Antony and Athanasius tells us in Chapter 67 that this special aura was a gift from the Saviour--Etxe 8 xatiTouxo 6O TxoSCoxpos. If the hermit Xaptixao 7iap&a was with a group of monks and someone who had not known him before wished to see him, that man would pass by all the others and inGiven oauou i x6ouxvoS. rciv otswov stinctively come up to Antony S UCXO6 his powers first displayed after his emergence from the shrine/fort in Chapter 14, Antony attracts to himself disciples who learn from him and are afforded protection by him. In Chapter 15 Antony is cast in a doing the rounds of the quasi-episcopal role as TOaIp and xaO'yrpfxlT, monasteries and visiting his children. In a passage in the same chapter, which Reitzenstein has shown parallels Lucian's story of Pancrates," Antony demonstrates his power over crocodiles at Arsinoe and his protection even extends to his followers who cross a crocodile-infested canal with the same immunity as their leader.

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Now it is clearthat Antony was not the only asceticalpractitioner in the Egypt of the late third and fourth century,and certainlynot the earliest.Whatevermay be true of the claims made by Jeromefor his heroPaul of Thebes,'2 3 and4 of the VAshowthe existenceof Chapters hermitspriorto Antony's takingup the practiceof asceticism.We can envisage a master attracting followers as stories of his rigourous ascetical practice and wonder-workingspread. Some came seeking associationwith a hermitand desiredto live nearbyin orderto receive instruction, their patterns of association creating an ad hoc semieremiticalcommunitysuch as that whichwe see aroundAntony in the of the VA.We cannothowevergain any impression last chapters of how extensiveor cohesive was the group that followed Antony. The VA shows Antony teachinghis children,visitingthem and havingbrethren nearby,but in the absenceof any organisationit is only his charisma that acts as the focal point of the group. Antony attractedhis first followersin the first decadeof the fourthcenturywhilePachomiuslaid the basis for an ordered cenobitical life from c. 320 onwards. Pachomius'monasteryat Tabennesishad one hundredmonks, and at the time of his death in 346 the Pachomianfoundations,accordingto that therewas 3,000 monks.'3We mustremember Palladius,numbered a great rangeof asceticpracticeand that thereappearsto have been a willingnesson the part of some restlessindividualsto samplevarious forms of monasticlife and go from masterto master.Further,E. A. Judge has suggesteda variedand fluid spectrumof monasticpractice includinga type of apotacticasceticcloselyassociatedwith the churches in Egypt'4who has been overlookedwhen attemptshave been made to neatlycategoriseearly "monks". The fact that Athanasiusturnedhis hagiographical spotlighton Anthe from has rescued hermit the relative tony obscurityof his ascetic Athanasius and others felt that therewas contemporaries. Clearly many somethingexceptionalabout this one figure.Athanasiushad associated himself with Antony at least as early as 338, the year in which he arrangedfor the hermitto visit Alexandria.In what lay Antony's importancefor Athanasius? The answermaywell lie in the ethnicbackground of the hermitand the ethniccompositionof his charismatic following. whenhe spoke with Antony was a Copt and only neededan interpreter Greeks'5who came to conversewith him on the outer mountain(Ch. 72). We are thus to assumethat his followersweremainlyCopts. W. H. C. Frendhas spokenwith greatacuityof social tensionbetweenChris-

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tian Copts and Greeks in late antique Egypt. He points out the difference in emphasisbetween the "stronglybiblical form of religion" and Christological preachedby Antony and the "nicetiesof Trinitarian in discussion which the Greekspeakingand thinkingclericsin Alexandria were engaged".'6IndeedFrendhas summedup the historyof the Coptic churchas often being markedby "the religiousdissent of the Coptic villagesfrom the beliefs of the wealthierGreekcities".'7While Athanasiushas beenpicturedby Frendas "practically becominga Copt himselfduringthe Arian ascendencyat Alexandriaby joining with the for a againstthe Ariansin Alexandria"and arresting, CopticChristians time at least, the wholesalealienationof the Coptic-speaking Christians from the Greek-dominated Orthodoxchurch.'8 We might observeat this point that Weberassertedthe need for the charismaticleader to attract followers. For Weber, charisma,while often highlyindividual,is in socialtermsrelational,and the charismatic has a missionto a local ethnic, social, politicalor vocationalgroup. At the same time a charismatic group establishedarounda leader,having no need for funds to support a bureaucratic structure,may have a radicallyanti-economiccomplexion.'9Antony's immediatefollowing may have been composedof many Copts alienatedfrom the economic and social life of the towns. When one reads the VA it is most striking how radically antieconomicit is at manypoints. In ChapterTwo, Antony, who inheritsa farm of three hundred"fertile and very beautiful" acres, follows the gospeland sells all in orderto give to the poor, thusbuildingup treasure of a veryyoungsisterwho in heaven.Now Antonyhas the responsibility is economicallydependenton him and at first he keeps back some ThreehoweverAntonyhearsthe Gospel moneyfor hersake. In Chapter message:"Do not be anxious for tomorrow"(Matt. 6,34) and divests himself of all his money and followingMK. 10,21 workswith his own hands in order to satisfy his own needs and to give alms. Later in 44 Antony'sfollowersaredepictedas labouringin orderto give Chapter alms to one another. Following upon Antony's renunciationthe devil tempts the hermit with, among other things, the memoryof his property(Ch. 5) and attemptsto deflect him from the path to virtuewith the temptationof a silver discus (Ch. 11) and gold scatteredin his way (Ch. 12). Antony, aidedby God, showedthe devil "that he carednothingfor money". He steppedover the gold and ran on so that he would lose sightof whereit
was.

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Antony is portrayedas creatinga type of anti-societyin the desert. Thereis, in the desert, a new sense of communityfor those who have left theirown cities (Ch. 14). It is significantalso that this societybuilt leaderis describedin the VA in both Utopian aroundthe charismatic and paradisicalterms. Athanasiuspicturesthe desert as becoming a pleasant land of wooded valleys and watered gardens when it is populatedby monks(Ch. 44). Thereis no systematiceconomicactivity in this societyof herebeyondsome subsistence farmingfor alms-giving The of this and appeal paradiseis that it fasting praying. psalm-singing, is a landof pietyandjusticewherethereis notably"no complaintabout the tax-collector".(Ch. 44) moveThe radicallyanti-economicnatureof the initial charismatic ment aroundAntony is seen most clearlywhen one comparesit to the later cenobitical monasticismdescribedby Palladius in his Lausiac History (c. 420). There one sees the reflectionof the economy of the widersocietyin the monasticcommunity.Thereis, in one monastery,a clear division of labour for it had fifteen tailors, seven smiths, four while the great carpenters,twelve camel driversand fifteen fullers,20 lived a where Pachomius had produced surplussold on the monastery Alexandrianmarket by one Aphthoniuswho acted as middleman.2' had no economiclinkswithsocietyand Antony, in his radicalasceticism It is worthyof in Weberiantermslived "in and not off this world".22 note that Athanasiuslists among the attractionsof Antony's "land of pietyandjustice"the fact thatit is a placewheretherewas no complaint of the tax-collector,for we know that c. 373 even some of the wealthier classes(presumably Greek)were leavingtheir cities for the ascetic life and associatingwith bandsof hermitsin orderto escapethe burdenof Antony's appealmay thereforehave operatedon a municipalduties.23 numberof levels. It is also possible that a charismatic ascetic such as Antony, with a could followingamong the ChristianCopts of the Egyptianhinterland have become an alternativesource of authority and power. In the figuresof Athanasiusand Antony we see the meetingof Hellenisedcity churchgovernment and and Coptic hinterland,of orderedhierarchical ad-hoc monastic movement. The bishop, the holder of an official religiouspower stands opposite the naturalcharismaticleader. These two antithetical differenceswhich, especiallyif played figuresrepresent or Meletian schismatics Arian heretics,couldhavetornasunder upon by the Egyptianchurchand destroyedcompletelythe power of the Alex-

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andriansee in the countryareas.Yet this did not eventuateand the process reflectedin the VitaAntonii tendsto explainwhy. In the VAwe see Athanasius associating himself with Antony and broadly with the ascetic movement.He is at once the humbleservant,and in his propagationof the asceticidealin both Egyptand abroad,the virtualpatron of Antony's movement. Athanasiusdeliberately cultivatedan asceticidealthat was verymuch in line with the generalfeeling of the Egyptianchurch.Indeedthereis some evidenceto suggestthat for a bishopin Egyptto projectan image of commandingauthorityand gain the following neededto effectively carryout his pastoraloffice, he neededto convincethe faithfulthat he was influencedby asceticism.24 Athanasius'election to the see of Alexandriahad been disputedby the Meletiansand his position was constantlybeing challenged.The situation was further complicatedby the fact that some within the monasticmovementopposedthe episcopacyas an institution,or wereat least so indifferentto it as to pose a threatto episcopalauthority.Some and continuity forms of asceticalpracticehad no need for organisation and some monkssaw episcopaloffice as an occasionof sin to be avoided. We know from a letterwrittenby Athanasiusthat such attitudesinfuriated him since he believed the episcopacy was both obviously necessaryand divinelyordained.It stemmedfrom Christ'ssendingout of the apostles.25 In the early years of his episcopacyAthanasius made a point of the Pachomianfoundations,in order visitingmonasteries,particularly to ensure the loyalty and orthodoxy of the monks. The Patriarchof of the the importance Alexandriawas not the only personto appreciate monasticmovement.The Meletians,a schismaticgroup cultivatingan in the Copticareas asceticideal also, forgedlinks with the monasteries of the interior. The Meletianpapyrithat has survivedshows that the Meletiangroup that was in contact with the monks was largelyCoptic In the early years of Athanasius'episcopacythe Meletians speaking.26 have rivalledAthanasiusfor control of the monasteries,but even may Athanasiuswas pursuinga vigourouspolicy to stem their influence.If we believe the Meletians,Athanasius'followers did not stop short of
using force.27

If the Meletianscould have claimedAntony as one of theirown they theirstandingin the eyes of many.Now it is strikwouldhaveincreased in Antonyfrom ing thatAthanasius, Chapter68, sets out to disassociate

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the Meletians and that he takesgreatpainsto stressthatthe hermitknew of their wickedness"from the beginning".Athanasiusthen carefully explainsawayany contacteven with heretics,such as the Manichaeans, as being solely devotedto attemptsat conversion.Yet by sayingthis he admitsthat therewas contactof some sort. Why mentionit and try to account for it? I would suggestthat behindthis admissionthereis the possibilitythat Antony, while not realisingthe implicationsof their or even withschismatics teaching,may at one stagehavebeenassociated heretics.After all the Meletiansclaimedto be the churchof the martyrs and had a great deal of popularsupport.They also had an episcopal that posed a threatto the orthodoxhierarchy28 and a great organisation deal of backingby the Copts, so it is not improbable that they may have had some contactwith Antony. In the VAAthanasiussuggestsAntony played a prominentrole in resistanceto the persecutionunder Maximinusduringthe period305-311.Antony is portrayed as eagerto join in Alexandria the martyrs to the as they go to theircontest, he ministers confessorsin the minesand he encourages in court.Although Christians he was deniedthe crownof martyrdom himself,Antonyis depictedas a martyrin intentionand when the time of persecutionis over, Antony returnsto his cell there to live out a life of daily martyrdom.Such a figure, if accuratelydescribed,could easily have been claimed, even withoutgood reason,as a truememberof "the churchof the martyrs". The Arians, prior to 338, definitely claimed Antony's support. Athanasiusadmitsthis in Chapter69 and picturesAntonyas filled with angeragainstthe Arians for spreadingthis lie. At the requestof "the in Alexandria in 338 to bishopsand all the brethren"Antony appeared dispel these rumours. Dorries has shown that when Antony argues againstthe Arians, he mouthsan Athanasiantheology:the uneducated Coptic hermithas no problemdescribingthe "Logos" as eternal,uncreatedand unchangeable. Likewisein discussingthe implications arising out of rejectionof this formula,Antony developsthemes familiar from Athanasius'other works.29 It is not impossible,I would suggest, that Antony may have been unwittinglyassociatedwith the Arians in some way since it is likely that the complextheologicalissues involved would have gone rightover the head of an uneducated man unfamiliar with Greek. Mere association,even hospitality,may have been interpretedas supportby cunningArians. Even in the 350s Athanasius was concerned to quash these old rumoursof Antony's involvementwith the Arians, and takes up the

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issue in a work designed to circulate abroad. In the VA Antony's prohibitions on contact with the Arians and with schismatic groups are transformed into general axioms (Ch. 91). We know from Athanasius' other works that these axioms had a general relevance within Egypt in the 350s. Associations of monks with heretics appears to have been a continuing problem. With his letter Ad monachos, written c. 358 Athanasius enclosed a copy of the Historia Arianorum so that the monks might know how matters stand when those "given to disputation" make enquiry of them.30 In a second letter Ad monachos c. 359, we see the problem more clearly since Athanasius says he is writing because people who hold with Arius are going about the monasteries in order to be seen "visiting you" and "returning from us" to deceive people about their true position. The Archbishop also expresses great concern that some monks, who are not Arians, compromise themselves by worshipping with the Arian party, thus perhaps encouraging some of the faithful to treat the whole matter of orthodoxy and heterodoxy with complete indifference.3 Having long assumed an entrepreneurial role towards Antony within Egypt and abroad Athanasius was at pains to associate the hermit with the orthodox party. By the "Golden Decade" of his career (346-356), prior to his authorship of the Vita Antonii, Athanasius had built up his most important link with the monks. He attempted to break down the tension that existed between the monastic movement and the episcopal hierarchy by an astute policy of appointing monks, particularly outstanding ones such as Dracontius, bishop of Hermupolis Parva and Serapion, bishop of Thmuis in Lower Egypt, to sees under his Patriarchal jurisdiction. Serapion was consecrated prior to 339 while Dracontius, despite the arguments of fellow monks who tried to dissuade him, accepted consecration c. 354.32 Athanasius' network of monk-bishops extended as far south as the Upper Thebaid and he engineered a situation where the formal channels of religious power impinged upon the monastic groupings keeping them in touch with his authority through the bishops. This power base that Athanasius built up for himself appears to have served him well, despite the tensions revealed in Athanasius' letters to or about monks. On Thursday night, February 8, 356, when on Constantius' orders, the dux Syrianus surrounded the church of Theonas in Alexandria, it was the monks who were with Athanasius in the church who hurried him away to safety. For the next six years Athanasius was in hiding, exactly where it is not known, but it is generally thought in the

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monasticsettlements of the Nitriandesert.In a placeof hidinghe wrote

the Vita Antonii.

The Vita, when seen in the context of Athanasius'generalrelations with the monasticmovementin Egypt, revealsa classic case of what of charisma"-the waningof the pure Webertermedthe "routinization form of charismatic into an institudominationand its transformation tional form within a largerstructure.The originalmovementloses its pure drive and directionand becomesmergedto a certaindegreeinto traditional groupings. Routinization follows on the death of the founder.33Following Antony's death his charisma is harnessed to Athanasius'polemicalcause-the savingof the churchfor orthodoxy. In Chapter 81 the fameof Antonyis presented as suchthatit comesto the EmperorConstantineand his sons Constansand Constantiusand they write to Antony as to a father hoping to receive a reply. The episodewas writtenup by Athanasiusat a time when he was a fugitive huntedby the forces of the EmperorConstantius,but we must not expect him to invite a chargeof treasonby slanderingthe emperorin a workdesignedfor publiccirculation.He kept suchattacksfor his secret Historia Arianorum,yet in the VA he subtly undercutsthe imperial position. The charismatic is but little impressed by letters from Emperors.Insteadof being elated at such imperialattentionAntony is as reminding his monksthatthe emperor is only a manand that pictured it is God who has writtenthe law for man. It is only when the monks are Christians and may take offence if pleadwith him that the emperors he does not reply,that he writesa letterof exhortation and admonition. Counsellinga concern for justice and the poor, Antony praises the emperorsfor orthodoxbelief (in the case of Constantiusafter 356 not without Athanasius'irony) but warns them that Christ alone "is the true and everlasting the judgeking" and that they should "remember ment to come". The significanceof the letterepisodein the VA is throwninto relief when we compareit to the portrayalof the Arian bishop, Gregory,in Athanasius'secretHistoriaArianorumof 358. There we see that this evil man boastedthat he was the friendof governorsinsteadof bishops and monks. Spurning Antony'sletters,he was howeveroverjoyedwhen the emperor,a generalor a magistratewrote to him. This attitudeis of pride and a proof of the presentedby Athanasiusas characteristic Arian bishop's wickedness.34 As though begging his readersin overseas provincesto make the

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comparisonbetweenthe ideal conductexpectedby Antony of Christian emperors(Ch. 81) and the period after Antony's death, that is the periodof the presentArian troublesunderConstantius,Athanasius,in the very next chapter(Ch. 82), juxtaposesthe ideal with the hermit's vision of the terriblerealityto come. Carefullyhe leadsup to Antony's of the inner vision of the Ariantroublesby sketchingin the background mountain. Antony is cast as a new Daniel and Athanasiusproduces Serapionthe bishop as a reliablewitnessof Antony's visions since Antony "often" told the contentsof his visions to him. In one vision Antony sees the wrath that is about to fall on the churchwhich will be handed over to men who are like senselessbeasts. He sees the Lord's table surrounded by mules in a circlearoundit. The mules are kicking the table while a voice is heard saying-"My altar shall be made an abomination". The vision is of courseinterpreted by Athanasiuswho tells the reader of the Vita,that it refersto "the presentonset of the Arians"(Ch. 82). Only in these terms can all understandthat the kicking of the mules signifiedto Antony what the Arians"like brutebeastsare doing now". The vision is linked by Athanasiusto the Arians' plunderingof the churches,their seizureof vessels and their supposedalliancewith the pagans. The image of the mules is earlierfound in Athanasius'second Festal letter, writtenfor Easter330, whereit is used in descriptionof those who worship the createdinstead of the creatorand so act like That the muleskick the tableof the Lordand make senselessanimals.35 it an abominationparallelsone of the themes of Athanasius'Historia Arianorum written in 358, where persecutionof the orthodox, the chosen people of God, is describedin termsof the Book of Daniel. In the Historia the Arian officials are the "officers and satraps of of the table Babylon", and Athanasiusdetailstheirallegeddestruction and churchfurnishingsin the GreatChurchat Alexandria.36 Withinthe VitaAntonii however,Antony's propheticgifts allow him to be picturedlooking beyondwhat Athanasiusrefersto as the present his children(and Athanasius'readerArian troubles.Antony reassures ship) that the Arian ascendencyis merely episodic. The future, he restoredand the the persecuted prophesies,will see "impietyretreating, true faith speakingopenlywith all freedom"(Ch. 82). The punishment in the fate of be visitedupon the Ariansis prefigured that will eventually the Arian Balakioswho was DuxAegypti 340-345and who is described of the orthodox(Ch. 86). He refusesto as one of the worst persecutors

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listen to Antony's advice and Antony's prophecyof the wrathcoming (Ch. 86), upon Balakiosis validatedby the fittingend of the persecutor an episodethat Athanasiuswas to include,in a slightlyvariedform, in
his Historia Arianorum of 358.37

that surfacedfromtime to Antony has none of that asceticarrogance time amongthe earlymonksand hermits.Not surprisingly Athanasius, of orderedchurchgovernment,portraysAntony as the representative the law of the church.Greatthoughhe the humblemanwho reverenced was Antony was not ashamed to "bow his head" to bishops and presbyters.Even if Antony gave advice to a deacon, when it came to (Ch. 67). We can be reasonably prayer,he gave the deaconprecedence confident that if Athanasius, writing for an overseasaudience, portrayed Antony teaching his monks by example such respect for the clergy,this reflectsthe ideal Athanasiuspropagatedin Egypt as well. Antony the charismaticfound no true charismaticsuccessor.If we look in the text of the Vita for a successorto the hermitwe find that "Athanasius,the bishop" and "Serapion,the bishop" are in a sense in Antony'sfinal speechin Chapter91. Antony as successors portrayed of one his gives sheepskinsto Athanasiusand the other to Serapion, while the monks inherita hairclothfrom the hermit. It is a matterof that he gives his cloak to Athanasius.This cloak was greatimportance originallya gift from the archbishopand Antony is portrayedas saying-"give Athanasiusthe cloak that I usedto lie on, whichhe gave me new, but which has become worn out with me". This establishesthat Athanasius'patronageof the hermitgoes back some considerable time. AlbrechtDihle has placed this action of Athanasiusin the context of late antiquegarmentsymbolism that in denotingrankand has suggested the hagiography of Athanasiusand Jeromegarmentsymbolismis used to legitimizethe newly establishedspiritualand social institutionof monasticismin Church,state and community.38 This is most certainly truebut only represents one side of the coin. The garmentsof Antony, includingthe cloak given to him by Athanasius,throughtheirassociation with the hermit'scharisma of also providecharismatic legitimation Athanasius'own ecclesiastical position. Elijah, the archetypal hermit, it is generally acknowledged,lies behindAthanasius'portrayal of Antony. In Chapter 7 Antonysaysthat the life of the greatElijahis a mirrorin whichthe asceticsees his own and Athanasius'portrayalof Antony reflectsthis. Like ElijahAntony dwellsin the desertand is associatedwith a mountain.His victoryover

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the Greek philosophersand their Gods is like that of Elijah over the priestsof Baal (compareI Kings 18.20-40with VA 80). Like the great prophet Antony's predictionsare fulfilled (compare I Kings 21; 22; 37-40with VA86). The bestowalof a cloak (ua&ttov) by the prophetAntony at the time of his death recallsthe action of Elijahwho bestowed his cloak39on Elisha (2 Kings 2.13). In the prologue to the Vita Athanasiusportrayshimself as ministering to Antony in the same way thatElishaministered to Elijahby usingthe biblical"pouringof water" on Antony's hands to describehis service. Now in the first Book of Kings we read that the Lord spoke to Elijah and told him to anoint Elisha to be prophetin his place (I Kings 19.19). Elijah then cast his to him. Elishaaskedfor mantleon Elishawho subsequently ministered a doubleportionof the spiritthat was upon his masterand whenElijah was seen being bodily assumedinto heaven, his mantle, symbolisinga confermentof powers, was left behind to be taken up in turn by his
successor Elisha (2 Kings 2.9-15).

is a symbol of a confermentof power and succesAntony's txantov sion. The monksinheritAntony's "hairygarment",a piece of clothing possiblyassociatedwith the garmentwornby Elijahin 2 Kings 1.8, but this "hairygarment"does not have the qualitiesattributedin Chapter
92 to Antony's sheepskins and [Ilaxtov. The Cla&tov may originally have

come as gift from Athanasius,but throughassociationwith Antony it, like the sheepskins,has becomeimpregnated with his charisma: xal Trv
Txv J.Xr'oz ov Xao36vTrov 8E xxaOros; TOG xoaiTx TETpLpit.evov 'AvTovLou, F(Laxaopou

KalC iLtTIov, &; Tli e'rYOt s7ap'oautoG XPfa1 yaUXrceL. yap xalc PX7Cov aucra,ax xao 7sEpLtpa3XX6lovos; aroca&, 'AvTJvtL6v Eat OBecopCov vou9Oeaoia coS O&C; auTxo
le.r&a X(apas(Ch. 92). paa&ra.ov aT'T

This passagemakes it clear that the sheepskinsand cloak signify a spirituallegacyand therecan be no doubtthat Athanasiusintendedthis Elijah-Elisha parallelto indicatea form of spiritualsuccessionsince he to illustrate the importance of episcopal used the samefigureselsewhere successionand the natureof the spiritualbenefit that came in that instance from taking such an office.40 When we read the story of the confermentof the sheepskinsand mantlewe shouldremember that this accountof Antony'slast Will and Testament was drawn up by the chief beneficiary-Athanasius. Antony'sgarmentsare all that remainto symbolisehis legacysinceAntony, in a sense like Elijah, leaves no body behind. Athanasiusdepicts Antony as inveighingagainstthe practiceof the Egyptianswho sought

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to honour devout men and martyrs by keeping their mummified bodies4'abovegroundon couchesin houseswherethey werevenerated, it wouldseemby women(Ch. 90). Antony'sbody, like that particularly of the patriarchs, is buriedin the ground,accordingto the instructions that he left. Like Mosesbeforehim (Deut 34.6) no-one knowswherehe is laid to rest save those who actuallyburiedhim (Ch. 92). The body could not then become the object of a cult and it was impossiblefor anyoneto claim successionto Antony on the basis of possessionof the saint's body or patronageof a cult shrine.42 Antony had truly passed from sight and Athanasius,who had earlieractedas patronto the hermit, was left to claim the spiritualsuccession. Now the VitaAntonii was writtenfor foreignmonksand whileit may reflectEgyptianconcerns,the work was after all writtenfor accurately an audienceabroad. We must also attemptto interpretthe impact of audiencefor whom it Antony's death scene in terms of the particular was written.Athanasiuswas known in monasticcirclesin the west not only for his championingof the orthodox cause, but also for the enrole that he had adopted toward Egyptianmonasticism trepreneurial visit of Anduringhis visit to Romein 339, the yearafterthe celebrated fame had and the 350s others tony to Alexandria.43 Antony's by spread carriedstoriesof the hermitabroadas well (VA Preface).Throughthe VitaAthanasiussoughtto reassert his specialrelationship as patronand successorto the charismatic figure. The hermit who displayed unique powers had the unmistakable favour of God, and Athanasius, the now deposed bishop in hiding, sought to legitimisehis position and that of his right-handman, the monk-bishopSerapion,by referenceto his associationwith the holy man. It is no accidentthat Serapionis portrayedas the witness and confidantof Antony's visions and as a subordinate sharerin Antony's for he would have known in been the spirituallegacy west, the likely destinationof the VitaAntonii. We know that Serapionwas one of five bishops sent in 353 to the EmperorConstantius,then in the west, in order to conciliate him and counter the charges levelled against Athanasiusby the Arians.44 of Antony's recognitionand endorsement the orthodox party, and of Serapion and Athanasius, carried Athanasius' campaign of self-justificationone step further. During those turbulentyears, 356-362, duringwhich he fought to regain his arch-episcopalsee, Athanasius certainlywould have worn Antony's cloak "with joy", since both in Egypt and abroad, whereverthe Vita

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Antonii was read, it made good the author's earlierclaim to be "the good, the pious, one of the ascetics, a genuinebishop".45
NOTES ' Most notably: L. Bouyer, La Vie des.Antoine (Abbaye de s.Wandrille 1950); D. Chitty, The Desert a City (Oxford 1966); H. Dorries, Die Vita Antonii als Geschichtsquelle (Nachrichten der Akad. der Wissenschaften Gottingen, Philosoph.-hist.Kl., 3. Folge, Abh. 14, 1949); K. Heussi, Der Ursprung des Monchtums (Tiibingen 1936); J. La Carriere, The God-Possessed trans. R. Monkcom (London 1963); P. Resche, La doctrine ascetique des premiers maitres egyptiens au IVe siecle (Paris 1931). 2 There is a large literature: G. J. M. Bartelink, Die literarische Gattung der Vita Antonii. Struktur und Motive, Vigiliae Christianae 36 (1982) 38-62; Sam. Cavallin, Literarhistorische und textkritische Studien zur Vita S.Caesarii Arelatensis. Lunds Universitets Arsskrift. N.S. Avd. 1,30,7 (Lund 1934); K. Holl, Die schriftstellerische Form des griechischen Heiligenlebens, Neue Jahrb.des klassischen Altertums 29 (1912) 406-427; J. List, Das Antoniusleben des hi. Athanasius des Grossen. Eine literarhistorische Studie zu den Anfangen der byzantinischen Hagiographie. Text und Forschungen zur byzantinisch-neugriechischen Philologie 11 (Athens 1930); H. Mertel, Die biographische Form der griechischen Heiligenlegenden (Diss. Munich 1909); A. Priessnig, Die biographischen Formen der griechischen Heiligenlegenden in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung (Diss. Munich; Mummerstadt 1924); Die biographische Form der Plotinvita des Porphyrios und das Antoniosleben des Athanasius, Byzantinische Zeitschrift 64 (1971) 1-5; R. Reitzenstein, Des Athanasius Werk uber das Leben des Antonius. Ein philologischer Beitrag zur Geschichte des Monchtums. Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akad. der Wissenschaften, Philosoph.-hist. Kl., Abh. 8 (Heidelberg 1914). 3 B. R. Brennan, Dating Athanasius' Vita Antonii, Vigiliae Christianae 30 (1976) 52-54. 4 H. Fhr. von Campenhausen, Ecclesiastical Authority and Spiritual Power in the Church of the First Three Centuries trans. J. A. Baker (London 1969) 1-2 and 293 ff. for the fourth century. Das Bild des >?gttlichen 5On the holyman in late antiquity see L. Bieler, ?Ctoo 'AvTp Menscheno in Spdtantike und Fruhchristentum 1-2 (Vienna 1935; Darmstadt 2, 1967); P. Brown, The rise and function of the holy man in Late Antiquity, Journal of Roman Studies 61 (1971) 80-101. 6 M. Weber, Economy and Society. An Outline of Interpretative Sociology ed. G. Roth and C. Wittich, trans. E. Fischoff et al. 3 (New York 1968) 1143. 7 In the acta literature note for example: The Martyrdom of Dasius. 9.2 (Musurillo p. 276); The Martyrs of Lyons 36-42 (Musurillo pp. 72-74); The Passion of Sts. Perpetua and Felicity 10 (Musurillo pp. 116-118). On the &ycyvmotif in Greek and Hellenistic philosophy prior to Paul see V. C. Pfitzner, Paul and the Agon Motif. Traditional Athletic Imagery in the Pauline Literature. Supplements to Novum Testamentum 16 (Leiden 1967) 23-37. 8 On the whole question of the monk being cast as the successor see E. E. Malone, The Monk and the Martyr. Catholic University of America Studies in Christian Antiquity 12 (Washington 1950); H. Delehaye, Sanctus. Essai sur le culte des saints dans l'antiquite. Subsidia hagiographica 17 (Brussels 1927) 109-21; Resche, La doctrine ascetique 253.

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9 Reitzenstein, op. cit., 12. 10 Some examples only: Clement, Paed. 3,3; Eusebius, Vita Const. 3,10; Ammianus, Res Gestae 15,8,16. See E. C. Evans, Physiognomics in the Ancient World. Transactions of the American Philosophical Society N.S. 59 (1969) 74 ff. " Reitzenstein, op. cit., 12. See also Strabo, Geog. 17,1,38, for a Crocodile tame to pagan priests. 12 Jerome, Vita Pauli praef. claims that his hero was the first hermit. H. Delehaye, La personnalit6 historique de Saint Paul de Thebes, Analecta Bollandiana 44 (1926) 64-69 believed he had found another reference to Jerome's Paul, but it was a matter of confusion with another Paul. See F. Cavallera, Paul de Thebes et Paul d'Oxyrhynque, Revue d'Ascetique et de Mystique 7 (1926) 302-305. 13 Palladius, Hist. Laus. 7. 14 E. A. Judge, The earliest use of 'monachos' for 'monk' and the origins of monasticism, Jahrb. f. Ant. und Christentum 20 (1977) 72-89. 5 Cf. Pallad. Hist. Laus. 21.15. 16 W. H. C. Frend, The winning of the countryside, Journal of Ecclesiastical History 18 (1967) 5-6. 17 W. H. C. Frend, Religious and social change in the Later Roman Empire, Cambridge Journal 2 (1949) 494. 18 W. H. C. Frend, Religious and social change, 494. 19 M. Weber, op. cit. 1113.
20 21 22 23

Pallad.Hist. Laus. 32,9. Pallad.Hist. Laus. 32,8. M. Weber,op. cit. 1113.

Cod. Theod. 12,1,63. This mandate of Valentinian I and Valens speaks of those ignaviae sectatores in Egypt who desertis civitatum muneribus captant solitudines ac secreta et specie religionis cum coetibus monazonton congregantur. 24 Note the reported acclamation of Athanasius as "one of the ascetics" Athan. Apol. contra Arian. 6 and the spirited assertion by Athanasius of the ascetical rigours of some bishops and the laxity of some monks-Ep. 49 Ad Dracontium 9. The Coptic Encomium of Demetrius, Archbishop of Alexandria 289-295, written by Flavianus reveals opposition to married clergy and the need felt by Demetrius to prove his sexual continence. Text in W. A. Wallace Budge, ed. and trans. Coptic Martyrdoms etc. in the Dialect of Upper Egypt (London 1914) 390-408. 25 Athan. Ep. 49, Ad Dracontium. 26 H. I. Bell and W. E. Crum, Jews and Christians in Egypt (London 1924) 44. 27 P. Lond. 1914. Iff., 41ff. in H. I. Bell and W. E. Crum, op. cit., 53-71. 28 See W. Telfer, Meletius of Lycopolis and Episcopal succession in Egypt, Harvard Theological Review 48 (1955) 227-237; A. Martin, Athanase et les Meletiens 325-335, in Politique et Theologie chez Athanase d'Alexandrie ed. Ch. Kannengiesser (Paris 1974) 31-61. 29 Dorries, op. cit., 390. See also 385 ff. Athan. Ep. 52, Ad Monachos I, 2 Cf. Ep. 54 Ad Serapionem de Morte Arii 5. 30 31 Athan. Ep. 53, Ad Monachos II. 32 Athan. Ep. 49, Ad Dracontium. Cf. Pallad. Hist. Laus. 16,4. 33 Weber, op. cit., 1121-1123. 34 Athan. Hist. Arian. 14.

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Athan. Festal Letter 11.2 based on Psalm 32,9. Athan. Hist. Arian. 45; 58. 7 Athan. Hist. Arian. 14. In this account of the episode Antony's letter is written not to Balakios, but to the Arian bishop Gregory who boasts "rather to be a friend of governors, than of bishops and monks". Gregory is portrayed as causing Balakios to spit on Antony's letter and throw it away. 38 A. Dihle, Das Gewand des Einsiedlers Antonius, Jahrb. f. Ant. und Christentum 22 (1979) 22-29. 39 to signify the mantle of Elijah. However the LXX uses xrktri Athanasius uses &tairov for the mantle. See Dihle, op. cit., 23 for discussion. 40 Athan. Ep. 49, Ad Dracontium, 7-8. 41 Mummification of the dead was a custom that was only given up by Egyptian Christians gradually and with great reluctance. See P. D. Scott-Moncrieff, Paganism and Christianity in Egypt (Cambridge 1913) 102-132; H. LeClercq, Momie, DACL 11 B (1934) 1744-1752. 42 Note how Jerome, anxious to establish the legitimacy of the hermit Hilarion of Gaza, Antony's regional equivalent in Palestine (V. Hil. 14), depicts Hilarion as corresponding with Antony (V. Hil. 24). Following Antony's death Hilarion is pictured as visiting Antony's mountain where, we are told, he may have been shown the secret tomb of the saint (V. Hil. 31). 43 Jerome, Ep. 127, Ad Principiam Virginem de Vita Sanctae Marcellae, 5. 44 The Historia Acephala 3,3 and Festal Index 25 agree on the date 353 while Sozomen, Hist. eccl. 4,9 places the visit in 355. The first two sources are to be preferred. 45 Athan. Apol. contra Arianos, 6. The reported acclamations of those who supported Athanasius and his claim to the see of Alexandria. The Apology was written c. 351.
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